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Minister, Chinese delegation discuss projects under CPEC Phase-2
Minister, Chinese delegation discuss projects under CPEC Phase-2

Business Recorder

time14 hours ago

  • Business
  • Business Recorder

Minister, Chinese delegation discuss projects under CPEC Phase-2

ISLAMABAD: A senior Chinese delegation, Thursday, discussed development projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) Phase-2 with Planning Ministry for preparation of the upcoming 14th Joint Coordination Committee (JCC) meeting in next month (July). Federal Minister for Planning, Development and Special Initiatives Ahsan Iqbal hosted a senior Chinese delegation in Islamabad for a luncheon meeting aimed at boosting cooperation under the second phase of the CPEC. The Chinese delegation was led by Hu Zhaoming, spokesperson of the International Department of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC) and Director General of its Information and Communication Bureau. He was accompanied by senior officials including Hu Xiaodong, Fan Shilian, and Li Zishuo. Diplomats from the Chinese Embassy in Islamabad, including Deputy Chief of Mission Shi Yuanqiang and Attaché Zhang Duo, were also in attendance. During the meeting, Minister Iqbal highlighted the significance of the upcoming JCC meeting and said that it would be a key milestone in CPEC's journey, with preparatory working group sessions already underway to ensure smooth proceedings. He emphasised the need to nurture critical thinking and innovation among Pakistan's youth, drawing parallels with China's success in aligning public confidence with national development goals. He appreciated China's continued support and underlined the importance of people-to-people and media exchanges in deepening bilateral relations. The discussions also featured innovative ideas to bridge cultural and information gaps between the two nations. These included proposals for exchange programmes between journalists and digital content creators, as well as sharing English-dubbed Chinese content on popular OTT platforms to help Pakistani youth better understand Chinese society and CPEC developments. Minister for Information and Broadcasting Ataullah Tarar, who also attended the meeting, suggested initiating a digital exchange programme specifically for journalists and influencers with strong social media presence from both countries. The goal, he said, is to promote mutual understanding and dispel misconceptions about CPEC through authentic storytelling. Amenah Kamal, Member Development Communica-tion from the Planning Commission, supported the idea and proposed that dubbed content in English and Urdu should be made widely accessible through digital streaming platforms to engage young audiences more effectively. Other senior attendees included Javed Sikandar, Chief Governance at the Planning Commission, Dr Nadeem Javaid, Vice Chancellor of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE), and Dr Muzamil Zia, CPEC's Regional Connectivity and Infrastructure Specialist. The meeting concluded with a shared commitment to strengthen Pakistan-China cooperation through dialogue, creativity, and inclusive public engagement. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

One Nation, One Development model won't work for Lakshadweep, Sunderbans, says Jairam Ramesh
One Nation, One Development model won't work for Lakshadweep, Sunderbans, says Jairam Ramesh

The Print

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • The Print

One Nation, One Development model won't work for Lakshadweep, Sunderbans, says Jairam Ramesh

All this, of course, is now history. What used to create much acrimony now has become part of conventional wisdom. Part of this is due to the sheer efflux of time that permits challenges to entrenched orthodoxies to get wider acceptance. Part of it is the nature of parliamentary politics which is based on the principle of 'where you stand depends on where you sit'. But there are other deeper forces at work that have resulted in this mindset change. The reasons for this change are many. When the then Planning Commission set up, for the very first time, an expert group on 'Low Carbon Strategies for Inclusive Growth' in January 2010 under the chairmanship of Dr. Kirit Parikh, there was further outcry. The group even found it difficult to get going and it was only in May 2011 that it could submit its first report with the final report delayed till April 2014. There was great hesitancy in embracing the idea of 'low carbon' on the grounds that it would jeopardise India's position in global climate change negotiations. In December 2010 when India announced its intention to join on-going negotiations on amendments to the Montreal Protocol all hell broke loose, but six years later at Kigali, Rwanda, India signed on to the amendments that made clear a trajectory for the phase down of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) that some years before had been seen as a solution to the problem of depletion of the ozone layer. Just a decade and a half back the very term 'low carbon' was taboo in our policy discourse. It was widely seen as part of some deliberate ploy by the advanced nations to slow the development of India. When India unilaterally took on a commitment under the December 2009 Copenhagen Accord to reduce emissions intensity by 20–25 per cent from 2005 levels by 2020, there was huge criticism both in Parliament and the media. Our vulnerabilities to global warming have become even more stark. The frequency of extreme events has markedly increased. Glacial retreat is having clear consequences as is increase in mean sea levels. While what is called the long-period average of its quantum does not seem to have changed appreciably, the unpredictability of the monsoon in terms of its daily behaviour is now well established. All this has increased public awareness and consciousness. Also read: India must account for human costs of energy transition, prioritise social justice In addition, solar energy per kwh prices have fallen dramatically (thanks mainly to China and Germany that triggered this steep decline initially) making large-scale additions that had once been desirable become economically feasible as well. A third factor is the growing understanding of the public health impacts of air pollution caused in large measure by growing consumption of fossil fuels and by loss of biodiversity. This has forced yesterday's champions of the 'grow now pay later' model to recognise the centrality of ecological sustainability in economic growth. It has also helped that after years of painstaking and acrimonious negotiations that lasted well over a decade the global community was able to arrive at the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in December 2015, the building blocks of which were laid especially at Copenhagen in December 2009 and Cancun in December 2010. The extremely thoughtful contributions in this volume look ahead and address the question of the energy transition in its technological, economic and social dimensions. The authors come from a variety of backgrounds and include policy makers, academics, research scholars and informed 'green' campaigners. It is this diversity that enriches the anthology. That a transition is inevitable and most necessary is no longer in dispute. But it will have costs that will have to be borne and will have impacts that will need to be managed. How this is to be accomplished keeping in mind objectives of both efficiency and equity is the real question. And it is not a case of a sequential efficiency first and equity subsequently. Both have to go hand-in-hand at all times. A number of authors deal with issues related with the system of environmental governance we have. Over the decades, India has put in place a number of laws and regulations and established many institutions in this area. But the demographic challenges we face and the developmental imperatives we must fulfill put pressure on this system. Over the years these laws have come to be seen by influential sections of society as a regulatory burden that has been imposed and that only stymies faster economic growth, accelerated investment and job creation. Under the best of circumstances, enforcement of these laws has been weak. Now their very rationale is being questioned in the name of 'ease of doing business'. This is most unfortunate. Being a world leader in the addition of solar energy capacity (even with low value-added in indigenous manufacturing) is one thing. But what good is that if forest and biodiversity conservation laws are diluted, emission norms for thermal power plants are eased, and forest rights legislation is subverted at the cost of both individual and community entitlements? What good is that if we routinely take recourse to what is called 'compensatory afforestation' but which can never be a substitute for the loss of rich natural forests? Compensatory afforestation only helps assuage the conscience. The energy transition necessarily means a shift away from coal for the generation of electricity. Phase out is unrealistic in the foreseeable future but phase down is eminently doable. But even this will have consequences that go well beyond energy policy. Poorer states in the eastern part of India are heavily dependent on coal for their annual revenues. Millions of people depend on it for their daily livelihoods. Providing alternative sources of revenue and livelihoods is a national responsibility and this is where the idea of 'transition justice' becomes very important. The phase down can be facilitated if other base load alternatives to coal can get built up at the scale required. Nuclear is one such alternative that is now witnessing a resurgence in many countries. India too has just announced a grandiose plan for 2040 but it is most unlikely to fructify. We are decades away from utilising our abundantly available reserves of fertile thorium as originally envisaged. Large storage dams are also on the anvil and some of them may well be needed on larger strategic grounds. But it bears recall that both nuclear and hydel energy too pose formidable environmental challenges that simply cannot be wished away. Moreover, the transition should not be viewed simply from the perspective of substituting one energy source by another. It is more fundamentally an opportunity to reconfigure electricity grids and redesign transportation networks, to give two examples. A large number of our ecosystems—other than forests that cover some 22 per cent of the country's geographical area—are under serious threat. Wetlands, so very essential for maintaining ecological balance, are one example—they are presently estimated to cover around 5 per cent of the country's geographical area. The volume deals with some others, like Lakshadweep and the Himalayan region. Sunderbans is already very seriously affected and the plans being bulldozed through endanger Greater Nicobar. It can be nobody's case that such regions should be left as wildernesses— in the Indian context, that is very unrealistic. But they need a wholly different approach to what we understand development to be. One Nation, One Model of development will just not work. We should also bear in mind that ecosystems respect no geographical boundaries and hence cooperation with our neighbouring countries is essential. Today's political scenario may make this seem impossible but sooner or later we have to find avenues for joint endeavour. In fact, such avenues could in themselves be ways of improving the political climate in the subcontinent. Finally, this volume is focused on energy transition in the context of climate change. But global warming is only one of the planetary boundaries that have to be reckoned with. Fifteen years ago, the Stockholm Resilience Centre had identified nine such boundaries—climate change, stratospheric ozone depletion, atmospheric aerosol loading, ocean acidification, disruption of natural nutrient cycles of key elements like nitrogen and phosphorus, alteration in freshwater cycles, land system changes, biosphere integrity and introduction of novel entities. Six of the boundaries have already been transgressed, the three exceptions being ozone depletion, aerosol loading and ocean acidification (which is, however, close to crossing the safe boundary). India will need to build up its research capacity in these areas. The Indian Network for Climate Change Assessment (INCCA) set up in 2009 and thereafter made moribund needs to be revived and given an expanded mandate to cover all planetary boundaries, even if the USA has no interest whatsoever in them now—or at least for the next four years. Preface by Jairam Ramesh, in Energy Transition and Climate Justice: A Path Less Travelled, IIC Quarterly (vol. 51, nos. 3&4, Winter 2024-Spring 2025)

New apartment building in downtown Brighton draws mixed responses
New apartment building in downtown Brighton draws mixed responses

CBS News

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • CBS News

New apartment building in downtown Brighton draws mixed responses

A new apartment building in Brighton, Michigan, was granted a preliminary site approval by the city's Planning Commission Monday night. If approved, the new building would bring significant change to Brighton's downtown area. "We had this vacant parking lot," said Megan Allor Farkas, a broker with DA Building. "There was more that we could do with it than just leave it a parking lot." The five-story building, Allor on North, would include 144 apartment units on the corner of Hyne and West North streets. "In December of last year, we entered into a pre-development agreement that just allows us and the city to work together to see what we can do to benefit us, to benefit them, and where everyone could win in this development," she said. The building project was met with a mix of responses from community members. Facebook posts about the project include well over 200 comments. Residents who didn't want to go on camera said they're concerned about traffic congestion, the size of the building and availability of parking. "I understand their concerns, but we're not going to build something unless we have a market study done, a traffic study done on it, because if it doesn't make sense-- people aren't going to want to live there either," said Farkas. City officials and the Planning Commission were unavailable for an interview on Tuesday.

‘Project Dolphin must be backed by real research'
‘Project Dolphin must be backed by real research'

Time of India

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

‘Project Dolphin must be backed by real research'

1 2 3 National Dolphin Research Centre (NDRC) was set up in Patna to boost research on the Ganges dolphin. But it remains non-functional. In this exclusive interview with TOI's B K Mishra, Padma Shri awardee and environmentalist Ravindra Kumar Sinha calls for urgent govt support. Excerpts: Were ancient Indians aware of the Ganges dolphin's significance? Did they take any steps for its protection? People in ancient India recognised the importance of the Ganges dolphin and took steps for its conservation. Ashoka the Great, ruler of the Magadh Empire, issued the world's first known wildlife conservation order, which included the Ganges dolphin, then called Ganga puputaka. This edict, recorded in the Fifth Pillar Edicts, prohibited the killing of listed animals. The Ganges dolphin is also referenced in the story of Ganga avataran. What does modern science say about these dolphins? Scientific research suggests the Ganges dolphin is the most ancient dolphin species in the world. It lost its eyesight due to the absence of a lens, and its retinas are vestigial. Anatomical features like the presence of a caecum at the junction of the small and large intestines – absent in other dolphins, whales or porpoises – further set it apart. The position of the testes also supports its status as the most ancient surviving dolphin. What is the status of "Project Dolphin"? Ten years after the Ganges dolphin was declared India's national aquatic animal by the ministry of environment and forests, PM Narendra Modi launched "Project Dolphin" on Independence Day in 2020 for the conservation of both Ganges and marine dolphins. Notably, the proposal I submitted to the Planning Commission in 2012 included conservation of both riverine and marine dolphins as part of the NDRC's scientific work. The NDRC was set up at your initiative. What kind of research was it meant to conduct and why is it still not operational? The NDRC at Law College Ghat was funded by the then Planning Commission in 2013 following my proposal. Patna University provided land after a five-year delay, thanks to the CM's intervention. However, no regular director has been appointed and no budget has been allocated. This is the only such centre in India, and possibly in the world, that deserves a renowned river dolphin conservationist with global experience at its helm. The state govt must provide budgetary support to enable scientists to begin research, publish quality papers and attract international attention and funding. Without external funding, quality research and international publications are not possible. How can today's youth contribute to Ganges dolphin conservation? With proper lab equipment and fieldwork facilities at the NDRC, the younger generation will be drawn to scientific research and conservation efforts for the Ganges dolphin. Young people can also play a key role in raising awareness about the importance of dolphins and the urgent need for their protection. Follow more information on Air India plane crash in Ahmedabad here . Get real-time live updates on rescue operations and check full list of passengers onboard AI 171 .

Commission recommends Kern supes OK oil review, permitting plan
Commission recommends Kern supes OK oil review, permitting plan

Yahoo

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Commission recommends Kern supes OK oil review, permitting plan

A high-stakes effort to resume local oil permitting advanced this week as Kern's Planning Commission voted Thursday night to recommend approval of the county's third attempt at a massive environmental review. The board voted 4-0 with Commissioner Joe Ashley, a local oil executive, absent. Next the controversial measure will head to the county Board of Supervisors, which is scheduled to consider certifying the review and adopting a related ordinance during a special meeting June 26. Because the board is seen as likely to approve the proposal over the objections of climate and environmental justice activists, the bigger challenge for the county may be getting the approval of state appellate court judges. They have ruled, as recently as two years ago, that the county's efforts violate the California Environmental Quality Act. Kern's latest attempt includes new concessions that would raise the costs oil companies face when applying for permission to drill in the county. If the legal bid falls short, permitting will remain in the hands of Sacramento, where producers complain that the process is slow and hobbled by politics. People attending Thursday's commission meeting spoke up in opposition and support for revisions that would allow the county to permit up to 26,970 new wells by 2035. The county estimates that, based on past experience and depending on barrel prices, it will give out no more than about 19,000 drilling permits during that time, and that many of those will merely replace other wells set to be idled. Relatively few people criticized the county effort on Thursday; if history is a guide, a much greater number of opponents will weigh in when the Board of Supervisors takes up the issue. Many groups see the permitting process as overly broad "fast-tracking" at a time when oil production should be curtailed for climate and health reasons. Policy Director Ema De La Rosa at the Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability urged the commission Thursday night to reject the proposal. She said oil and gas has historically impacted poor people and communities of color she said suffer disproportionately from illnesses including asthma, cancer and high-risk pregnancies. "Residents in Kern County already endure the worst air quality in the nation … and expanding these operations will only worsen the public health crisis and further burden already impacted communities," she said. Later she added, "Doubling down on fossil fuel reliance is a step in the wrong direction as the state is working toward a clean energy future." Director Lori Pesante of Sierra Club's Kern-Kaweah Chapter said in a statement ahead of Thursday's meeting it's time for the county to move past oil production. 'Kern's Planning Commission should prioritize clean air, new job opportunities in the renewable energy sector, and protecting the public from dangerous leaks and spills," she stated, "not double down on a failed approach that would give the oil industry a free pass to pollute our neighborhoods.' The architect of the county's effort, Director Lorelei Oviatt of Kern's Planning and Natural Resources Department, made the point oil production is still legal in the state, and that permitting done in Sacramento does not incorporate the 89 mitigation measures and standards Kern's system would impose for the protection of local air, water and biological and cultural resources. Oviatt said by email Friday the benefits of oil and gas production in Kern extend beyond the county, including to Southern California refineries that rely on local petroleum. "Returning Kern County to full environmentally protective permitting is critical for providing gasoline to consumers at prices we can all afford, stabilizing our local business community and providing investor confidence," she wrote. Since before it was initially adopted in 2015, the measure has been a top concern for local oil producers, which more recently are also dealing with a new state law forbidding oil work within 3,200 feet of a home, school or other sensitive site. Kern's proposed ordinance does not attempt to change that regulation. CEO Rock Zierman of the California Independent Petroleum Association trade group expressed support for the county's actions in an email Friday. "If we want any hope of saving the local oil industry and reducing gas prices, Kern must be empowered to take over permitting from the state, which is refusing to process permits in a timely manner' he stated. One of the county's newly proposed mitigation measures, included to address the appellate court's concerns, would prohibit new wells on farmland until old oil-field equipment is removed. Oil producers would also have to secure an ag easement within the county measuring the same size as any lost farmland. Additionally, oil companies applying for permits would have to pay into a fund that would match state investments in water systems serving local disadvantaged communities. Fees for each new oil well would amount to $9,732. It is projected to raise between $17.3 million and $25.9 million per year.

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