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IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Government's dialogue plan, costing R700 million, is facing public backlash
The exclusion of the Mbeki, Mandela, and Kathrada foundations from the National Dialogue has sparked backlash, with analysts suggesting it's because they've been openly critical of Cyril Ramaphosa's leadership. The South African government's plan to spend R700 million on a national dialogue, labelled 'Codesa 2.0,' has sparked intense public criticism and deepened concerns over the country's leadership priorities. Announced as a nation-building platform to address South Africa's social and political divisions, the initiative promises community dialogues, a national convention, and a 30-year action plan. Yet for many South Africans facing poverty, unemployment, and a failing public service system, the plan feels disconnected from everyday realities. 'Dialogue is important, yes, but R700 million for what?' asked political analyst Sibongile Mafu. 'To talk while people are unemployed, hungry, and living without basic services?' The programme includes a National Convention in August 2025 involving over 1 000 delegates, followed by six to nine months of public engagements. An Eminent Persons Group will also be appointed to serve as ambassadors, and the process aims to produce a long-term plan focused on jobs, inequality, education, health care, and land reform. However, critics argue that the plan is light on measurable outcomes and heavy on cost. Civil society leaders and analysts warn that the initiative risks becoming another bloated government project that benefits consultants and politically connected insiders, without delivering meaningful change. 'This is another elite circle pretending to solve problems while enriching themselves,' said Vuyo Dlamini of the Civic Accountability Forum. 'We have seen this before — commissions with big budgets, catchy slogans, but no real accountability or results.' The plan has also drawn comparisons to the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into state capture, which cost over R1 billion. While it exposed widespread corruption, few prosecutions have followed, leading many to doubt whether high-cost state-led initiatives can achieve real reform. A key concern raised by the public is the apparent silence around unresolved political scandals, especially the Phala Phala affair involving President Cyril Ramaphosa. Social media users have warned that unless the dialogue directly addresses such issues, it will be seen as lacking credibility. 'If this dialogue avoids Phala Phala, it fails before it starts,' one post read. 'It will be another expensive distraction from real accountability.' Economist Lindiwe Radebe echoed these concerns: 'We do not need another national conversation, we need delivery. People are desperate, not for more speeches, but for working water systems, electricity, and jobs.' Amid growing anger, hashtags like #TalkShopForFriends and #R700MillionForWhat have gained traction online, reflecting frustration with a political establishment that many see as out of touch. As the project prepares to launch, trust in the process remains fragile. Far from uniting the nation, the dialogue may be highlighting just how wide the gap between citizens and their government has become.
IOL News
08-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The EFF's Political Strategy: Is it Time for a Change?
EFF leader Julius Malema engaging President Cyril Ramaphosa in a recent parliamentary debate. Is it advisable for the EFF to be fixated on micro issues or has the time come for the party to redirect its focus on macro politics?, asks the writer. Image: Phando Jikelo/Parliament of SA Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu ON 26 July 2013, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) was established as a new political party. It promised to reshape South African politics by breathing life into parliament. This was not a voluntary decision. The party was formed following the expulsion of Julius Malema by the ANC and the subsequent exodus of other then and former ANC Youth League members who sympathized with Malema. Some of the youth who did not belong to any political party at the time saw the EFF as their political home thus giving hope about the future of this party. After the 2014 general election, the EFF emerged as one of the high performers with 25 seats in the National Assembly. It came third following the ANC and the DA which obtained 249 and 89 seats respectively. This enviable upward trajectory continued in the subsequent election in 2019 where the EFF obtained 44 seats. There was optimism that the party would continue to grow until the newly formed MKP emerged on 16 December 2023 and participated in the 2024 general election. The MKP caused an upset to the EFF which was moved to position four and to the ANC which was reduced to 159 seats or 40.18%. But one of the characteristic features of the EFF which gave it popularity was how it changed parliament through its radical stance. Soon after the EFF joined parliament, many South Africans got interested in following parliamentary proceedings. The EFF was also clear that it was going to ensure that politicians did not go to parliament to sleep. It kept its promise. Something unprecedented was when it confronted a sitting president directly and even flouted parliamentary rules. This is what happened with former President Jacob Zuma with its popular slogan 'pay back the money!' President Cyril Ramaphosa had a taste of the EFF's radical stance. Firstly, it blamed him for the Marikana massacre. Later, it took him head-on following the Phala Phala saga. Recently, the EFF was one of the political parties that successfully challenged the 2% VAT hike proposed by Minister of Finance Enoch Godongwana. Following the tabling of Budget 3.0 on 21 May 2025, the EFF approached the High Court challenging the increase of the petrol levy. Although the court dismissed the application, the EFF made its views public. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ While all these actions by the EFF should be understood in context, and while it is true that they have acted in this manner on behalf of the public, critical questions must be asked now, especially following the EFF's declined performance in the 2024 general election. Firstly, should the EFF change its tactics to rebrand itself? In life, there is no strategy that is good and effective for all times and situations. As times change, so should the strategies. With so many political parties emerging and the electorate having more options on election day, some political party strategies could easily be deemed obsolete. Secondly, is it advisable for the EFF to be fixated on micro issues or has the time come for the party to redirect its focus on macro politics? It is true that some micro issues still matter. But given what is happening in the geopolitics it would serve the EFF well to look at how it can contribute to the country's broad agenda of responding to these global issues. Thirdly, following the outcome of the 2024 general election, and given the mishaps in the current coalition government, is it still advisable for the EFF to take a firm stance that it will never work with the MKP with which it shares opposition benches? The DA swallowed its pride and is working with the ANC, which it had been publicly accusing of corruption, inefficiency, theft, and related matters. What would prevent the EFF from working with the MKP which is a new political party? Fourthly, as the EFF continues to lose some of its influential leaders such as Floyd Shivambu, Mzwanele Manyi, Dr Mbuyiseni Ndlozi, Adv. Dali Mpofu, and Adv. Busisiwe Mhkwebane, is it still wise to maintain a radical stance and refuse to work with like-minded political parties? Politics is a numbers game. When party support declines, and when votes go down, the party leadership must revisit its stance. The EFF can draw lessons from COPE which dropped from 30 seats to 3 seats, and then literally dissipated. Fifthly and lastly, should Malema change his leadership style? One of the concerns about the EFF in the public eye has been that his leadership style is making others uncomfortable, which results in other members leaving the organisation. Whether this accusation is true or not is neither here nor there. Perceptions matter in politics. If he were to change his leadership style, that would be good for his party. After all, Malema has done well with his leadership collective to grow the EFF to where it is today. It would be regrettable if he were to contribute to its untimely demise. The significant decline in ANC support coupled with the DA's dismal failure to capitalise on the ANC's mistakes means that chances of one political party winning with an outright majority are very slim at best and non-existent at worst. With the MKP coming into the picture and performing in the manner it did even the so-called 'tried and tested strategies' must be revisited to keep the party relevant, focused and growing. Any party which overlooks or disregards these facts would be doing so for its peril. I don't think that this is the route the EFF would like to go, especially after having worked so hard since its formation in 2013. In a nutshell, it is time for the EFF to grow. The party has made its presence felt in South African politics. It has taken bold decisions and left indelible footprints. But at times political strategies must be changed. This includes the tone, language, actions, focal points, and political alliances. * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The South African
08-06-2025
- Politics
- The South African
Shamila Batohi 'in hot water' over infiltration claims at NPA
ActionSA has called for the immediate removal of National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) boss Shamila Batohi over 'prosecutorial failures'. The call comes as Batohi, the outgoing National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP), admitted this week that there is political interference in the work of the NPA and that it has been infiltrated. Apart from that, the NPA has been in the spotlight for prosecutorial failures in major cases, especially the acquittal of Nigerian televangelist Timothy Omotoso and the extradition of former Free State Premier Ace Magashule's assistant Moroadi Cholota. In an interview with Newzroom Afrika , Batohi said the NPA has been infiltrated and captured by people who do not have the rule of law at heart. Batohi said they are having internal challenges; some prosecutors may not be aligned with the vision of really fighting for the rule of law in this country. However, she refused to divulge who had captured the institution, how it was captured, and the extent of the interference. Regarding failure to extradite the Gupta brothers, fugitive pastor Shepherd Bushiri, and possibly Timothy Omotoso, Shamila Batohi said none of the extradition challenges in these cases are because of the NPA. ActionSA has since demanded a full parliamentary inquiry into the NPA's ongoing prosecutorial failures and the extent to which political interference has affected its operations. The party said the NPA has once again exposed its deep dysfunction, either through incompetence or wilful neglect, with the latest disgrace being the collapse of the asbestos corruption case involving former Free State Premier, Ace Magashule, due to the unlawful and irregular handling of the extradition of his former personal assistant, Moroadi Cholota. 'This is not an isolated blunder, but part of a disturbing and entrenched pattern. The NPA has become a refuge for the politically connected, a place where accountability is avoided, justice is delayed, and prosecutions collapse with shocking regularity,' ActionSA leader in Parliament, Atholl Trollip, said. 'Under Shamila Batohi's leadership, the NPA reels from one scandal to the next. South Africans are left wondering if these failures are merely a result of incompetence or if there is a deliberate agenda to protect the corrupt. Let us be clear that this is not just about one failed case. 'The pattern is undeniable. From the Phala Phala saga to the collapse of high-profile cases like Timothy Omotoso, Shepherd Bushiri, and the Estina Dairy Project, the list of prosecutorial disasters grows longer by the day. Most damning is the NPA's failure to secure the extradition of the Gupta brothers, nearly a decade after the Gupta Leaks shook the nation,' Trollip added. Following Batohi's interviews, the EFF said it has written to the Speaker of the National Assembly, Thoko Didiza, demanding a debate on Batohi's claims. The party said the crisis at the NPA is not only one of infiltration, it is one of denial, incompetence and weak leadership. 'No transformation of the criminal justice system will be possible if its leadership refuses to acknowledge its own failures while hiding behind platitudes of institutional rebuilding. 'It is clear that Batohi has never had a coherent plan, no control over her institution, and no political will to confront the forces undermining the rule of law in South Africa. Her tenure has been marked by delays, deflections, deterioration, and disappointment,' the EFF said. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1. Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X, and Bluesky for the latest news.
IOL News
02-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Organisation that took Ramaphosa to court over Phala Phala scandal faces legal costs after withdrawing application
Attorney Zehir Omar could face the legal bill for taking President Cyril Ramaphosa to court in 2022 and later withdrawing the application. Image: Zelda Venter In 2022, hot on the heels of the start of the Phala Phala scandal, an organisation which calls itself The Society for the Protection of our Constitution (applicant), launched court proceedings for President Cyril Ramaphosa to be held accountable, but the organisation, which meanwhile withdrew the application, is now facing the legal bill. The matter was initially brought before the Gauteng High Court, Pretoria, in 2022 in which the applicant cited the president and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). It, amongst others, wanted the court to compel the NPA to prosecute the president in relation to Phala Phala. Ramaphosa has meanwhile been cleared by the ANC's Integrity Commission while the NPA declined to pursue criminal charges on his involvement in the matter. The Phala Phala scandal revolves around the 2020 theft of a large sum of foreign currency hidden in couches ($580 000 or R8.7 million at the time) at Ramaphosa's farm in Limpopo. Ramaphosa has denied any wrongdoing. In defending the 2022 court case - before it was withdrawn - the lawyer acting for the president said the application was meritless and constitutes harassment. It was said that the matter has been addressed by the president, and various investigations have been concluded into it. Although the applicant had withdrawn the application in the meantime, it did not tender to pay the president and the NPA's legal bills in this regard. The matter returned to the Pretoria High Court on Monday, where counsel for the president, Advocate Phumzile Sokhela, said they sought answers as to exactly what the Society for the Protection of our Constitution is and whether it is an NGO which launched the 2022 court case in the public interest, as claimed by it. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading The court was told that if it did not receive these answers, it would ask that attorney Zehir Omar, who was involved in the application, be slapped with the costs order. It has huge financial implications, because if it is found to be a genuine NGO, the 'Biowatch principle will be followed". In South African law, this principle relates to costs orders in constitutional litigation against the state. It generally means that an unsuccessful litigant in such cases against the state should not be ordered to pay the costs of a successful litigant. However, in this case, if the court rules Omar must pay, he faces a huge legal bill. It was explained in court papers by the applicant that the society is an NGO and its aim is to promote respect for the Constitution. It was said that the Society will take all necessary legal action as its members deem fit, to prevent violations of the Constitution. The court was told that since 1999, the organisation has engaged in litigation to prevent the state and its departments from contravening the Constitution. It was explained that it is a voluntary association, which aims to keep the government accountable. The Society also launched court proceedings at the end of last year when it asked that the Government assist the illegal Stilfontein miners who were trapped underground. The court meanwhile reserved judgment regarding who must pay the legal costs in the Phala Phala application.
Daily Maverick
01-06-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
ANC succession battle — the pros and cons of the top candidates vying for Ramaphosa's job
While it is unclear who will take over from President Cyril Ramaphosa as leader of the ANC, their ability to win votes will be extremely important. It may be constructive to examine what five of the most likely candidates would bring to the electorate. As our politics becomes more competitive than ever before, the identity of the leader of each party has become more important. One of President Cyril Ramaphosa's great strengths when he became leader of the ANC was that he was more popular than the party. The ANC itself said that he played a major role in helping it win the 2019 election (this was hugely contested at the time, and the then secretary-general, Ace Magashule, was forced to publicly disavow his comment that Ramaphosa had not played an important role). Ramaphosa's deteriorating popularity among voters, partly due to his inaction against corruption, and the Phala Phala scandal, might well have played a role in the ANC's dramatic decline last year. This shows how important the vote-winning ability of a new ANC leader will be. While it is not clear who will contest the position at the ANC's electoral conference in 2027, there is plenty of well-informed speculation that candidates could include Deputy President Paul Mashatile, International Relations Minister Ronald Lamola, Police Minister Senzo Mchunu, Electricity and Energy Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa and the ANC secretary-general, Fikile Mbalula. Paul Mashatile There is little evidence that Mashatile has broad support among the electorate. His apparent inability to communicate a distinct message during his time as Deputy President suggests he is finding it difficult to create space in which to move. This could be a function of the position he holds. Deputy presidents are often subject to intense scrutiny, and people look for evidence of their ambition for the top job, which could be why he has not, so far, articulated a particular vision. Mashatile's public speeches in English are often stilted. His answers to parliamentary questions are, frankly, boring. He does not say anything new, and his delivery comes across as wooden. As a result of having no apparent message, the narrative around him is dominated by claims that he has benefited from fishy financial deals. He has failed to properly and publicly condemn the violence used by his security officers when they assaulted the occupants of a vehicle on the N1 highway. It is difficult to imagine him crafting a coherent message as the leader of the ANC. On the election trail he probably won't provide much help to the party. His position as Deputy President means he doesn't have responsibility for any particular portfolio. However, for the contenders Lamola, Ramokgopa and Mchunu, what happens on their watch reflects on their public images. Ronald Lamola The minister of international relations and cooperation is a high-profile position — but it is overshadowed by the President. In some instances, for example, SA's genocide case against Israel, Lamola has been able to take the lead. However, in the hardest and most high-profile issue, dealing with the Trump administration, Ramaphosa has taken over. What Lamola does have, almost uniquely in the ANC, is the ability to connect with younger voters. His age (41) makes him one of the youngest leaders in the party. He is relatively unscathed by the scandals that have surrounded so many people in the party. That said, if he were to undergo more scrutiny, he would have to answer questions about how his law firm failed to notice the massive corruption at the National Lotteries Commission, when it was tasked with investigating it. Kgosientsho Ramokgopa The public perception of Ramokgopa is entirely linked to load shedding. He is an excellent communicator and has ensured that he, the government and Eskom have controlled the narrative whenever load shedding is instituted. He is associated with the successes in dealing with load shedding — and also the failures. He will also appeal to voters who want a technocratic face for the ANC. He can give the impression to black professionals that he is one of them, that he speaks their language and can get things done. Sipho Mchunu Mchunu appeals to a slightly different constituency. Crucially for him and the ANC, he could win back voters in KwaZulu-Natal. This province voted for the ANC when former president Jacob Zuma was its leader, then appeared to move in the direction of the ANC and the IFP when Ramaphosa took over, only for large numbers to vote for Zuma's uMkhonto Wesizwe party in the last elections. Mchunu may well be able to develop a crucial constituency in this province for the ANC, where he was once its provincial secretary. Nationally, it would be a huge card in his favour if he were seen to be leading a successful effort to reduce violent crime. However, the problem of SA's crime is so large and is so intertwined with aspects of our politics that Mchunu is unlikely to be able to make much difference. Fikile Mbalula Mbalula, of course, is not in government. It is his position as secretary-general of the party that might give him the edge in any internal ANC race. In the past, the position of secretary-general has been shaped by the personality occupying it. Gwede Mantashe imbued the office with huge authority, while Kgalema Motlanthe had more of a quiet legitimacy. Lately, Mbalula has appeared to be trying to portray more of a sober appearance than in previous years. However, it is unlikely that voters have forgotten what happened when he was transport minister and how he was responsible for so many missteps. As previously pointed out, Mbalula has a history of running his mouth off. People are unlikely to have forgotten how he tweeted that he had 'Just landed in Ukraine', or that he had taken Prasa into administration with no legal authority to do so, or that he used such vulgar language when talking to taxi drivers that the SA Council of Churches was moved to to make a public comment. Or that he was found by a Public Protector to have received a paid holiday from a sporting goods chain while minister of sport. These are the consequences of his long history in the public eye. It is unlikely that he can change the way the public views him. While it would be entirely rational to assume that ANC delegates would have the 2029 elections in mind when they vote for the position of ANC leader, history shows that sometimes internal dynamics are more important. And the ANC appears to have done virtually nothing to win back votes since the polls last year. This suggests that the electability of candidates will not be the most important factor in the ANC's leadership election. DM
