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AsiaOne
2 hours ago
- Politics
- AsiaOne
How Trump, a self-proclaimed 'peacemaker', embraced Israel's campaign against Iran, World News
WASHINGTON — Roughly one month ago, from the stage at an investment forum in Saudi Arabia, US President Donald Trump issued a warning to Iran that would prove prophetic. "We'll never allow America and its allies to be threatened with terrorism or nuclear attack," Trump told the crowd, sending a message to the leadership in Tehran. "The time is right now for them to choose. Right now. We don't have a lot of time to wait. Things are happening at a very fast pace." That May 13 ultimatum received little attention at the time. But behind the scenes, the president already knew an attack on Iran could be imminent — and that there might be little he could do to stop it, according to two US officials. By mid-May, the Pentagon had begun drawing up detailed contingency plans to aid Israel if it followed through on its long-held ambition to strike Iran's nuclear programme, the officials said. And the US had already diverted thousands of defencive weapons away from war-torn Ukraine toward the Middle East in preparation for potential conflict, according to a Western source familiar with the matter and a Ukrainian source. The Pentagon declined to comment for this story. This account of the weeks and days leading up to Trump's decision to throw his support behind Israel's bombing campaign is based on interviews with over a dozen administration officials, foreign diplomats and Trump confidantes, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss private deliberations. The picture that emerges is that of a long, secretive preparation process and a president who for weeks found himself torn between diplomacy and supporting military action — and was ultimately persuaded in part by an ally whose actions he did not fully control. While Trump has long described himself as a peacemaker — dispatching Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff to the region several times to try to seal a diplomatic accord — he had several trusted political allies pushing him to back an Israeli attack on Iran's nuclear facilities. [[nid:719255]] And US intelligence had indicated a unilateral Israeli strike was possible, even likely, even if Trump wanted to wait, according to two US officials. While it is unclear if Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or Trump's more hawkish allies ever got him to a "yes" to Israel's plans, by the days leading up the strike he was at least not a "no," according to two senior US officials and a senior Israeli source. That stance, people familiar with the dynamics said, helped tip Israel into action. Seven days into the Israel-Iran conflict, Trump is left with a dilemma, said Aaron David Miller, a veteran diplomat who has advised six secretaries of state on Middle East policy. He can try again to pursue a diplomatic resolution with Iran, allow Iran and Israel "to fight it out," or he can enter the war with US airstrikes on the deeply buried Fordow enrichment plant, a step that would have unknown consequences for the region. Trump "let it (the Israeli attack) happen," said Miller, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace policy institute. "He got on the tiger and he's riding it." The White House on Thursday said that Trump will make a decision on whether the US will get involved in the conflict in the next two weeks. The White House, the Israeli prime minister's office and Iran's delegation to the United Nations did not respond to a request for comment. Tehran has consistently said its nuclear programme is designed for peaceful purposes only, a conclusion Washington has rejected. The coming storm One of the first hints that Trump might sign off on an Israeli bombing campaign came in April. [[nid:719299]] During a closed-door meeting on April 17, Saudi Arabia's defence minister delivered a blunt message to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian: Take Trump's offer to negotiate an agreement seriously because it presents a way to avoid the risk of war with Israel. Reuters could not determine whether the message was sent at Washington's behest, nor whether Iran's leaders took that message seriously. With hindsight, they should have. The Israel Defence Forces and the head of US Central Command, General Michael "Erik" Kurilla, were discussing detailed intelligence about Iran's missile buildup and nuclear programme and steps that could be required to defend US troops and Israel itself in any conflict with Iran, according to a US official and senior Israeli official. Meanwhile, the US was funnelling weapons to Israel that would be useful for an air war with Iran. In one instance in early May, a large shipment of defencive missiles originally meant for Ukraine was diverted to Israel instead, according to the Western source and the Ukrainian source. The diverted shipment caused consternation in Kyiv and sparked continued fears that additional weapons needed to defend against Moscow will instead be used to defend US interests elsewhere, the Ukrainian source said. In the opening months of Trump's term, Israel had already proposed to Washington a series of options to attack Iran's facilities, according to sources. While Trump had rebuffed those ideas, saying he preferred diplomacy for the time being, several people close to him said he was never dead-set against using military force against Iran. [[nid:719288]] He had done so before. In 2020, despite a foreign policy during his first term that was otherwise marked by restraint, Trump ordered a drone strike that killed major general Qassem Soleimani, the head of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards' division responsible for its international operations. The Iranian government has since sought to murder Trump in revenge, US prosecutors have said, an allegation Tehran denies. Behind the scenes, Trump had been pulled in multiple directions on the Iran issue since before he even took office. On one side, many supporters - including conservative media personality Tucker Carlson - and administration officials saw Trump's Make America Great Again movement as an antidote to decades of foreign wars that cost thousands of American lives without significantly advancing American interests. On the other, several close Trump allies - from conservative commentator Mark Levin to Republican Senator Lindsey Graham - were portraying a nuclear Iran as an existential threat that must be removed at any cost. Trump himself took pride in being a broker of peace. "My proudest legacy," he said during his inauguration address, "will be that of a peacemaker and unifier." "It's a tango" Ultimately, no US official, Trump confidante or diplomat Reuters talked to identified an epiphany that tipped the scales for the president. One senior administration official said that after months of sitting on the fence a lack of diplomatic progress, a push from the Israelis and appeals by hawkish allies likely wore him down. Trump aides and allies have noted that Israel's attack unfolded just after the expiry of a 60-day deadline the Trump administration had set for a diplomatic breakthrough with Iran. The senior US official said another dynamic was at play: As US intelligence consistently showed Israel might go ahead with an attack with or without US support, the administration could look caught off guard if they did not get behind it. Worse, it could appear that the US was opposing a longtime ally. Although Trump had appeared to some to snub Netanyahu as he pushed for a peaceful solution to the crisis, privately, Israel understood that Washington would stand by it, said a separate official. By the time Trump talked to Netanyahu on Monday, June 9 — one of many phone calls in recent days — his stance was one of tacit, if not explicit approval, according to one US and one Israeli official. The Wall Street Journal reported that Trump had said he would like more time to see diplomacy play out. But the US official said that he did not explicitly veto Israel's plans. By Wednesday, June 11, it was clear to Washington that Israel's plans were a go. That day, Reuters reported that the US was preparing a partial evacuation of its Iraqi embassy amid fears of reprisals from Iran following an imminent attack. The next day, June 12, Washington sent a formal diplomatic note to several regional allies, warning them that an attack was imminent. That evening, Israel launched its overnight barrage, an attack that almost immediately escalated into an air war. Trump and some key cabinet members watched the events live from the wood-paneled "JFK room," part of the White House Situation Room. Other officials watched the events nearby. On the menu, per one official: stone crabs from a local restaurant. The initial attack appeared to be a success, with several close advisers to Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei killed and key nuclear sites seriously damaged. Over the weekend, the Israelis considered killing Khamenei himself, but were waved off by Trump, according to two US officials. Almost immediately, a political civil war erupted in Trump's Republican Party, with several high-profile conservatives, including members of Congress, accusing his administration of fanning the flames of war. Seven days on, the US intelligence community believes the strikes have set Iran's nuclear ambitions back by only months, according to a source familiar with US intelligence reports, confirming a CNN report. A significant blow to Iran's nuclear ambitions, most analysts say, will require dropping bunker-busting bombs on the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant, the crown jewel of Iran's nuclear programme. Only the US has that capability. Trump has said he is considering such a strike, which would represent a major escalation for the United States. As of Thursday, his intentions were still unclear. [[nid:719286]]
Japan Times
2 hours ago
- Business
- Japan Times
Pentagon says Japan must meet ‘global standard' and spend 5% of GDP on defense
The Pentagon has set a 'global standard' for Japan and other U.S. allies to spend 5% of gross domestic product on defense, in the first official confirmation that Washington is asking Tokyo to pump up its defense budget even further. In a statement given to The Japan Times on Friday, Chief Pentagon Spokesman Sean Parnell pointed to a majority of NATO nations that have signed on to U.S. requests to boost defense spending to the 5% level, saying that 'European allies are now setting the global standard for our alliances, especially in Asia, which is 5% of GDP spending on defense.' Asked whether Parnell's remarks apply specifically to Japan, a U.S. defense official said it 'is inclusive for all of our allies across the Asia-Pacific region, including Japan.' Both allies had been mum on whether the U.S. would press Japan specifically to hit the 5% target, though Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told a Senate panel Wednesday that there is now a "new standard for allied defense spending that all of our allies around the world, including in Asia, should move to." Ostensibly pacifist Japan has in recent years undertaken a dramatic transformation of its security policy, including a five-year plan to ramp up defense spending to 2% of GDP by 2027. Pouring even more cash into defense coffers would come with significant political costs as the government focuses on domestic economic priorities and amid growing uncertainty over how to secure funds. Japan is currently getting far less bang for its buck as inflation and the yen's diminishing value erode its plans for the country's largest military buildup in postwar history. Defense Minister Gen Nakatani said in April that defense spending was within striking distance of the 2% target, at 1.8% of GDP. A Defense Ministry panel of experts is reportedly set to recommend that the government consider hiking defense spending beyond 2%, and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has said that future budgets "may top 2%, if needed,' depending on the security environment. However, Ishiba and senior Japanese officials have said that what is most important is the substance of strengthened defense capabilities — not arbitrary figures. The issue will be at the top of the agenda at next week's NATO leaders' summit at The Hague, which Ishiba is also set to attend. While most NATO members are on track to back U.S. President Donald Trump's demand that they invest 5% of GDP in defense, Spain on Thursday rejected the proposal, with Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez calling it 'unreasonable.' The disagreement could weaken the Trump administration's argument to Asian partners that European allies are falling in line with its demand, as any agreement to adopt a new spending guideline must be made with the consensus of all 32 NATO member states. Hegseth hinted at the U.S. push for allies to spend more during the Shangri-La Dialogue regional security conference in Singapore late last month, citing what he called an imminent and 'real' threat posed by China to democratic Taiwan — something Parnell also pointed to in his statement. 'Given the enormous military buildup of China as well as North Korea's ongoing nuclear and missile developments, it is only common sense for Asia-Pacific allies to move rapidly to step up to match Europe's pace and level of defense spending,' Parnell said. 'It is common sense because it is in our Asia-Pacific allies' own security interests, and in that of the American people's to have more balanced and fairer alliance burden-sharing with our Asian allies,' he added. Trump has railed against his country's alliance with Japan, calling the partnership — which turns 65 this year — unfair and 'one-sided,' while threatening Tokyo and other allies and partners with onerous tariffs on key sectors such as automobiles and steel.
UPI
2 hours ago
- UPI
Pentagon identifies soldier who died in Iraq as Michigan resident
June 19 (UPI) -- The Pentagon has identified the soldier who died earlier this week in a non-combat-related incident while serving in Iraq as a Michigan resident. In a statement Wednesday, the Department of Defense identified the soldier as Staff Sgt. Saul Fabian Gonzalez, 26, of Pullman, Mich. Gonzalez died Tuesday in Erbil, the capital of Iraq's Kurdistan Region, where he was serving in support of Operation Inherent Resolve, the U.S. military's mission to defeat the Islamic State terrorist group in areas of Iraq and Syria. Specifics of the non-combat-related incident were not released, but the Pentagon said it was under investigation. Gonzalez was assigned to D Troop, 2nd Squadron, 101st Combat Aviation Brigade, 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell, Ky. "It is with heavy hearts, we share the news of the loss of SSG Saul F. Gonzalez. While his passing was not combat-related, it is felt by all who knew him," the 101st Combat Aviation Brigade said in a statement on Facebook. "We honor his service and reflect upon the positive impact he had as an outstanding Non-Commissioned Officer, Technical Inspector and friend. Please keep his family and fellow Troopers in your thoughts and prayers." About 2,500 U.S. soldiers are in Iraq as part of the Combined Joint Task Force Operation Inherent Resolve.
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First Post
3 hours ago
- Politics
- First Post
Fearing Iranian strikes, US quietly pulls nearly 40 military aircraft from Qatar airbase: Report
Satellite photos reveal that the Al Udeid Air Base—America's largest military installation in West Asia—was emptied of jets between June 5 and 19, in what appears to be a 'pre-emptive move' read more S embassy in Qatar announced that access to the base would be limited.(Source: AFP) The US has quietly relocated about 40 military aircraft from its major airbase in Qatar over the past two weeks as fears grow of Iran's potential retaliatory strikes, news agency AFP reported, citing satellite photos. AFP analysed photos from Planet Labs PBC, which reveal that the Al Udeid Air Base—America's largest military installation in West Asia—was emptied of jets between June 5 and 19. The pre-emptive move is aimed at protecting American assets in the region as the Israel-Iran conflict intensifies. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD US President Donald Trump still hasn't greenlighted the plans to join the conflict. On the other hand, Tehran has warned it will target US military sites in West Asia if it decides to enter the fray. Satellite photos revealed that the airbase visibly hosted about 40 aircraft as of June 5, including C-130 Hercules transport planes and advanced reconnaissance jets. However, by June 19, only three planes could be spotted. This comes as the US embassy in Qatar earlier announced it was restricting access to the base 'out of an abundance of caution and in light of ongoing regional hostilities.' It also urged its personnel in the region to 'exercise increased vigilance.' US amassing military equipment According to an AFP analysis of public flight tracking data, between June 15 and 18, at least 27 US military refuelling aircraft, including KC-46A Pegasus and KC-135 Stratotanker planes, were deployed from the United States to Europe. As of late Wednesday, 25 of these aircraft remained in Europe, with only two returning to the US. These refuelling planes, critical for long-range air missions, indicate the US might be preparing for a wider conflict, potentially with its involvement. US forces on high alert US forces in West Asia are on high alert, with military families offered the option to evacuate bases voluntarily due to potential Iranian retaliation. Approximately 40,000 US troops are currently stationed in the region, an increase from the typical 30,000, with a temporary peak of 43,000 in October amid earlier tensions between Israel and Iran and ongoing Houthi attacks on commercial and military ships in the Red Sea. The Pentagon has declined to provide details on further troop movements but stressed that US forces are ready to adapt quickly based on developments with Iran. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump to decide on strikes in 'two weeks' The White House stated that Donald Trump will decide within whether to support Israel's campaign against Iran's military and nuclear programmes, noting that Trump still believes diplomacy could address American and Israeli concerns regarding Iran's nuclear ambitions. 'Based on the fact that there's a substantial chance of negotiations that may or may not take place with Iran in the near future, I will make my decision whether or not to go within the next two weeks,' Karoline Leavitt, the press secretary, told reporters, quoting Trump.
Japan Times
4 hours ago
- Politics
- Japan Times
How Trump, a self-proclaimed 'peacemaker,' embraced Israel's campaign against Iran
Roughly one month ago, from the stage at an investment forum in Saudi Arabia, U.S. President Donald Trump issued a warning to Iran that would prove prophetic. "We'll never allow America and its allies to be threatened with terrorism or nuclear attack," Trump told the crowd, sending a message to the leadership in Tehran. "The time is right now for them to choose. Right now. We don't have a lot of time to wait. Things are happening at a very fast pace." That May 13 ultimatum received little attention at the time. But behind the scenes, the president already knew an attack on Iran could be imminent — and that there might be little he could do to stop it, according to two U.S. officials. By mid-May, the Pentagon had begun drawing up detailed contingency plans to aid Israel if it followed through on its long-held ambition to strike Iran's nuclear program, the officials said. And the U.S. had already diverted thousands of defensive weapons away from war-torn Ukraine toward the Middle East in preparation for potential conflict, according to a Western source familiar with the matter and a Ukrainian source. The Pentagon declined to comment for this story. This account of the weeks and days leading up to Trump's decision to throw his support behind Israel's bombing campaign is based on interviews with over a dozen administration officials, foreign diplomats and Trump confidantes, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss private deliberations. The picture that emerges is that of a long, secretive preparation process and a president who for weeks found himself torn between diplomacy and supporting military action — and was ultimately persuaded in part by an ally whose actions he did not fully control. While Trump has long described himself as a peacemaker — dispatching Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff to the region several times to try to seal a diplomatic accord — he had several trusted political allies pushing him to back an Israeli attack on Iran's nuclear facilities. And U.S. intelligence had indicated a unilateral Israeli strike was possible, even likely, even if Trump wanted to wait, according to two U.S. officials. Smoke rises following an Israeli attack in Tehran on Wednesday | West Asia News Agency / via REUTERS While it is unclear if Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or Trump's more hawkish allies ever got him to a "yes" to Israel's plans, by the days leading up the strike he was at least not a "no," according to two senior U.S. officials and a senior Israeli source. That stance, people familiar with the dynamics said, helped tip Israel into action. Seven days into the Israel-Iran conflict, Trump is left with a dilemma, said Aaron David Miller, a veteran diplomat who has advised six secretaries of state on Middle East policy. He can try again to pursue a diplomatic resolution with Iran, allow Iran and Israel "to fight it out," or he can enter the war with U.S. airstrikes on the deeply buried Fordow enrichment plant, a step that would have unknown consequences for the region. Trump "let it (the Israeli attack) happen," said Miller, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace policy institute. "He got on the tiger, and he's riding it." The White House on Thursday said that Trump will make a decision on whether the U.S. will get involved in the conflict in the next two weeks. The White House, the Israeli prime minister's office and Iran's delegation to the United Nations did not respond to a request for comment. Tehran has consistently said its nuclear program is designed for peaceful purposes only, a conclusion Washington has rejected. The coming storm One of the first hints that Trump might sign off on an Israeli bombing campaign came in April. During a closed-door meeting on April 17, Saudi Arabia's defense minister delivered a blunt message to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian: Take Trump's offer to negotiate an agreement seriously because it presents a way to avoid the risk of war with Israel. Reuters could not determine whether the message was sent at Washington's behest, nor whether Iran's leaders took that message seriously. With hindsight, they should have. The Israel Defense Forces and the head of U.S. Central Command, General Michael "Erik" Kurilla, were discussing detailed intelligence about Iran's missile buildup and nuclear program and steps that could be required to defend U.S. troops and Israel, itself, in any conflict with Iran, according to a U.S. official and senior Israeli official. Meanwhile, the U.S. was funneling weapons to Israel that would be useful for an air war with Iran. In one instance in early May, a large shipment of defensive missiles originally meant for Ukraine was diverted to Israel, instead, according to the Western source and the Ukrainian source. Protesters rally during a "No War on Iran" demonstration in Los Angeles on Wednesday. | AFP-Jiji The diverted shipment caused consternation in Kyiv and sparked continued fears that additional weapons needed to defend against Moscow will, instead, be used to defend U.S. interests elsewhere, the Ukrainian source said. In the opening months of Trump's term, Israel had already proposed to Washington a series of options to attack Iran's facilities, according to sources. While Trump had rebuffed those ideas, saying he preferred diplomacy for the time being, several people close to him said he was never dead-set against using military force against Iran. He had done so before. In 2020, despite a foreign policy during his first term that was otherwise marked by restraint, Trump ordered a drone strike that killed major general Qassem Soleimani, the head of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards' division responsible for its international operations. The Iranian government has since sought to murder Trump in revenge, U.S. prosecutors have said, an allegation Tehran denies. Behind the scenes, Trump had been pulled in multiple directions on the Iran issue since before he even took office. On one side, many supporters — including conservative media personality Tucker Carlson — and administration officials saw Trump's Make America Great Again movement as an antidote to decades of foreign wars that cost thousands of American lives without significantly advancing American interests. On the other, several close Trump allies — from conservative commentator Mark Levin to Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham — were portraying a nuclear Iran as an existential threat that must be removed at any cost. Trump, himself, took pride in being a broker of peace. "My proudest legacy," he said during his inauguration address, "will be that of a peacemaker and unifier." 'It's a tango' Ultimately, no U.S. official, Trump confidante or diplomat reporters talked to identified an epiphany that tipped the scales for the president. One senior administration official said that after months of sitting on the fence a lack of diplomatic progress, a push from the Israelis and appeals by hawkish allies likely wore him down. Trump aides and allies have noted that Israel's attack unfolded just after the expiry of a 60-day deadline the Trump administration had set for a diplomatic breakthrough with Iran. The senior U.S. official said another dynamic was at play: As U.S. intelligence consistently showed Israel might go ahead with an attack with or without U.S. support, the administration could look caught off guard if they did not get behind it. Worse, it could appear that the U.S. was opposing a longtime ally. Although Trump had appeared to some to snub Netanyahu as he pushed for a peaceful solution to the crisis, privately, Israel understood that Washington would stand by it, said a separate official. By the time Trump talked to Netanyahu on June 9 — one of many phone calls in recent days — his stance was one of tacit, if not explicit approval, according to one U.S. and one Israeli official. The Wall Street Journal reported that Trump had said he would like more time to see diplomacy play out. But the U.S. official said that he did not explicitly veto Israel's plans. By June 11, it was clear to Washington that Israel's plans were a go. That day, Reuters reported that the U.S. was preparing a partial evacuation of its Iraqi embassy amid fears of reprisals from Iran following an imminent attack. The next day, June 12, Washington sent a formal diplomatic note to several regional allies, warning them that an attack was imminent. That evening, Israel launched its overnight barrage, an attack that almost immediately escalated into an air war. Trump and some key cabinet members watched the events live from the wood-paneled "JFK room," part of the White House Situation Room. Other officials watched the events nearby. On the menu, per one official: stone crabs from a local restaurant. The initial attack appeared to be a success, with several close advisers to Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei killed and key nuclear sites seriously damaged. Over the weekend, the Israelis considered killing Khamenei, himself, but were waved off by Trump, according to two U.S. officials. Almost immediately, a political civil war erupted in Trump's Republican Party, with several high-profile conservatives, including members of Congress, accusing his administration of fanning the flames of war. Seven days on, the U.S. intelligence community believes the strikes have set Iran's nuclear ambitions back by only months, according to a source familiar with U.S. intelligence reports, confirming a CNN report. A significant blow to Iran's nuclear ambitions, most analysts say, will require dropping bunker-busting bombs on the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant, the crown jewel of Iran's nuclear program. Only the U.S. has that capability. Trump has said he is considering such a strike, which would represent a major escalation for the United States. As of Thursday, his intentions were still unclear.
