Latest news with #OperationBlackForest
The Print
17 hours ago
- Politics
- The Print
A ‘ruthless approach' is fine for terrorists. For Maoists, it must be tempered with empathy
It was a deadly blow. Basavaraju was an aggressive military commander who led some of the most audacious and daring campaigns. Earlier, in Operation Black Forest on the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border during April and May, 31 Maoists were liquidated. More recently, Gautam alias Sudhakar , a central committee member, was killed in Bijapur district on 5 June. The security forces are delivering one punch after another in quick succession. The knock-out should only be a question of time. Last month, on 21 May, the CPI (Maoist) lost its top leader, Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju , in an encounter in the Abujhmad area of Narayanpur district, Chhattisgarh. Basavaraju, who had succeeded Ganapathy as general secretary in 2018, was killed along with 26 other Maoists in the engagement. The Maoist movement in India, which was at one stage described as the gravest threat to the country's internal security, is today gasping for breath. Home Minister Amit Shah plans to bury it by March 2026, and the security forces are going hammer and tongs to achieve the target. However, though the Maoist movement may be vanquished, Naxalism may not be stamped out. Also Read: Maoism became irrelevant to India's working class much before Basavaraju's death No second chance Incidents of violence by left-wing extremism have fallen sharply from 1,936 in 2010 to 374 in 2024, a dip of 81 per cent, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs. The total number of deaths, including civilians and security forces, has come down from 1,005 in 2010 to 150 in 2024—down by 85 per cent. The total number of districts affected by Maoist violence has shrunk from 223 in 2010 to just 38 presently. The success of the security forces' operations is to be attributed to a combination of factors: aggressive campaigns that included establishing forward operating bases in areas so far dominated by the Maoists; development marked by constructing roads, erecting mobile towers, and opening post office and bank branches; choking the supply of funds to the Maoists; and tech-driven intelligence operations using drones and satellites. Other contributing factors include raising forces like the District Reserve Guard (DRG), comprising mostly surrendered Maoists, and the Bastar Fighters, which recruited villagers from remote areas; a generous surrender and rehabilitation policy; and better inter-state and Centre-state coordination. Expectedly, certain sections are critical of the government's aggressive operations. The former chief minister of Telangana, K Chandrashekar Rao, has accused the Centre of 'massacring youth and tribals', and said that 'just because you have power, you cannot go on a killing spree'. Revanth Reddy, the present CM of the state, also purportedly said that Adivasis are being murdered. The leaders of five Left parties—the CPI, CPI (M), CPI (ML)-Liberation, RSP and AIFB—recently wrote a letter to the Prime Minister, urging the government 'to put an immediate halt to the extra-judicial killings'. The Maoists, meanwhile, have been sending desperate peace feelers. A politburo member, Abhay aka Venugopal Rao, in a letter released on 2 April, said that the Maoists would cease fire and come for peace talks if the security forces stopped setting up camps and ceased their operations. Another letter, released on 17 April in the name of Rupesh, a CPI (Maoist) spokesman in Chhattisgarh, announced that the Maoists were agreeable to ceasefire for at least a month. Yet another letter from Rupesh on 25 April appealed to the central government to stop the operations for a month, after which the Maoists would hold peace talks in a favourable environment. The Chhattisgarh government has rejected the calls for truce and dialogue. At the Home Ministry level, the thinking appears to be that in the past, whenever peace talks were held, there was no productive outcome and the Maoists, in fact, utilised the peace period to augment their strength and propagate their ideology. It is not untrue. However, one has to remember that when talks were held in Hyderabad in 2004, the extremists were negotiating from a position of strength. Today, they are in dire straits and are facing an existential crisis. The choice before them is between life and death. That being so, it would have been magnanimous on the part of the government to declare a unilateral ceasefire, give one last chance to the Maoists to come overground, hold parleys with official representatives, and join the mainstream. Even if the gesture was only partially successful, it would still avoid a lot of bloodshed. The remnants could always be taken care of by the security forces. Such an approach would have been appreciated by the people in general, and not many tears would then be shed for the intransigent hard core. A need for strategic empathy A disturbing feature of government policy is its 'ruthless approach' to the Maoist insurgency. It is fine to talk of a ruthless approach when you are dealing with terrorists. However, when you are dealing with your own people, strictness must be tempered with empathy. The majority of Maoist foot soldiers are simple tribals who joined the movement, rightly or wrongly, because they had a grievance—real or perceived. Maybe their land was taken away, maybe they were harassed by the forest officer, maybe the police were harsh with them. Marxism-Leninism meant nothing to them. Such persons deserve a chance, and it could have been given to them. Government thinking is rather simplistic: kill the Maoists and the Maoist problem will be solved. Another disconcerting feature is the fixing of a target date to finish the Maoist movement. The objective is laudable, but its achievement could have serious implications. It is fine when you fix a target date for completing a development project like building a highway, raising a dam, or setting up a factory. However, when you are dealing with an insurgency, fixing a target date may lead to some kind of competition among the police forces as to who kills more insurgents and, in the process, some elements may employ extra-judicial methods. Fortunately, there has been no serious complaint so far except general allegations, but the possibility can never be ruled out. It would have been better if the forces were asked to go all out against the insurgents and then wait for the liquidation of the Maoist movement in the normal course. There is yet another danger. The Maoists, just to demonstrate that they are still a force to reckon with, may, in sheer desperation, commit needless acts of violence. On 8 May, the Maoists killed three junior commandos of Greyhounds, an elite anti-Naxal force of Telangana, in a landmine explosion in Mulugu district near the Chhattisgarh border. In another incident, on 9 June, an Additional SP, Akash Rao, was killed and two others were injured in an IED blast in Sukma district of Chhattisgarh. The government will nevertheless, in all likelihood, be able to defeat the Maoist insurgency. The strength of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army has reportedly been reduced to a meagre 300. Most of the politburo and central committee members have either been arrested or killed; the former has only four members left and the strength of the latter has shrunk to a mere 14. There was always a basic flaw in giving a Maoist orientation to the extremist movement, rather than drawing from the country's own civilisational ethos. A movement that declared, 'China's chairman is our chairman, China's path is our path', was doomed to fail in the long run.' Also Read: Born out of 'desperation', DRG is first line against Maoists in Bastar. Tech is giving them an edge Embers will remain Will the government be able to write the obituary of left-wing extremism in the country? Its record in reducing extreme poverty has been commendable. World Bank data shows it declined from 27.1 per cent in 2011-12 to 5.3 per cent in 2022-23, implying that the number of people living in extreme poverty fell from 344.47 million to 75.24 million. Unequal distribution of wealth, however, continues to be a problem. The World Inequality Database shows income inequality rising from a Gini coefficient of 52 in 2004 to 62 in 2023 (a higher Gini coefficient indicates greater inequality, while a lower value suggests a more equal distribution). It is also significant that, as areas affected by Maoist violence are being cleared by the security forces, industries are moving in to exploit the virgin forests. In Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, for example, the government has given environmental clearance to Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. to more than double iron ore output at its Surjagarh mine. Deforestation, which results in the displacement of tribals and contributes to their alienation, continues unabated. India lost 17,700 hectares of primary forest in 2023 and another 18,200 hectares in 2024. There is a genuine apprehension that Mao-vadis may gradually be replaced by MOU-vadis. It would seem that while the security forces are doing the job assigned to them, there is no corresponding attempt to address some of the pressing socio-economic issues that contributed to the emergence and countrywide spread of the Naxal problem. That being so, it seems that while the fire would be extinguished, the embers would remain. The CPI (Maoist) politburo may be decimated, its central committee may be disintegrated, the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army may be vanquished, the party cadres may all be killed, but the idea of Naxalbari would, in all probability, survive—to the extent it represented a protest of the poorer, deprived, and marginalised sections of society against political insensitivity, social discrimination, and economic exploitation. The writer, a former Police Chief, is author of The Naxalite Movement in India. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)
The Hindu
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Farmers slam A.P. government's ‘corporate-driven policies'
A conference organised by Rythu Coolie Sangham, affiliated to All India Khet Mazdoor Kisan Sabha (AIKMKS), on Wednesday (June 18) decided to organise protests at all district headquarters on June 24 in support of the Polavaram evacuees. The conference also demanded an immediate halt to Operation Kagar, also known as Operation Black Forest, a military operation conducted by Indian security forces against Maoists in the border areas between Chhattisgarh and Telangana. Addressing a gathering, former Minister and A.P. Farmers' Associations Coordination Committee Convener Vadde Sobhanadreeswara Rao alleged that successive governments since independence have failed to uphold the constitutional rights of farmers and workers. If the Swaminathan Commission's recommendations on MSP were implemented, farmers would have earned profits and driven national growth, he said. Mr. Rao condemned the ongoing 'Operation Kagar', alleging it was targeting tribal communities and branding dissenters as 'urban Naxalites,' creating a climate of fear and repression. Bojja Dasharathi Ramireddy, president of the Rayalaseema Irrigation Advocacy Committee, pointed out that of the 90 lakh acre of cultivable land in the region, only 8% receives irrigation water. He blamed political priorities for long-delayed projects like the Gorakallu Reservoir, which remains incomplete after 16 years. 'Projects like Amaravati and Banakacherla only benefit political elites and widen regional inequalities,' he said. Former Union Government Advisor V.V.S. Mahadev said that every major project has become a profit-making opportunity for corporations, not a public service. Irrigation experts Akkineni Bhavani Prasad and N. Venugopala Rao, State secretary of the Rythu Kooli Sangham Dantuluri Varma, Rythu Coolie Sangham leader Simhadri Jhansi and others spoke.
NDTV
05-06-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Key Maoist Leader Killed In Encounter In Chhattisgarh, Carried Rs 50-Lakh Bounty
Bhopal: A fierce encounter is in progress between Maoists and security forces in the forests of Bijapur's National Park area in Chhattisgarh, in which a key Maoist leader has been killed, sources said. Nar Singhachalam alias Sudhakar was one of the most-wanted Maoist leaders, operating across Telangana, Chhattisgarh, and Maharashtra. He carried a reward of Rs 50 lakh on his head. Automatic weapons have been recovered from the site. Joint forces including DRG, CoBRA, and STF are continuing the operation. Nar Singhachalam alias Sudhakar was one of the most-wanted Maoist leaders. The killing of Sudhakar comes on the heels of Basavaraju, who was killed in another encounter in the last month as security forces launched a massive push to bring Bastar and Abujmad under its control. The encounter, which lasted for over 50 hours, took place along the Narayanpur-Bijapur border. Many other Maoists have surrendered. Late last month, 24 Maoists, including 14 with a combined bounty of Rs 28.50 lakh on their heads, had surrendered in the Bijapur district. "After completion of Operation Black Forest, 54 Naxalites have been arrested and 84 Naxalites have surrendered in Chhattisgarh, Telangana, and Maharashtra. The Modi government is resolved to eliminate Naxalism before the 31st of March 2026," Union Home Minister Amit Shah has said.
Time of India
01-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
If govt can agree to truce with Pak, why not with Naxals: TPCC chief
Hyderabad: Telangana Congress president B Mahesh Kumar Goud on Sunday said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah launched 'Operation Kagar' (Operation Black Forest) to hand over the mineral wealth of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand to the corporates, under the pretext of eliminating Naxalites. He also criticised the Modi govt for not accepting the offer of talks made by the Maoists. "It is unfortunate that the central govt, under pressure from US President Donald Trump, agreed to a ceasefire and hold talks with Pakistan, which is sponsoring terrorism, but not agreeing to talks with our own citizens (Maoists). Congress' ideology is non-violence, and it will not support any kind of violence, including that done by the Maoists," he said, speaking at a round table meeting convened by Left parties, human rights, and civil society organisations at Sundarayya Vignana Kendram. All the secular and democratic forces, including Congress, should condemn the killing of Naxalites by the govt in 'Operation Kagar', even after the Maoists expressed willingness to hold talks, he said. Just because they (BJP) have power, "the govt violence" on the pretext of 'Operation Kagar' cannot be supported. Since coming to power, the BJP govt has been dismantling constitutional institutions, he added. "When someone is ready for talks, they should be held. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like People Aged 50-85 With No Life Insurance Could Get This Reassured Get Quote Undo The BJP plays politics in the name of religion and gods. There are instances when talks were held during the time of even Lord Rama and Lord Krishna. Not accepting talks reveals their fascist ideology. They have been toppling democratically elected govts in various states. Only a few people are able to oppose them, and one of them is the Gandhi family," Mahesh Goud said. The TPCC chief narrated an ancecdote when Rahul Gandhi, Meenakshi Natarajan, chief minister A Revanth Reddy, and deputy CM Bhatti Vikramarka and he were going in a car to attend Bharat Summit in Hyderabad on April 26. "Meenakshi said security forces surrounded Karregutta as part of 'Operation Kagar', but expressed concern that there were civilians there too. Then Rahul Gandhi said that you can eliminate individuals and even a group of people but not their cause. Subsequently, CM Revanth said he would speak to representatives of all parties in this regard. The Gandhi family even pardoned the killers of Rajiv Gandhi, as the Congress firmly believes in non-violence," he said. Telangana Congress leadership would discuss and take a decision soon on the support sought by the Left parties and organisations against 'Operation Kagar'.
The Print
29-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
The likes of Basavaraju can be eliminated—but not an ideology. It's the next front
With a clear deadline set—31 March 2026—for the complete eradication of Left-Wing Extremism, the tide appears to have definitively turned. Once called India's 'biggest internal security challenge' by then PM Manmohan Singh in 2010, Naxalism is now visibly in retreat. In the aftermath of Operation Black Forest, 54 Naxals were arrested and another 84 surrendered, signalling that Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) is finally on its way out. The government's stance is now sharply defined: those who choose the path of violence will be met with force; those willing to lay down arms and join the mainstream will be given a chance. On 21 May, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced on X that a 'major breakthrough' had been made in the decades-long fight against Naxalism. For the first time in over 30 years, a general secretary-ranked Naxal leader—Nambala Keshav Rao, alias Basavaraju—was neutralised. Some 15 years ago, Naxals sloganeered about establishing a Red Corridor—stretching from Pashupati in Nepal, to Tirupati in Andhra Pradesh. In 2013, around 126 districts across different states were reporting LWE-related violence; by March 2025, this figure had fallen to just 18 districts, with only six classified as 'most affected'. Driven by strong political will, the government has shown it will not relent in the face of propaganda from human rights activists sympathetic to hardcore Maoists who believe in seizing power through the barrel of a gun and reject the democratic path. The government's multi-pronged strategy, sustained over more than a decade, has proven highly effective. Success on the ground has been achieved by relentlessly pursuing the SAMADHAN strategy—a comprehensive approach adopted by the Ministry of Home Affairs in 2017, combining security measures with developmental initiatives, and tracking progress through key performance indicators. Also Read: Basavaraju—tech grad to Maoist commander-in-chief who scripted deadliest massacres including Dantewada How Naxals once held ground During my deputation with the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in 2010, I had the opportunity to witness firsthand the complexities of India's prolonged conflict with Left-Wing Extremists under Operation Green Hunt. The audacity of the problem can be gauged from one devastating ambush of a CRPF patrol party by Naxals in Dantewada district, in which 76 security personnel were killed in a single incident. The incident showed the extent of their strategic planning, coordination, and range of armaments. These types of attacks pushed the central forces into a defensive mindset. In Bijapur and Dantewada, the situation on the ground was so grim that road-opening parties (ROP) were deployed to minimise the risk of ambush or gunfire. The terrain was littered with mines, and the constant threat of IEDs and sudden-burst fire were regular occurrences during troop movements. As a result, the forces became highly defensive and remained confined to their camps instead of carrying out anti-Naxal operations. This not only lowered the morale of the troops but also shook the tribal population's trust in them. This also led to a complete drying up of intelligence regarding Naxal movements. Tribals were forced to choose between the Naxals and the security forces, as the state failed to offer them protection or viable alternatives. The Naxals were able to convince the tribals that they were fighting for their cause of jal, jungle, and zameen. The overall outcome was that in areas like Dantewada and Bijapur, the writ of the Naxals ran large. They even prevented government teams from carrying out developmental work, such as building roads, expanding telecommunication networks and electricity lines in the interior regions, in order to maintain their control over these so-called 'liberated zones.' Breaking the Naxal stronghold The overall success in dismantling Naxalism can be attributed to both developmental and security strategies. Targeted government initiatives on the developmental front have been instrumental in restoring the faith of the people in the state. Road connectivity and telecommunication networks have improved tremendously in the last decade, civic action programmes carried out by CAPFs have helped in winning the hearts and minds of the locals, and the Roshni scheme has enabled tribal youth to develop skills and gain employment. Apart from the developmental initiatives mentioned above, the government has acted in a highly planned, coordinated, and resolute manner on the security front as well. What has really made a big difference is: Strong political willpower shown by the central and state governments. For the first time, a Union Home Minister has set an example by leading from the front. Good coordination through a unified command structure between central and state forces. The District Reserve Group (DRG), which has proved to be a game changer. It mostly consists of surrendered Naxalites who have extensive knowledge of the area and terrain and have ties with the locals as well. This has led to improved intelligence gathering and the development of better strategies against the Naxals. Setting up of security camps in the interior areas and fortification of police stations. Technological intervention, especially surveillance through drones and satellite imagery, which has effectively mitigated the ambushes. With the operational tide turning in favour of security forces, the next phase of counterinsurgency must focus on sustainable peace through inclusion. Winning battles on the ground is only half the victory. Rehabilitating and reintegrating Naxals into mainstream society is crucial for lasting peace. They should be encouraged to surrender and adopt democratic means to voice their grievances. The ballot, not the bullet, must drive change. Ongoing battle for hearts and minds Though much has been achieved, and the Home Minister's deadline of ending Naxalism by 31 March 2026 is within sight, we cannot afford to be complacent. We have to continue the pressure on the hardcore arms-wielding Naxalites relentlessly. We also have to keep dismantling their financial network, as Naxals get funding from extortion and protection rackets. The problem of Naxalism is not merely a security one but is also related to development and governance. Even as security forces dismantle the operational infrastructure of the insurgents, the risk of regrouping will remain unless structural issues are addressed. The regions most affected by Left-Wing Extremism have historically suffered from a grave development deficit. To ensure that the Leftist ideology does not find fertile ground again, the next phase must focus more on people-oriented governance, land rights, health care, education, and economic upliftment. A dual-track approach is essential: sustained security operations must be matched by a robust development strategy that addresses the root causes of extremism. The last and most important element is an effective ideological counter-narrative. The fight is not just against armed insurgents but against an ideology. The likes of Basavaraju can be eliminated, but not an ideology. To ensure that there is no possibility of regrouping, we must remain on our toes—vigilant, adaptive, and proactive. We need to counter Naxalite propaganda effectively on a regular basis. The battle for hearts and minds has to be finally won not just by the gun, but by plugging the gaps in development and governance, by continually working in a sustained manner for the most marginalised sections. Ashok Kumar is a retired IPS officer who served as Uttarakhand DGP. He is currently Vice-Chancellor of the Sports University of Haryana in Rai, Sonipat. His X handle is @AshokKumar_IPS. Views are personal.
