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Asia Times
6 days ago
- Politics
- Asia Times
Philippine naval upgrade more spectacle than strategy
As tensions rise with China in the South China Sea, the Philippines may be advancing a naval modernization strategy centered more on signaling and alignment than actual deterrence. This month, USNI News reported that the Philippine Navy (PN) launched its first Rajah Solayman-class offshore patrol vessel (OPV) in Ulsan, South Korea, marking a significant step in its maritime modernization. Named after a 16th-century Filipino hero, BRP Rajah Solayman (PS20) is the first of six ships procured from South Korea's Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI) under a 2022 contract aimed at reinforcing the country's overstretched fleet. Initially designed as a 1,500-ton vessel, the OPV was later expanded to 2,400 tons under HHI's HDP-2200+ design, which enhanced its range and endurance for extended patrols. Armed with an Oto Melara 76-millimeter main gun and Aselsan SMASH 30-millimeter remote-controlled weapon systems, the ship is built for maritime security operations amid increasing tensions in the South China Sea. Philippine military officials have emphasized that the six-vessel program will replace aging patrol assets, supplement forces in critical maritime areas and enhance the country's sovereignty defense posture. The ship's 5,500 nautical mile range and 30-day endurance ensure prolonged operational capability. While production is slated to conclude by 2028, South Korea is already positioning itself for further defense contracts in the 2030s, including potential frigate and corvette programs under the Philippines' next phase of military modernization. Yet, beneath these moves is a crucial strategic question: Are they aimed at real deterrence, or are they crafted more for show, particularly to China? In line with the Philippines' de facto 'assertive transparency' strategy to name and shame China's assertive actions in the South China Sea and galvanize international support for its cause, Manila requires high-profile, high-visibility assets, such as frigates, OPVs, and light combat aircraft, to effectively respond to China's gray zone challenges. However, the survivability of such assets in the event of escalating tensions with China may be questionable. As seen in Taiwan's case, high-visibility platforms, such as surface warships and fighter jets, are vulnerable to rapid destruction in a Chinese first strike, prompting substantial investment in asymmetric warfare assets, including submarines. But with Philippine submarine procurement still in the early planning phase, the Brahmos missile system has become the centerpiece of the country's asymmetric deterrent posture. However, as Ashley Tellis notes in a July 2024 article for The Print, without supporting Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C4ISR) infrastructure for dynamic targeting, these missiles will remain largely symbolic. Tellis says those deficiencies mean the missiles will be useful only against fixed, nearby targets, such as the contested Scarborough Shoal, and are not credible tools for flexible or long-range deterrence. Furthermore, China could easily repair or replace damaged or destroyed warships, given its massive shipbuilding capabilities. Underscoring this capability, a 2025 US Congressional Research Service (CRS) report states that China's shipbuilding capacity is 230 times that of the US. If the Philippines truly recognized the urgency of building asymmetric capabilities, it might be willing to make more difficult defense trade-offs. For example, Felix Chang mentions in a November 2019 Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) article that Vietnam, a similarly challenged maritime neighbor, acquired six Kilo-class submarines from Russia in 2009 at a cost of US$2 billion, equivalent to half its defense budget. While Vietnam's proximity to China and history of conflict justify such investment, the Philippines has not demonstrated the same urgency or strategic commitment to undersea deterrence. Yet, such stealth investments appear to be mismatched with the Philippines' budget constraints and its current emphasis on diplomatic visibility through multilateral defense engagement. In line with this, the Philippines has been signing military access agreements with 'like-minded' countries, such as Japan, Australia and New Zealand, with the possible goal of maintaining a high tempo of high-publicity multinational naval exercises in the South China Sea. 'We have noted a marked decrease in the illegal and coercive actions of the PLA each time there is a multilateral or bilateral maritime cooperative activity… No PLA Navy, Coast Guard, or maritime militia noted within proximity,' says Philippine Navy spokesperson Admiral Roy Trinidad, as quoted by Defense Post in a February 2025 article. Still, when push comes to shove in the South China Sea, it is unclear whether the Philippines' 'alternative' defense partners will come to its aid. Even the US, its most capable and only treaty partner, has more than once prioritized its broader strategic interests over Philippine concerns during past incidents with China. At the political level, multinational naval exercises may also serve as part of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr's broader effort to claim legitimacy among wealthy liberal democracies, thereby securing economic assistance and political support despite the historical controversies associated with the Marcos dynasty. Moreover, since the US has indefinitely stationed the Typhon and NMESIS missile systems in the Philippines, nominally for training purposes, it provides Marcos Jr with a strategic buffer that reinforces his domestic position. Typhon is armed with Tomahawk cruise missiles that can reach mainland China from the Philippines, while NMESIS is an anti-ship system that could hit Chinese warships transiting the Bashi Channel. The 2022 US National Defense Strategy prioritizes Taiwan and the broader Indo-Pacific region, while accepting a higher risk in theaters such as Europe. This focus gives Marcos Jr room to rely on US support to enhance his security credentials and consolidate domestic legitimacy. According to a February 2025 Social Weather Station (SWS) survey, 78% of Philippine respondents support political candidates who assert sovereign rights against China's aggressive actions in the South China Sea. With such strong public sentiment, Marcos Jr could frame his administration as resolute on sovereignty, even with limited military muscle. However, the Philippines does not face any existential threat on the level of Taiwan, Ukraine, Israel and South Korea, as no country since World War II has threatened its destruction. The country's primary threats are internal, including poverty, political instability, insurgency and terrorism. While China has been a troublesome neighbor for the Philippines, it does not seek the destruction of the Philippine state, making China more of a challenge to be managed than a threat to be dealt with. Even if Philippine policymakers understand that nuance, and Marcos Jr courts Chinese investment while under rising economic pressure, his previous hardline stance and the Philippines' longstanding dependency on US politico-military ties may prevent anything substantial from happening in the near term. But as long as Philippine defense planning is shaped by external validation rather than internal resolve, its military buildup risks remaining more symbolic than strategic.
The Hindu
03-06-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Government plans to wind down National Polio Surveillance Network centres in India
The government has proposed to wind down, in phases, the World Health Organization (WHO)-established National Polio Surveillance Network (NPSN), currently a countrywide network of over 200 units. Experts in the field have commented that the move would be premature and ill-advised at this stage, with India's neighbouring countries still harbouring cases of polio. Staff at the NPSN centres have received a communication from the WHO's representative in India, Roderico H. Ofrin, advising them of an upcoming transition initiated by the government. The transition involves a gradual drawdown of the NPSN units each year — from approximately 280 units in 2024-25 down to 190 in 2025-26, and further to 140 in 2026-27. This is also linked with a corresponding reduction in financial support from the government, according to the communique. The process of transition will begin in June. 'We are not disbanding teams overnight or winding down the network haphazardly; rather, specific units will phase out at set intervals as government systems ramp up and absorb these functions,' Dr. Ofrin said. This will help us ensure that, at any given time, critical surveillance activities continue with minimal or no gaps, he said. While he assured the staff of the NPSN that this would help retain critical surveillance activities, at some point, polio surveillance would be subsumed within the Integrated Diseases Surveillance Programme. But the proposed winding down of a key unit, at a time when global resurgence of polio has been reported, has not gone down well, with either staffers or public health experts. India was declared polio-free in 2014, after three years of no case caused by wild polio virus transmission. The gains came after a full-frontal attack launched on polio, through years of coordinated work and oral polio immunisation campaigns, with a number of organisations collaborating. Jacob John, prominent virologist and vaccine expert, who has been actively involved in polio eradication efforts, including as a member on the National Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation, said he was 'horrified' by the move. 'The world has lots of polio still. It is way too early to upset our current 'steady state',' he added. He pointed out that Afghanistan and Pakistan continued to have polio cases, and that it is too close for comfort, also pointing to the danger of vaccine-derived polio virus. 'For every type 1 wild virus polio in Pakistan, there are about 10-12 circulating vaccine-derived poliovirus polio cases, mostly type 2, globally. After April 2016, we have not immunised children against type 2. In case vaccine derived polio virus is imported into India, widespread transmission and polio cases by the dozen are expected,' Dr. John said. A long-time campaigner for injectable polio vaccines (IPVs), Dr. John suggests that India should first replace oral polio vaccine (OPV) with IPV. After one year, all OPV can be withdrawn. Then, one year later, we can look at dismounting the watch. 'If surveillance is diluted now, we become sitting ducks for the resurgence of polio due to circulating VDPV, type 2 most likely, and type 1 less likely,' Dr. John said. Dr. Ofrin's letter also touches upon job security for existing staff, but the polio surveillance medical officers in the country under the Special Services Agreement, said it's not at all reassuring. 'Each centre has at least four employees. Imagine the number of people who won't have a job,' one doctor said, speaking on condition of anonymity. He also said that, since 2014, the NPSN had been functioning as a unit of the Central government, which expanded the role of the staff to conduct surveillance for measles and rubella, DPT (diphtheria, pertussis or whooping cough, and tetanus), child vaccination, and training the health workforce every time a new vaccine was introduced. He pointed out that there seemed to be no rationale in shutting down these particular centres. 'Vaccine-preventable diseases are a critical area; the country's progress should not be compromised at this stage,' he said.
Yahoo
30-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Cruz's HOVER Act: Black Hawks Get A High-Tech Copilot For Safer Skies
Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) is flying high with a new bill that hopes to update the technology used in the American military's helicopter fleet. With the long title of The Helicopter Operational Versatility and Enhanced Readiness Act, more quickly referred to as the HOVER Act, the legislation promises to turn the Army's tried-and-true Black Hawks into modern marvels that can fly with or without a human at the controls. Cruz said in a recent press release that the move is about 'peace through strength,' giving our troops the very best in cutting-edge technology. 'The HOVER Act allows the U.S. Army to modernize its fleet with such technology, boosting military readiness and American national security. I urge my colleagues to swiftly pass this bill to ensure our military remains the strongest and most effective in the world,' Cruz added. The HOVER Act authorizes the use of government funds to convert at least three Army Black Hawk helicopters into Optionally Piloted Vehicles (OPVs), a fancy term for a helicopter that can fly itself or take instructions from a pilot in a format similar to Bluetooth. The OPV tech, already proven in aviation practices outside the military, aims to lighten the load on human pilots, reduce human error, and increase survivability rates during dangerous military missions. Rep. Jake Ellzey (R-Texas-6), a former helicopter pilot, is also sponsoring 'companion' legislation in the House. 'As a former helicopter pilot, I understand firsthand the demands and risks associated with complex missions in challenging environments. The HOVER Act is a step forward in aviation safety and mission effectiveness. By integrating Optionally Piloted Vehicle (OPV) technology into Black Hawks, we will not only reduce pilot workload but also enhance situational awareness and increase survivability in high-risk conditions,' Ellzey said. The bill also directs the Secretary of the Army to run a two-year test drive – an operational experimentation program to evaluate how these OPVs perform in the real world. The Secretary will also have to report back to Congress within a year with progress, findings, and recommendations for OPV usage in the future. Some could argue the bill is a no-brainer. Modern combat zones are complex, fast-paced, and dangerous. Cutting-edge tech like OPVs could help pilots focus on their missions and, hopefully, reduce crash rates. Cruz and Ellzey aren't waiting around. They're betting that robotic copilot systems are the next big thing in keeping America's pilots safe in battle. The HOVER Act is about more than just tech updates for a few choppers; it's about ensuring the U.S. Army's helicopters are ready to face tomorrow's modern threats. As Ellzey put it, 'This legislation is about giving our pilots the tools they need to be successful. It gives them the ability to execute their missions safely and effectively and come home to their families.'
New Straits Times
27-05-2025
- Business
- New Straits Times
Shin Yang's unit receives LOI from Home Affairs Ministry for completion offshore patrol vessels
KUALA LUMPUR: Shin Yang Group Bhd's (Shin Yang) wholly-owned subsidiary, Shin Yang Shipyard Sdn Bhd, has received a Letter of Intent (LOI) from the Ministry of Home Affairs to appoint as a contractor for works on offshore patrol vessels (OPVs). In a filing with Bursa Malaysia today, Shin Yang said the LOI expresses the intention of the Ministry of Home Affairs to appoint Shin Yang Shipyard as the contractor for the completion of the remaining works on OPV 2 and OPV 3 for the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency (MMEA). "The issuance of the LOI is subject to further discussions and negotiations between the Ministry of Home Affairs and Shin Yang Shipyard regarding specific terms of the proposed shipbuilding contract," it said. Shin Yang said the LOI does not constitute a legally binding commitment by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and there is no certainty that a definitive contract will be awarded to Shin Yang Shipyard. "The potential shipbuilding contract, if awarded, is expected to contribute positively to the group's earnings and net assets for the duration of the project. "However, the exact financial impact can only be determined upon finalisation and execution of the definitive contract," it added. -- BERNAMA
The Star
27-05-2025
- Business
- The Star
Shin Yang's unit receives LOI for offshore patrol vessel work
KUALA LUMPUR: Shin Yang Group Bhd 's (Shin Yang) wholly-owned subsidiary, Shin Yang Shipyard Sdn Bhd, has received a Letter of Intent (LOI) from the Ministry of Home Affairs to appoint as a contractor for works on offshore patrol vessels (OPVs). In a filing with Bursa Malaysia today, Shin Yang said the LOI expresses the intention of the Ministry of Home Affairs to appoint Shin Yang Shipyard as the contractor for the completion of the remaining works on OPV 2 and OPV 3 for the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency (MMEA). "The issuance of the LOI is subject to further discussions and negotiations between the Ministry of Home Affairs and Shin Yang Shipyard regarding specific terms of the proposed shipbuilding contract,' it said. Shin Yang said the LOI does not constitute a legally binding commitment by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and there is no certainty that a definitive contract will be awarded to Shin Yang Shipyard. "The potential shipbuilding contract, if awarded, is expected to contribute positively to the group's earnings and net assets for the duration of the project. "However, the exact financial impact can only be determined upon finalisation and execution of the definitive contract,' it added. - Bernama
