Latest news with #Moderates
Sky News AU
6 days ago
- Politics
- Sky News AU
Embattled NSW Liberal committee undergoes major shake-up, as moderates reassert dominance whilst fending off unexpected bid from Tony Abbott
The beleaguered NSW Liberal state committee has been purged, with ex-Victorian Senator Richard Alston and former Victorian treasurer Alan Stockdale dumped as administrators of the branch after a string controversies and gaffes. The federal executive met on Tuesday afternoon and voted 20 votes to one on the new leadership panel proposed by federal Liberal leader Sussan Ley and her NSW counterpart Mark Speakman. The meeting concluded that the bruised division would remain in administration until next March with former NSW Premier Nick Greiner installed as the independent chair to oversee the seven-person state executive committee for the next nine months. Ms Ley selected former state MP Peta Seaton as her delegate on the committee, while Mr Speakman appointed barrister and outspoken moderate Jane Buncle. It is also understood that multiple members of the NSW right faction lobbied for former Prime Minister Tony Abbott to be appointed to the committee, however the move was resoundingly voted down by the executive. The meeting's rejection of Abbott's bid resulted in a tense factional dispute between moderates and the right. Numerous Liberal right figures labelled the new group the "committee of management" and attacked party bosses for establishing an executive stacked with staunch social moderates and soft-right forces led by factional leader federal MP Alex Hawke. One anonymous conservative Liberal described the outcome as a "Hawke/Moderate intervention' and told The Daily Telegraph, 'their mission will be to prevent reform from happening.' 'If the rules of the party mean that Hawke and the Moderates are always in charge, what incentive do they have to change the rules?' The new committee will include Mark Baillie who will serve as treasurer, James Owen, Peter O'Hanlon and Berenice Walker who is also the President of the NSW Women's Council. The result means that Victorian Liberal elders Alan Stockdale and Richard Alston will be axed as interim administrators, after former federal Liberal leader Peter Dutton announced a 10-month takeover of the NSW branch and installed a three-person oversight panel due to the 2024 council nomination blunder. Mr Stockdale's tenure was viewed as unsustainable by a myriad of NSW Liberal figures after the veteran politician stated at a gathering of the NSW Liberal Women's Council that women had become 'sufficiently assertive' and that reverse quotas for men were needed. Multiple Liberal insiders told the Sydney Morning Herald Mr Stockdale was vocal in his opposition of Ms Walker being appointed to the committee. Ms Walker had previously railed against the party's direction under Mr Stockdale's leadership, with the women's council passing a motion on May 25 conveying their 'firm and formal opposition to any extension of the federal intervention'. Ms Seaton was the only member of the interim panel who survived the restructure. The singular vote against Ley and Speakman's committee was Charlie Taylor, the brother of shadow defence minister Angus Taylor who recently lost the Liberal leadership ballot, Liberal sources told the Sydney Morning Herald. A Liberal source told the Daily Telegraph that NSW members had 'reclaimed the party back from Victoria'. 'The Victorian division is sinking fast and we want nothing to do with that Titanic,' the unnamed source added. The meeting also appointed former NSW state minister Pru Goward and former federal minister and factional powerbroker Nick Minchin to lead a review into the Liberal's thumping 2025 federal election defeat. Ms Goward and Mr Minchin are set to investigate the Coalition's tumultuous election campaign and the last term of parliament under former opposition leader Peter Dutton and provide recommendations about how the party can best reclaim the litany of seats lost to both the Teals and the Labor Party. They are also expected to scrutinise the centralised nature of Liberal campaign HQ in the lead-up to the election, of which numerous Coalition figures have spoken out against since the overwhelming defeat.
Local Sweden
05-06-2025
- Politics
- Local Sweden
Who would govern Sweden if an election were held today?
With just over a year to go until Sweden's next election, a key poll suggests that the centre-left Social Democrats may take a decisive leap forward. Advertisement If an election were held today, the Social Democrats would get 36.2 percent of the vote, according to number-crunching state agency Statistics Sweden's survey – a 5.9 point increase on the 2022 election. The ruling Moderates, on the other hand, would only get 18.3 percent, 0.8 percentage points down on the last election, although that decrease is not statistically significant. They would, on the other hand, by a tiny margin, claw back the spot as Sweden's second-largest party from the far-right Sweden Democrats, who would take the worst hit out of all the parties compared to the 2022 election, with a -2.5 point drop in support to 18 percent. 'The Swedish people are clear about wanting to see Magdalena Andersson as prime minister,' the Social Democrat's party secretary, Tobias Baudin, told the TT newswire. But he cautioned that the election, in September 2026, is still over a year off. 'This is a poll, but the decision will be made on election day. We're then going to lead the next government,' he said, saying the party wouldn't be resting on its laurels until then. The Sweden Democrats' deputy party secretary, Fredrik Lindahl, said voters would change their minds once his party's collaboration with the government starts to yield results. 'We think voters will see it and appreciate our alternative,' he told TT. Advertisement Out of the five smaller parties, the left side fared the best in the poll, with the Left Party claiming 7.1 percent of the vote and the Green Party 6.5 percent. The Centre Party – who is currently collaborating mainly with the centre-left – would get 5.5 percent. The two parties that also make up the right-wing government coalition, however, would not manage to get enough votes to make it across the four-percent parliamentary threshold. The Christian Democrats would get 3.4 percent and the Liberals 2.8 percent. This means that even if the Centre Party were to pull its reluctant support of the centre-left, or switch sides altogether, the left bloc would still win more seats than the right bloc. It's worth noting however that some of the smaller parties often poll below the parliamentary threshold in-between elections, but manage to secure enough votes on voting day. Statistics Sweden's party sympathy poll is only carried out once a year and is one of Sweden's biggest political public opinion polls. More than 9,000 voters were questioned between April 29th and May 28th.
Yahoo
04-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Musk Defiance of Trump Gives Fiscal Hawks Breathing Room
The richest man in the world began his feud with the most powerful man in the world right in the middle of the news cycle. Elon Musk called the One Big Beautiful Bill, the vehicle for President Trumps sprawling policy agenda, a "disgusting abomination." "The president already knows where Elon Musk stood on this bill," replied White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt. "It doesnt change the presidents opinion." It could, however, change the timing. When he broke ranks with the president, Musk gave conservative critics of the bill a bit more breathing room on Capitol Hill by interrupting the regular White House drumbeat to pass the legislation as soon as possible. "It is an invitation to lock-in even harder," one senior Senate aide told RealClearPolitics. "Nobody can control him," the aide added of Musk. "I dont even think Trump can." That means a headache for Senate Majority Leader John Thune. Republicans can only lose two votes and still pass the mega bill through reconciliation. At least half a dozen GOP senators have already registered their strong dissatisfaction with the version of the bill passed by the House. Moderates, like Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, balk at changes to Medicaid. Fiscal conservatives, like Sens. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Rand Paul of Kentucky, complain that the bill explodes deficits. Musk is in the latter camp. "Im sorry, but I just cant stand it anymore," Musk wrote on X less than a week after leaving his post in the administration. He called the legislation "massive, outrageous, pork-filled," arguing that it would "massively increase the already gigantic budget deficit" and that "Congress is making America bankrupt." It was a remarkable bit of criticism from a former White House official, especially after his much-celebrated crusade to cut waste, fraud, and abuse from the federal bureaucracy - to say nothing of the $280 million he spent helping to get Trump elected a second time. The president has not flamed Musk. For now. There was little daylight between the two during Trumps first 100 days, a fact that led Sean Hannity of Fox News to remark during those early weeks that the pair was like "two brothers." Musk never had the same kind of bromance with Speaker Mike Johnson or Leader Thune. Both Republican leaders pushed back with Johnson telling reporters Musk was "flat wrong" about the deficit effects of the bill and Thune likening the Musk broadside to little more than "commentary." Fiscal hawks saw a new ally and were delighted as Musk amplified their concerns on X. "I agree with Elon. We have both seen the massive waste in government spending and we know another $5 trillion in debt is a huge mistake," Paul wrote on the social media website. "We can and must do better." Musk, despite his billions, doesnt have a vote in the coming debate. He does have a megaphone, and he has adoring fans who now find themselves split between believing the richest man and the most powerful man in the world. A second senior Senate aide doubted whether Musk could change the bill from afar. Not long ago, after all, he mounted a grassroots campaign to keep Thune from succeeding Sen. Mitch McConnell as GOP leader. That failed. The new criticism of legislation, the aide said, serves as a sort of shot in the arm to the conservative insurgents: "Elon can make them more comfortable disagreeing with Trump." Musk arrived in Washington as a political novice but a hot commodity on the right. Republicans on Capitol Hill rushed to take selfies with the eccentric billionaire entrepreneur early on, but he may have lost some of his shine after Democrats made him the face of the opposition. "DOGE is just becoming the whipping boy for everything," he said during an interview with the Washington Post. "So, like, something bad would happen anywhere, and we would get blamed for it even if we had nothing to do with it." He shared similar sentiments in interviews with the New York Times and CBS News, outlets that Trump notably harbors a particular grudge against. "I have long thought that Elon taking the blows and being the only conservative still in the room gave a permission structure for conservatives on the hill to push back against Trump," said the leader of one prominent GOP grassroots operation, "but now I am not sure." The operative noted that Musk lost favor in opinion polls even as he gained power. Notably, he tried to boost a conservative candidate in a race for the Wisconsin Supreme Court in March, only to have that effort backfire. His popularity may be waning with middle-of-the-road voters, the operative added, but that doesnt mean he is wrong on the merits. The big, beautiful bill assumed 4.5% economic growth to reach cuts and savings, they said before adding, "That is insane. No one is telling the truth anymore. Except Elon." The White House insists that the bill would ultimately shrink the national debt. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, as well as several outside analysts, estimate that the tax and spend package would increase deficits by more than a trillion dollars. A senior Senate aide said that the challenge for the White House is that Musk "obviously is not wrong. He is saying something that a lot of GOP folks believe, and it is building momentum." Republicans may have miscalculated with Musk, the aide added, saying that the hope that the billionaire would play political operative permanently for Republicans was "always a fantasy." "It isnt that he doesnt understand politics, he just doesnt care and can turn on a dime at any point," the aide said of Musk. That unpredictably means breathing room for critics of the bill. If the richest man in the world can defy the president, some are starting to conclude, so can members of Congress. Or, that is, they can hold out long enough to try and change the bill to their liking. Philip Wegmann is White House correspondent for RealClearPolitics.
Gulf Insider
04-06-2025
- Business
- Gulf Insider
'Forced Mixing' Housing Plan To Integrate Migrants Pushed By Sweden's Social Democrats
The Swedish Social Democratic Party has approved a new integration strategy that aims to forcibly diversify the country's residential areas, pushing for what party officials call a 'socio-economic mix' of Swedes and migrants in housing developments. The policy, adopted at the party congress ahead of the 2026 general election, includes proposals to limit immigration to vulnerable areas and to use housing construction to engineer a more integrated society. 'We are serious about the fact that we intend to break segregation and use housing policy as an engine in that work,' said Lawen Redar, the party official responsible for designing the new platform, as cited by Aftonbladet. Redar described the shift as a 'U-turn' in the party's approach, acknowledging that past strategies had failed. The new policy includes scrapping the right of asylum seekers to choose their own accommodation and banning municipalities from placing new arrivals in already struggling districts. Instead, migrants will be relocated to wealthier areas in an effort to engineer demographic diversity and 'repay the integration debt,' as the party put it. Jonas Attenius, a senior party official newly elected to the executive committee and chairman of the municipal board in Gothenburg, emphasized the long-term nature of the project. 'Yes, we need to mix the population in the long run. I usually say 'in a generation'. This is long-term,' he said. He argued that integrating migrant families into more prosperous neighborhoods would be key to breaking entrenched segregation. But critics have described the plan as ideological social engineering. Richard Jomshof, a member of parliament for the right-wing Sweden Democrats, responded sharply: 'No, we don't need your forced mixing. What we need are closed borders and a return migration (policy) worth the name. But sure, you socialists can mix as much as you want, just pack your bags.' On the contrary, the Sweden Democrats announced last month they will campaign in the 2026 general election on a pledge to stop migration to the country. The plan comes amid growing concern over crime and integration failures in Sweden's suburbs, many of which are dominated by immigrant populations. In recent years, the country has faced a wave of gang-related violence, including record numbers of explosions and shootings, often tied to second-generation migrant youth. Some suburbs now rank among the most dangerous areas in Europe. Despite the backlash, Social Democrat officials are confident the new approach will not alienate the party's newer, affluent urban supporters — voters it began attracting after the 2022 election, in part due to the collapse of the traditional center-right Moderates. 'I'm convinced of that,' said Attenius. 'But again, this requires a strict migration policy.' Attenius also issued an apology to migrants who had been concentrated in struggling districts. 'I'm sorry,' he said. 'Sorry for doing that. Now it is time for the whole of society to take over.'
Mint
27-05-2025
- Business
- Mint
America's Senate plans big changes for the House's spending bill
Whipping votes is a hard job in Congress, especially with as narrow a majority as the one overseen by Mike Johnson, the House speaker. But even the most masterful legislators can't account for everything. Andrew Garbarino, a New York Republican, fell asleep early on May 22nd as his colleagues considered H.R.1, also known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. He missed the vote. 'I'm going to just strangle him,' Mr Johnson joked to reporters. The bill passed, but that was the easy part. The Senate will now negotiate its own version of the most consequential legislation of Donald Trump's second term. Mr Trump prefers to govern by executive order, but the bill approved last week addressed administration priorities that couldn't be tackled with his signature alone. Most significantly, it makes permanent his 2017 income-tax cuts, a policy broadly popular with Republicans in both chambers. Yet the multitrillion-dollar legislation will have far-reaching effects on immigration, energy production, social insurance and the military. And the august Senate has very different ideas on many of these issues than the rowdier lower chamber. Tax-reform discussions in the Senate picked up in recent weeks, with senators debating amongst themselves even as they watched House negotiations. Fiscal hawks are upset that the House bill would add more than $3trn to the deficit over the next decade. Moderates, meanwhile, have been critical about changes to climate-change and safety-net programmes. Still, it is already possible to discern broad changes coming in the Senate bill. Top of the list is an expansion of the state-and-local-tax (SALT) deduction, a policy traditionally supported by Democrats that reduces the income-tax burden for high-earners. A handful of House Republicans from high-tax states won an increase of the cap to $40,000, up from $10,000. Yet there is virtually no constituency for the pricey policy among Senate Republicans, who would rather prioritise making permanent the few pro-growth business provisions in the bill. Then there are Mr Trump's tax handouts, which in the House's bill would add about $500bn to the deficit. The Senate, recognising political reality, is expected to include some version of Mr Trump's campaign promises, but is likely to craft less ambitious tax relief on tips, on overtime pay and on car loans (all Trump campaign pledges). Their version would add about half as much to the deficit as the House bill does. The House bill contains about $1.5trn in spending cuts over a decade. Most of this comes from government-funded health care and food-assistance programmes. Ron Johnson, a Wisconsin senator and leading Republican tax wonk, would prefer about $6trn in cuts. That would return America to pre-pandemic spending levels, but he knows this maximalist position is unattainable in an ideologically diverse party. So the Senate will aim for more like $2trn in cuts so that the deficit numbers look a bit less alarming. The House bill speeds up sunset provisions to clean-energy tax credits included in Joe Biden's 2022 climate bill, saving billions but alienating moderates and politically vulnerable senators. Cuts to food assistance and Medicaid, a government health programme for poor and disabled Americans, are unpopular with some senators, including economic populists. These differences are unresolved in the Senate and could be the trickiest point when the House and Senate bills are merged in reconciliation, which could still be months away. That won't be easy. But the alternative to compromise will be allowing tax cuts to expire and therefore taxes to rise. Avoiding that may be the single policy choice all Republicans agree on. For now both chambers are steeling themselves for a bicameral brawl. 'The number that we care most about is 218,' Kevin Cramer, a North Dakota senator, told Politico, referencing the size of the House Republican majority. 'Depending on how many we can get to fall asleep.'
