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Irish Times
2 days ago
- Business
- Irish Times
‘We've dropped the ball': Ireland's housing targets will be missed because the water, electricity and roads required can't be delivered
When Bertie Ahern was taoiseach, he invited the chief of the Madrid metro to Merrion Street to discuss underground rail for Dublin . The late Prof Manuel Melis Maynar had built the Spanish system in record time at minimal cost. At a meeting in Government Buildings , he said the limestone beneath Dublin was ideal for tunnelling. Ahern replied: 'When can you start?' That was in 2003. Two decades later, the perennial wait for a Dublin metro goes on. The saga is but one tale of Irish infrastructure woe among many. But if the metro is something of a national joke, other stalled projects do not invite laughter. The Republic's water and electricity networks are increasingly overstretched, prompting sharp questions about the response to the worsening housing crisis. The need to accelerate housing output has never been greater but utilities are stuck in the slow lane. These are the pipes and wires that keep water and electricity flowing. As the housing shortage drives young adults to despair or their childhood bedrooms, warning lights are flashing about the State's ability to settle the most pressing problem facing Irish society. The population is forecast to reach six million by about 2040, so demand for infrastructure will only grow. But Uisce Éireann , the water authority, has warned it may have to stop connecting new Dublin homes within three years if a long-delayed wastewater plant does not clear planning soon. READ MORE At the same time, thousands of new homes have been delayed because they can't access power. State electricity company ESB Networks accepts the need to reinforce the network in certain places because of soaring demand. But some critical equipment can take as long as three years to procure. 'It's in the red zone,' says one big housing developer who has dealings with the ESB. As the Government struggles to boost construction, all of this means privileged State bodies responsible for critical services can't guarantee timely delivery. So what are the reasons for the crunch? What can be done about it? And what about the ever-rising cost of building such infrastructure? 'There has been a mood change in that there's a recognition now that because of infrastructure we can't deliver housing,' says a senior industrial figure who grapples daily with the utilities deficit. 'We have dropped the ball. We had spare capacity but now we're running on fumes.' The roots of the problem lie in the huge expansion of the State's population and economy, which was not matched by a corresponding increase in critical infrastructure. The population is estimated to have reached 5.38 million in 2024, compared with 3.79 million in 2000, a 1.59 million increase in a quarter-century. In the same period the number of people working in the State has risen to 2.79 million from 1.65 million, an increase of 1.14 million. Seán Laffey, Uisce Éireann: 'We're not saying people shouldn't have the right to object, but it should be treated in a way that is accelerated.' Photograph: Damien Eagers/The Irish Times 'We're playing catch-up now,' says Seán Laffey, asset management and sustainability director at Uisce Éireann, adding that it takes between seven and 10 years to plan and build water and wastewater infrastructure. 'We have an infrastructure which was perfectly capable of handling maybe 4-4.5 million people. Now we're up to 5.7 million – nearly six million people – and we're behind. Now, we did have a surplus; we're very lucky in that respect. But we're actually maxing that out now.' Making matters worse was disruption from the 2008 economic crash, which brought construction to a halt for several years and cut off funding for initiatives such as the Dublin metro. Then there was the coronavirus pandemic, which closed large parts of the economy and concentrated political action on healthcare, almost to the exclusion of everything else. The upshot is that the State is playing catch-up on infrastructure. Basic services now lag behind huge housing and industrial demand, but utility projects face long delays because of planning logjams, legal issues and red tape. Inevitably, delays spur costs. But infrastructure experts say the mechanisms for sanctioning big State projects have never been more cumbersome or frustrating. One weary infrastructure warrior laments roadway routes being re-examined even after compulsory purchase orders were already in train to buy land on an approved route. We found that Ireland's infrastructure is about 25 per cent lower than what you find in other high-income European countries — Niall Conroy, Irish Fiscal Advisory Council Another speaks of a mind-numbing culture of 'reviews of reviews' under crash-era measures to control public spending: 'This approval process has people review the business case and assess projects at a level of detail that has already been assessed by experts.' A third individual refers to 'significant heartache', saying measures seem designed more to make it more difficult to bring forward projects than clear the way for building. 'People become beaten down and jaded by it,' he says. 'The density of our bureaucratic process is a major factor.' Outgoing Transport Infrastructure Ireland (TII) chief executive Peter Walsh, whose office is in charge of the latest metro plan, says project timelines have doubled since the early 2000s. When he was involved in national road projects at the turn of the century, it usually took seven years from conception to completion. 'It is now well in excess of 15 years,' he says. 'I think the challenge for delivering infrastructure generally is very serious.' Such delays are not unique to transport – and there are implications far beyond housing. One concern is the State's heavy dependence on foreign direct investment from multinational companies, many from the United States. Almost 1,000 US companies are in Ireland, the best known of them including tech groups Apple, Microsoft, Google and Meta, and pharmaceutical groups Pfizer and Johnson & Johnson. With US trade already under threat from president Donald Trump's tariffs, infrastructure and housing issues make it difficult to make the case for new Irish investment projects. [ Ireland falls further behind on emissions targets making billions in fines more likely Opens in new window ] Another concern is the pressing need to cut carbon emissions to meet climate targets. The electricity shortage has already led to curbs on power-hungry data centres, which dominate demand, and emergency power generation from non-renewable sources. This is not good for environmental goals set down in law. Research by the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council (Ifac) , the official budget watchdog, shows the challenge is stark. 'We found that Ireland's infrastructure is about 25 per cent lower than what you find in other high-income European countries,' says Niall Conroy, acting chief economist. The main areas of deficiency were in housing, healthcare, transport and electricity. Water systems were 'about average' by European standards, but Ireland needs more water services because of high demand from pharmaceutical, information technology and semiconductor industries. A little more than 30,000 new homes were built last year, but Conroy says annual output should be closer to 70,000 for a decade to meet demand. 'We estimate that if Ireland was to have a similar level of housing to other European countries given the size of the population, we would have about 250,000 more homes than we currently have,' he says. 'To address that we need to be building at a pretty high rate for a number of years. As the population increases and because of the demographics we have, we need to be building about 44,000 houses per year just to stand still. 'Then, if you want to address that unmet demand, if you wanted to do that over 10 years, we reckon you'd need to be building another 25,000 on top of that every year for about 10 years. That gets you to about 69,000 per year.' This means housing output would have to more than double. But can it be done? 'Most people would point to a difficulty getting connections to the electricity grid and to water or wastewater facilities,' says Conroy. Ifac's concerns mirror those of authorities such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In a recent report on Ireland, the IMF says 'several key challenges remain in the effective delivery of infrastructure – including planning delays, low construction productivity (including the need to utilise modern methods of construction), and labour shortages in the construction sector'. Video: Dan Dennison The Central Bank has similar anxieties. 'The Irish economy is facing well-documented infrastructure challenges in housing, energy, water and transport, which to be addressed will necessitate a rise in construction sector activity,' the bank said this week as it cut housing delivery forecasts for 2025, 2026 and 2027. This prompts unavoidable questions about conditions on the ground, where builders say the utilities crunch is starting to hinder housing delivery in areas of high demand. 'The LDA [Land Development Agency] is bumping into servicing infrastructure issues in relation to some of its sites, which it's working to overcome with the relevant authorities,' says John Coleman, chief of the LDA, the State body charged with building thousands of homes on public land. A titanic effort is required to boost housing output. But water and wastewater networks are under huge strain already. 'The crunch is here,' says Laffey of Uisce Éireann, adding that capacity is fast running out in Dublin. The national water authority can sustainably produce 618 million litres of water per day in the capital and its hinterland. However, demand over the May public holiday weekend hit 658 million litres. 'So we are running down our reserves of drinking water during the week and we're catching up at the weekend,' says Laffey. The solution for Uisce Éireann lies in a project to bring treated Shannon water to Dublin through a 170km pipeline from the Parteen Basin in Co Tipperary. The authority will seek planning permission at the end of 2025, but Laffey is conscious of the risk of legal challenge. 'In Ireland one person anywhere on the island can take a judicial review,' he says. 'Given the vociferous opposition we have to the pipe in certain areas down in Tipperary, we probably would expect it.' [ Project to pipe water from river Shannon to Dublin could cost €10bn Opens in new window ] The body's wastewater plans have already hit a legal wall. Uisce Éireann went to An Bord Pleanála in 2018 seeking permission for a new Greater Dublin Drainage (GDD) scheme to supplement the major Dublin plant at Ringsend that is near capacity. 'We've seen four years' worth capacity used up in Ringsend in the last 18 months,' says Laffey. Permission for the GDD scheme was granted in 2019 but the High Court quashed it in 2020 after a case taken by a daily sea swimmer. The ruling found the decision 'legally flawed' because the planning board failed to seek certain EPA observations. The matter went back to An Bord Pleanála, with a new decision still awaited. 'We're still in the planning process seven years on and Ringsend is running out of capacity,' Laffey says, warning that Ringsend could reach its limits by 2028. 'Ultimately we either continue and allow the treatment plant to become overloaded to some extent. Or we just stop connections.' The whole of Dublin is dependent on this to be able to flush the toilet in five years — Developer Has Laffey told the Government of this threat to new housing? 'Yes.' How far away is the risk of a halt to housing connections? 'We are saying at the moment that the crunch will come in 2028,' he says, adding that a new GDD planning decision is expected in months but that 'interim measures' will be needed. 'If we don't go to judicial review again, we anticipate that plant will be in place in 2032,' he says. 'We should make it. It will be squeaky.' [ 'Constrained' water supply jeopardises new Dublin suburb with 6,000 planned homes Opens in new window ] Complicating matters further is that project costs have shot up. When the original GDD scheme went to tender, the price was €630 million. Now the estimate is €1.3 billion. 'That cost has increased by €700 million. No one's talking about it,' Laffey says. The LDA faces similar pressure. Coleman told an Oireachtas committee that a Judicial Review against permission for 1,000 homes at the former Central Mental Hospital in Dundrum, Dublin, delayed the plans by two years. This added 'at least €30 million' to the €400 million project cost. So what is the solution to the cycle of delay, disarray and litigation? 'Ireland has created an objection manufacturing facility because the legal system allows for objectors to intervene at a very low level,' says a veteran of court battles. 'The legal threshold for objection is very low.' According to an informed source, one proposal under Government consideration is to cap the legal fees in judicial review cases on critical infrastructure. At present litigants can claim all their legal fees from the State if they successfully challenge an infrastructure project in court. The idea of imposing a cap on such costs, which has yet to be settled definitively, would limit fees to €35,000. With costs in some cases running to hundreds of thousands of euro, the aim would be to reduce the incentive for lawyers to take on judicial review actions on a 'no foal, no fee' basis. A further idea is to fast-track planning and any litigation on designated 'public interest' projects. [ The Irish Times view on infrastructure: stop making the same mistakes Opens in new window ] 'Could we have a policy for public good so that if we put in an application for a wastewater treatment plant it gets treated as a priority?' asks Laffey. 'If it ends up in the courts, it gets treated as a priority. We're not saying that people shouldn't have the right to object. Of course they should. But it should be treated in a way that is accelerated.' Another proposal is to move from the sequential submission of planning and consent papers to a system of parallel submissions made simultaneously, in effect telescoping a process that takes years to complete. More radical still would be measures to exempt the most critical utility projects from planning procedures. This would be highly controversial, certainly. But the risks posed by any failure to finally deliver the GDD project are significant. 'The whole of Dublin is dependent on this to be able to flush the toilet in five years,' says one developer who faces project delays because of constraints on water and power supplies. How grave is the electricity problem? Conroy estimates the network in the Republic is about 25 per cent below comparable European countries. 'In recent years there's been a shortage of generation capacity in the Irish power system,' he says. Niall Conroy, acting chief economist with the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council. Photograph: Damien Eagers Industry regulators brought in emergency generation to fill the gap in the short term, but the machines burned fossil fuel. 'Ideally, if we are adding additional electricity generation capacity it should be in renewables.' The pressures on the network have been all too apparent for years. In 2021 national grid manager EirGrid curbed electricity access in Dublin for data centres, buildings that house highly energy-intensive computer systems for storing internet and business data. The next year new data-centre gas connections were stopped. This remains a matter of contention with big US tech groups. While industry figures say the curbs have driven big data-centre projects away from Ireland, ministers have been advised to 'ration' connections for new centres. Such tensions were set out in clear terms a month ago when Oonagh Buckley, secretary general of the Department of Climate, Energy and the Environment, spoke at a public meeting about trade-offs between housing needs and the power demands of the growing artificial intelligence (AI) industry. 'We're having to even think about prioritising what is the social need of the demand – is it housing or is it AI?' she said. This reflects the view that it is already a daunting challenge to meet the electricity needs of a growing population, before any discussion on data centres. Central Statistics Office (CSO) data shows total metered consumption of electricity grew 30 per cent between 2015 and 2024, with data centres taking up the overwhelming portion of the growth. Their share of power consumption doubled to 22 per cent in 2024 from 11 per cent in 2020 and more than quadrupled from 5 per cent in 2015. The increased share of demand came despite the addition of almost 204,000 residential meters to the network between 2015 and 2024. Tens of thousands of new homes are required to settle the housing crisis. However, developers on sites with hundreds of homes in certain areas of Dublin have been told electricity connections are not possible without new power substations. Such infrastructure is critical, converting high-voltage electricity from power plants to lower-voltage supply for homes. ESB Networks says single individual homes can be connected within weeks, but new multiphase residential or industrial developments 'could require a very significant amount of new infrastructure' which is then subject to design, planning and procurement lead times. The company cites challenges securing viable sites for substations and requests for connections in areas of limited demand. Other issues include long lead times to procure kit. 'Network reinforcement projects can take a number of years to deliver,' it says. Transport timelines are also measured in years – and the more years that pass, the more costs rise. When Melis Maynar of Madrid met Ahern 22 years ago, the projected costs for the original Dublin underground varied between €3.4 billion and €4.7 billion. Such figures, large as they are, now appear trifling. With MetroLink delivery not likely until some time in the 2030s, the project was costed in a range between €7 billion and €12 billion in 2021. But that was before post-Covid inflation set in. Now there are fears that costs, in the worst-case scenario, could balloon to €23 billion or even more. [ Dublin's Metrolink project could go 40% over budget and leave many homes 'grievously impacted' Opens in new window ] But Walsh of TII says the MetroLink plan is critical for climate targets. 'If there's any hope of decarbonising mobility in Dublin, we absolutely need to build the metro.' If MetroLink happens, the cost will be many multiples of the €1.45 billion Spain spent in the 1990s building 56km of Madrid metro lines in four years. This was helped by 24-hour tunnelling and Melis Maynar's aversion to fancy architecture, and his reluctance to fork out big fees to 'consultants who consult with consultants and advisers who advise advisers'. Without any tunnelling or tracks laid, the State has already paid dearly for metro planning. Spending on MetroLink had reached €181 million by July 2024. When the first metro plan was scrapped in 2011, the State wrote off €225 million of exchequer funding for the scheme. Infrastructure is always expensive but the consequences of failure could be even more costly.
Irish Times
17-05-2025
- Politics
- Irish Times
Miriam Lord: It's been like Alfred Hitchcock's The Birds on Merrion Street since the sun started to shine
Mooney Goes Wild should do a programme from Leinster House. For starters, there is the squawking and squealing Dáil Chorus, which never happens too early in the morning and runs all through the year with long breaks for the holidays. And then there's the wildlife. Rats. Mice. Inside and out. READ MORE Slugs in the basement. Bluebottle infestations. Incontinent pigeons. Black ants. Randy moths. Foxes breaking and entering. And don't mention the dive-bombing seagulls snatching grub from unwitting snackers on the plinth. Here's the latest on the wildlife front. It seems the seagulls are upping their game and launching a ground war to go with the usual aerial offensive. Their target is Government Buildings . From the Taoiseach down, nobody is safe. The corridors of power could be destroyed this weekend. Maintenance sent an email to all occupants yesterday explaining the situation. 'As we are experiencing some (rare, much-needed and well deserved!) warm weather at the moment, a lot of windows in the building are open during the day. 'Please ensure that any windows you may have opened during the day are closed before you leave in the evening, including any windows on the corridors. 'Your co-operation is much appreciated as we have had a few seagulls visiting!' Apparently it has been like Alfred Hitchcock's The Birds on Merrion Street since the sun started to shine with seagulls ducking in through the open windows once people go home and making themselves at home. Eating anything they can find and pooing with abandon. The chequerboard ministerial corridor will be ruined entirely. It couldn't be that bad? A bird fancier tells us: 'If they don't close those windows they'll come in on Monday morning and it'll be like Dumbo the Elephant was flying around the place all weekend'. Who has the knives out for Jim O'Callaghan? Is everything all right, Jim? Justice has always been considered a tough ministerial gig. But things must be very bad in the St Stephen's Green HQ if Jim O'Callaghan 's interesting aside in the Dáil on Thursday is anything to go by. During questions on Justice, Gary Gannon of the Soc Dems asked the Minister what he intends to do to alleviate 'the worsening crisis of prison overcrowding, where over 350 people are reportedly sleeping on floors and prison numbers are at a record high'. Jim began by saying he has already embarked on a prison visiting programme. 'Since I've been made Minister I've been to Cork Prison, I've been to Cloverhill and I'm going to another prison on Monday,' he revealed. 'I intend to visit every prison – if I'm lucky enough to survive in office for a sufficient period of time...' What? Sufficient period of time? There are 12 active prisons in the country – 10 traditional 'closed' prisons and two 'open' centres. Once he completes his next visit on Monday, Minister O'Callaghan will have four tours under his belt with just eight more prisons to go. That shouldn't take him too long. At the rate he's going he might even achieve the full set before the summer recess. If he's lucky enough to survive, that is. Who has the knives out for poor Jim? Is the Coalition at breaking point already? Is there something we should know? The Government wasn't formed until late in January. It's a bit early for the Minister for Justice and Insecurity to be talking like that. Social Democrats rejig senior roles The Leinster House rumour mill cranked into action on Thursday with rumblings about big changes afoot in the Social Democrats . Sinéad Gibney , the party's then spokesperson on foreign affairs, was mentioned in dispatches. She recently refused to say whether she would remain in the parliamentary party if the suspended TD Eoin Hayes was readmitted. The Dublin Bay South TD was suspended indefinitely for misleading the party over when he sold his shares in a firm which supplies the Israeli military. The rumour was unfounded. Sinéad was not leaving the party nor was Eoin returning – at least, not yet. Social Democrats TD Sinéad Gibney. Photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins In a somewhat less dramatic development, the Soc Dems announced their deputy for Dublin Rathdown was being replaced as spokesperson on foreign affairs by Senator Patricia Stephenson in a rejigging of senior roles. Sinead is now spokesperson on enterprise, trade and rmployment; arts, media, communications and culture; and efence. She later said: 'I know that Gaza in particular is a hugely important topic for everybody right now, so it is important to say this is not going to stop me or any other member of the parliamentary party continuing to work on Gaza and hold this Government to account on its inaction.' The week before, when still wearing her Foreign Affairs hat, Sinéad passionately called on the Government to use its position within the European Union to persuade Europe to finally stand up to Israel as it continues its monstrous onslaught on the people of Gaza. As a mere Opposition TD, Sinéad does not have the power to do this. 'All we can do is use the parliamentary tools that are available to us. We will continue to raise this again, and again and again. I will continue to attend protests. I'll keep getting my nails done with the Palestinian flag.' That's one way of nailing your colours to the mast. At the news of Sinéad's replacement, Alan Shatter , the former Fine Gael minister for justice and diehard defender of Israel, was out of the starting stalls as soon as he could straighten his blinkers. 'The Social Democrats should clarify whether regularly painting their nails with the Palestinian flag remains the party's foreign policy priority or whether its now abandoned,' he gleefully tweeted. Apart from providing social media fodder to the former minister for justice, Sinéad's tone-deaf nail art comment – given the unfolding catastrophe in Gaza – raised eyebrows among politicians in Leinster House. We hear some of them are now calling her 'Nailson Mandela'. Simon Harris surprises Seán Kyne with a cake for a roundy birthday Happy birthday to Senator Seén Kyne, Fine Gael's leader in the Seanad. The former TD for Galway West, who lost his seat in 2020 and is in his second term in the Upper House, was 50 yesterday. On Wednesday, party leader Simon Harris surprised him in Leinster House with a birthday cake. It's a miracle the smoke detectors didn't go off with the amount of candles on his Colin the Caterpillar. Seán was chairing a meeting of senators in the party rooms when Simon burst through the door with Colin the Caterpillar cake ablaze on a big plate. He hadn't been expecting the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs – who has a hectic travel schedule at the moment – to turn up out of the blue like that. As his colleagues burst into a chorus of 'Happy Birthday', the red-faced and mortified senator didn't know where to look. McEntee not taxed by questions on inheritance tax Independent Ireland TD Ken O'Flynn is among a number of TDs and senators who have been asking the Government to reform the inheritance tax system so people who don't have children can pass on the same tax-free amount to their loved ones as parents are allowed to leave to their children. 'Is it equitable that parents like yourself, Minister, with two children, can leave up to €800,000 tax free' he asked Minister for Education Helen McEntee , who was standing in for the Tánaiste at Leaders' Questions on Thursday, 'where people like myself with no children ... can [only] leave €80,000 tax free to loved ones? That's 10 times less. The system penalises the childless citizen of this country for the simple fact that they do not or perhaps cannot have children.' At present, parents and some grandparents can pass on €400,000 to a child tax free. Other relatives can leave someone €40,000 tax free. For everyone else the limit is €20,000. The Minister gave a sympathetic but non-committal reply. 'As a Government, we have made changes to our inheritance tax system over the last number of years. I appreciate it does not apply to the scenarios you're referencing…' The State is telling many thousands of childless people they 'are less deserving and their relationships with their niece, nephew, siblings or lifelong friends simply do not count' argued the TD for Cork North Central. He gave a striking example of the unfairness of the measure: 'If I leave all my money to the dog's home, the dog's home pays absolutely zero tax. So therefore, the chihuahua has more rights in this country than the childless citizen or my niece or my nephew.' He got another woolly response. 'This is about all of us collectively looking at our rules and how we can make them more equitable, fairer and how we apply them equally. We have to do so, however, within the parameters and contexts available to us. I am very aware of this and I am sure the Minister is open to doing that.' Meaningless dogswallop, as the chihuahua might say. No-show from the Others on union recognition Bill On Wednesday, the Dáil had a lively discussion on People Before Profit 's Union Recognition Bill. Concluding the debate, PBP-Solidarity's Paul Murphy began by noting that it was ending 10 minutes ahead of time. 'It's because the Lowry group, who fought so hard to get their time to speak on these matters, don't presumably consider it important to come and speak about trade union rights, or maybe they are embarrassed because they are going to vote against trade union rights later on today.' The final Opposition speaking slot was for speakers from the 'Others' group. Nobody showed up. We checked the result of that night's vote. The Coalition voted against the Bill. The combined Opposition – parties and independents – supported it. Two of the three members of the Lowry Udders without Government jobs – Barry Heneghan and Gillian Toole, voted down the Bill to allow trade union recognition in workplaces. Michael Lowry didn't vote. Danny Healy-Rae didn't vote either. Of the two non-Government supporting independents who are also in the Udders category, Mattie McGrath didn't vote and Offaly's Carol Nolan voted in favour with the Opposition.
