Latest news with #MacMillan
The National
a day ago
- Sport
- The National
What Motherwell chairman saw in Jens Berthel Askou
All at Fir Park were rocked by the shock departure of Michael Wimmer at the end of last season due to family reasons, and MacMillan was as disappointed as any other Motherwell supporter that the journey the German had set them on had seemed to end so abruptly. He was determined though that the new man in the dugout would be someone who would be willing and able to pick up where Wimmer left off, and implement the aggressive style that he wants Motherwell to be known for. Having whittled down a huge list of prospective candidates to land on then FC Copenhagen assistant manager Berthel Askou, he is certain the club have got the right man to do just that. Speaking on the 'Well Society's 'Our Club, Our Podcast', MacMillan said: 'We want to be ambitious, and we make no secret of that. I'd love to see Motherwell winning the cup again. 'I'm not promising anyone that is going to happen next season, don't misunderstand me, but there's nothing wrong with having that ambition and we want the manager to feel that too. (Image: Craig Foy - SNS Group) 'I don't want to be in a conversation where we're just feeling that we need to low block constantly and try to navigate other teams. It's about how we impose ourselves, and you need to have a bit of confidence about you to do that. And I think he's got that. Read more: 'There were about 100 applications that came in for the role, and some really good ones as well. 'We were pretty clear that the style of football, that journey we had been on with Michael, was really positive. 'So, first of all, it was right, what profiles do we think are aligning with that, what profiles do we think will allow us to continue on that journey and not have to kind of rip it up and start again? 'From there, there was an automatic sifting process for some of the profiles, and from there we do a kind of deeper dive into them. 'There are data analysis sets that are created by an external body that allows us to dig in a little bit more to their stats in terms of PPDA, xG and all these sorts of things, that allows us to see if this is a manager who plays on the front foot and doesn't just talk like that, he enacts it on the pitch. 'We go through that process, and ultimately Jens came through a contact and landed in my phone. So, it wasn't one of the initial applications that came through the emailing the club type of route. 'There is a lot of that, a lot of things that get done through network, and that's probably been a bit of a learning curve for me over the past few months as well, and building and growing that network is really important, for sure. 'We went through that process, and ultimately we landed on Jens. There were some really good people in there, but ultimately I think we found a good guy.' As well as his preferred style of play, MacMillan found that Berthel Askou's values in terms of hard work and discipline – both on and off the pitch – aligned with those the board are trying to implement within the team and within the club. 'I think he's a very honest character,' he said. (Image: GordonTerris/Herald&Times) 'Probably in terms of the Danish aspect, there's a no-nonsense, tell it like it is type of style, and we really like that. There's no beating around the bush, you get what you get, which we really liked. 'He likes to play football on the front foot, which is really important, press high up the pitch and be aggressive in terms of how we equip ourselves on the pitch. That style is going to continue, for sure. 'I think the fitness aspect for us is something we want to continue with the players as well. That leads into the profiles that we bring into the club too. 'One of the things we've been quite focused on, and that was coming through with Michael too, was how do we get the stats of the players up to a level that we feel they are able to leave everything on the pitch? 'It's a really boring stat, but most teams on average will run about 95 -98 kilometres over the 90 minutes between the 10 outfield players, and ultimately what Michael was working to - and it will be similar with Jens - is getting that to 105-110 kilometres, because ultimately what that means is that if you run that extra 10 percent, you have an extra man around the ball. 'So, again, that was what we wanted to see from the profile we brought into the club. High energy, and we'll see where that takes us. "But it's exciting for sure.'
New York Post
2 days ago
- Entertainment
- New York Post
Anne Burrell's ‘Worst Cooks in America' co-host Beau MacMillan reacts to her death: ‘Gut punch'
Anne Burrell left an impact on many of her former colleagues before her shocking death at the age of 55. Beau MacMillan, who starred alongside Burrell on the first season of 'Worst Cooks in America' in 2010, opened up about the fellow Food Network star in an exclusive statement to The Post. 'The news hit me like a gut punch,' MacMillan, 54, said on Wednesday, one day after Burrell's death. 'Anne was bigger than life, whether she was running a kitchen or filming a show, you knew she was in charge.' Advertisement 10 Beau MacMillan has spoken out after Anne Burrell's shocking death on Tuesday at the age of 55. Instagram/@chefbeaumac 10 MacMillan starred alongside Burrell on the first season of 'Worst Cooks in America' in 2010. Instagram/@chefbeaumac 'One of the most beloved icons of our industry, she inspired millions of people,' he continued to the Post. 'She was smart, talented and so much fun to be around. She has left us way too soon.' Advertisement Besides the first season of 'Worst Cooks in America,' MacMillan also appeared alongside Burrell and eight other contestants on Season 4 of Food Network's 'The Next Iron Chef.' Although neither chef won the season, Burrell was named the fourth runner-up in the culinary competition. MacMillan was eliminated at the end of the fourth episode. 10 'The news hit me like a gut punch,' MacMillan said after learning of Burrell's sudden death. Getty Images for ChefDance 10 'One of the most beloved icons of our industry, she inspired millions of people,' MacMillan added. Getty Images Advertisement MacMillan previously paid tribute to his former co-host in a touching post shared on Instagram shortly after the news of Burrell's sudden passing. 'Some of the most fun and best memories are with you ,, from the days before worst cooks ,,, to all the years after ,,, how honored I was to be your friend!' he wrote alongside a picture of the pair from 'Worst Cooks in America' 15 years ago. 'God speed Anne.' Burrell's loved ones announced her death in a statement on Tuesday. 10 The beloved Food Network's death was announced on Tuesday, June 17. Getty Images for NYCWFF Advertisement 'Anne was a beloved wife, sister, daughter, stepmother, and friend – her smile lit up every room she entered,' they said. 'Anne's light radiated far beyond those she knew, touching millions across the world,' her family added. 'Though she is no longer with us, her warmth, spirit, and boundless love remain eternal.' The New York City Police Department later revealed that Burrell was found 'unconscious and unresponsive' at her Brooklyn home Tuesday morning and pronounced dead at the scene. 10 The NYPD revealed that Burrell was found 'unconscious and unresponsive' at her Brooklyn home Tuesday morning Brian Zak/Page Six While a spokesperson for the New York City Fire Department told Page Six that a 911 caller claimed Burrell suffered a 'cardiac arrest,' her official cause of death has not yet been confirmed. Law enforcement sources told TMZ that Burrell's husband, Stuart Claxton, allegedly found her unresponsive on their shower floor 'between six and seven hours' after he last saw her alive. The Food Network and many other celebrity chefs who worked with Burrell and called her a friend have since spoken out to pay tribute to the beloved cooking icon. 'Anne was a remarkable person and culinary talent – teaching, competing and always sharing the importance of food in her life and the joy that a delicious meal can bring,' a rep for the Food Network told the Post. Advertisement 10 A spokesperson for the New York City Fire Department said that a 911 caller claimed Burrell suffered a 'cardiac arrest,' Disney General Entertainment Content via Getty Images 'Our thoughts are with Anne's family, friends and fans during this time of tremendous loss,' the network added. Chef Tyler Florence, who starred with Burrell on several different seasons of 'Worst Cooks in America' during its 28-year run, remembered her as a 'legendary chef' and an 'even better friend.' 'Anne was a legendary chef and an even better friend,' he told The Post. 'She was the kind of person who showed up – for dinners, our kids birthday parties, or a swim in the ocean – and lit up every room she walked in to. I'll never forget when our daughter Dorothy told me Anne was her favorite chef — we always got a kick out of that.' Advertisement 10 The Food Network and many celebrity chefs have spoken out to pay tribute to the beloved cooking icon. Sergi Alexander 'I'll always picture Anne in her dressing room, knitting between takes, with one of her cats wandering in to say hello. She brought her generous heart, humor and feisty spirit to everything she did,' Florence, 54, added. 'She will be deeply missed by the entire Florence Family.' Rachael Ray, who not only worked with Burrell but also served as a bridgesmaid in her 2021 wedding to Claxton, also remembered the 'rockstar' celebrity chef. 'The news about Anne has truly shaken us. John and I are heartbroken,' Ray, 56, wrote on Instagram Wednesday. 'I can't quite believe it — such a strong, vibrant, fearless woman, so full of life and love, could be gone so soon.' Advertisement 10 'I can't quite believe it — such a strong, vibrant, fearless woman, so full of life and love, could be gone so soon,' Rachael Ray said in a tribute to Burrell on Instagram. Bloomberg via Getty Images 'Anne was a rockstar!' she added. 'I came to know her well through multiple seasons of Worst Cooks on Food Network, and she became so much more than a colleague.' Burrell lived her life to the fullest until the very end, and her final Instagram post was of her and notable New Yorker, the Green Lady of Brooklyn. She also performed an improv comedy show at The Second City New York in Brooklyn on Monday night. Advertisement 10 Burrell lived her life to the fullest until the very end. Getty Images for NYCWFF A source who was in attendance at the show said that Burrell 'was in great spirits' and 'having a blast' just hours before her death. Although it never came to fruition, the 'Secrets of a Restaurant Chef' host also had considered making a guest appearance on the second season of Meghan Markle's 'With Love, Meghan' Netflix cooking show. 'Sure, of course. I'd go to the opening of an envelope,' she said in a newly resurfaced interview from April. 'Why not cook with Meghan?'
IOL News
13-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Allan Boesak unpacks Walter Sisulu and SA's fight for freedom
Sixty-five years after Walter Sisulu's pivotal role in the anti-apartheid struggle, this article explores the historical context of his actions, the political dynamics of the time, and the ongoing legacy of resistance in South Africa Image: Ai By: Allan Aubrey Boesak PhD Sixty-five years ago, in February 1960, Walter Sisulu was in an apartheid court, defending himself, the struggle for freedom, and his own principled reasons for being a part of it, as co-accused in the Treason Trial that ran from 1956 to 1961, all of them facing the death penalty. Meanwhile, on February 3rd, British Prime Minister Harold MacMillan was in Cape Town, in the white, apartheid parliament. In a speech now known as the 'Winds of Change' speech, he was addressing the startling political changes sweeping across the colonised world at the time. The contrast could not have been greater. While Harold Macmillan was articulating an imperialist, colonialist response to these challenges, calling not for fundamental changes to the existing global order, but for adaptation to the new circumstances, for more subtle ways of control, more sophisticated applications of white power – 'the breezes of deception' - Walter Sisulu was holding up a new vision of freedom, personifying the strength of our people in their determination to be free. This is what I call 'the headwinds of freedom'. While MacMillan was trying to secure South Africa's place in the Western world's hegemonic aspirations, in the future of its political and economic systems and structures, Walter Sisulu was standing accused of treason for defending an anti-colonial, anti-imperial struggle, and the aspirations of his people. In that bastion of whiteness and white power, no one talked about it, but South Africa's oppressed people already personified those 'winds of change', resisting the breezes of deception, and creating the headwinds of freedom, in four major turning points in our history. They did so most vividly in the courageous rising of our people in the Defiance Campaign, in which Walter Sisulu's role in planning, preparation, and execution alongside colleagues such as Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela was crucial. They did so in our people's amazing ability to articulate an alternative, humanised political vision for South Africa in the Freedom Charter of 1955 (which Walter Sisulu had to watch from the rooftop of a nearby building because of his banning order), and which was a direct challenge to the colonial-capitalist order MacMillan and white South Africa were so desperate to maintain. They did so in the unforgettable Women's March of 1956, for which Albertina Sisulu was a key organiser. All this was a definitive shift, away from the colonialist paradigms of the politics of caution and diffidence, to the politics of mass mobilisation, people's power and nonviolent militancy. It was also an affirmation of the significance of women's role in the struggle, even though our patriarchal pig-headedness to this day finds that hard to deal with. The Sharpeville Massacre, with all of its history-changing consequences, signifying yet another shattering of the paradigms, was just a month away. Both men understood that they were in a struggle. For MacMillan this was a struggle for Western, capitalist, imperial hegemony, and more than guns or bombs, the thing that frightened him most was 'the strength of this African nationalism.' Hence his warning to South African white power: 'The struggle is joined, and it is a struggle for the minds of men.' And this is the heart of the legacy of Walter Sisulu which this university now claims as its mission: the struggle for the re-awakened, conscientised, humanised, liberated, decolonised African mind. Even a cursory glance at the (Western) commentaries on that famous 'Winds of Change' speech by the British Prime Minister confirms one major point of consensus: It is the British Government, between 1945 and 1951, under the Labour Party, that had, on its own, initiated the decolonisation process. That process was briefly interrupted by Conservative Party rule until Harold Macmillan's leadership, who then again took up the noble, European cause of letting Africa's people go. In essence, Western media, political analysts, and academics claim that it is the British Empire's magnanimity whose blessing on Asian and African liberation movements made independence possible. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Hence, we can find this sentence: 'The British government, under Labour Party rule, had started a process of decolonisation.' Not a word about African and Asian agency, initiative, or struggle. But that is what happens when one's lens is consistently, and sometimes blindly, Eurocentric. We know, as these Eurocentric minds also do, that what was called 'independence' was not ever granted, or initiated by the ruling classes of white, imperialist, colonialist societies. It was always a struggle, a fight, and sometimes to the death. And it really did not start in 1945. India's fight for independence began at least as early as 1857, with the Indian rebellion, and Mahatma Gandhi's historic Salt March – perhaps the decisive onslaught against British rule in India – happened in 1930. For Malaysia, 1857 is also a historic marker in their struggles for independence with the uprising of the workers against the gold mining companies of Britain. In Kenya there was resistance almost from the moment of formal colonisation in 1920 and organised resistance through the Mau-Mau started in 1942. The Mau-Mau rebellion of 1952-1960 simply further debunks the lie of 1945. South Africa's struggle against imperialist invasion started in 1510. The winds of change might have been blowing through Africa and Asia, but it was imperial power, imperial political and economic interests, and the empire's needs and desires that set out to control the strength, direction, and effect of those winds. Those Africans who understood the truth, understood also that this was not a time for unbridled celebration, genuflecting in gratitude to imperialists and colonialists for the condescension of letting them raise their own flags. They understood that those winds of change would be met with fierce opposition disguised as breezes of deception: neo-colonialist adaptations, fraudulent 'independence pacts', spider webs of international rules they did not control, the optics of power, and divide-and-rule tactics, fuelled by greed and the politics of internal betrayal. The recognition of a new phase of struggle, the shaping of a different vision for Africa, with different consequences for their people at home and in the world, is what I mean by 'headwinds of freedom.' Those headwinds sometimes blow quite strongly, sometimes they subside, and then they rise again. But they never completely die down. There are many reasons for my admiration of that singularly influential Indian social scientist and Christian lay theologian, M.M. Thomas, since I began to read him in the early 1970s. One reason is what he wrote in the early 1950s, about the 'winds of change' in Asia and Africa Macmillan would be talking about. These are not mere 'rebellions', 'uprisings' and 'civil disobedience actions', Thomas argued. These are revolutions. They are revolutions in response to the people's demand for power, though not power for power's sake, but power 'as the bearer of dignity and for significant and responsible participation in society and social history.' In other words, a people's power to enable them to claim their agency, their right to their role in the shaping of their own history and their God-given destiny. Furthermore, Thomas insisted, (and those who have come to know me will know why I like this) people of faith should involve themselves in these revolutions because despite all the chaos and contradictions, the revolution is not just about a new political and social order – it is about justice and dignity, in truth, a new humanity. And that's what God wants. A new African. A new Asian, away from the distorted, dehumanised, colonised creatures we have been made into: - renamed, labeled, branded, racialized, and depersonalised. I took that with me as I later read Iranian scholar Hamid Dabashi on revolution who writes, Revolution in the sense of a radical and sudden shift of political power with an accompanying social and economic restructuring of society – one defiant class violently and conclusively overcoming another – is not what we are witnessing here, or not quite yet. Instead of denying these insurgencies the term 'revolution', we are now forced to reconsider the concept and understand it anew… The longer these revolutions take to unfold, the more enduring, grassroots-based, and definitive will be their emotive, symbolic, and institutional consequences. Dabashi's argument opens new ways of understanding revolution. Revolution should no longer be defined solely by the presence, or degree of violence, as in the Haitian, French, Russian or Cuban revolutions, but by the depth of permanent and fundamental change. Instead of one, cataclysmic event, there will be a series of historic moments, perhaps over several years, even decades, revealing a 'grassroots-based', people-driven, enduring surge towards fundamental change of society. Through this lens, I see a continuation of revolutionary resistance over the long decades of anti-colonial freedom struggles with figures like Autshumao of the Cape Khoi from the early days of the European invasion; Dona Kimpa Vita of the Congo in the 1700s, rebirthing itself in the revolutionary masses of the 1950s, the seventies and eighties, responding to the calls of the Nkrumahs, Luthulis and the Sobukwes, the Lumumbas and the Sankaras; the Mandelas, and the Sisulu's, the Bikos, and now in this era, the Ibrahim Traores'. MacMillan made that speech on February 3rd, 1960, in Cape Town. Before that, on January 10, he had premiered the speech in Accra, Ghana, where Kwame Nkrumah, long-time freedom fighter and intellectual giant, was the first Prime Minister of the newly independent state. In Ghana, reports tell us, the speech was received with mostly stony silence, clearly not making the impression Harold Macmillan had hoped for. In Ghana, they already knew the difference between Macmillan's hopes for the colonies and Africans' fight for liberation. In Cape Town, Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd was stunned for a moment, then rose in a spontaneous, spirited defence of white supremacy, neo-colonialism, and apartheid, which he called 'justice for the white man in South Africa.' MacMillan's and the colonising world's primary concern was for the well-being of the British Commonwealth and its role in the shifting sands of global affairs, which South Africa left when it became a republic a year later. Britain knew not to be too worried though. English-speaking white South Africa, at first shocked at the idea of being severed from Mother England and all it meant for them, quickly overcame that emotional moment. Political, diplomatic, sports and cultural ties, as well as trade and commerce with Britain remained strong and even grew as the strategic position of white South Africa in Black Africa within the duopoly world continued to serve Western hegemonic interests. South Africa's politics were sometimes described as 'odious' but it was politics that favoured white people and imperialist geopolitics, so the stench did not drive anyone out of the room. Thus, despite the initial wringing of hands, gnashing of teeth and clutching of pearls, they understood that nothing fundamentally changed. White solidarity, white political control, white economic interests and the overall solidified presence of white, supremacist, ideological and military power necessary to keep their Blacks in check and under control soon made any disagreements between English speakers' and Afrikaners seem superficial. White people had reason to believe that those winds of change, while not exactly at their backs, could be controlled, calmed down, and usefully directed. Black people, however, soon found out what Verwoerd's 'justice for the white man' meant. The ongoing Treason Trial was quickly overshadowed by the Sharpeville massacre, followed by a decade of vicious suppression, the banning of the liberation movements, the reality of enforced exile, the Rivonia Trial, the life sentences on Robben Island, and ever-intensifying draconian white rule at home. Verwoerd's fight now was 'justice for the white man' – no longer justice for the Afrikaner, Afrikaner culture, or Afrikaner survival. That ominous, deliberately inclusionary term would mean continued Whiteness, continued colonisation, continued dehumanisation, continued apartheid, continued exploitation, continued denial of rights of any kind for Black people, and for us, continued struggle. Hendrik Verwoerd did not understand it that day, but MacMillan was not demanding the abandonment of Whiteness. He was suggesting some palatable political flexibility, some trimming of the sails to the winds of change, a slight tilt of the prow into the coming waves – just enough to let Africans have a finger on the wheel, but with the helm firmly in white hands. P W Botha did not grasp it so well, F W De Klerk did better, but Helen Zille and Johann Rupert understand it best of all. But underneath the surface, denied, suppressed and feared as they were, those winds of unbroken revolutionary fervour continued to stir, becoming the headwinds of resistance, the whirlwinds of rising consciousness, the storm that by 1976 would hit and overturn South African history, its reality and the direction of its future. When Harold MacMillan spoke in Ghana he knew how the wind blew, for right in front of him sat Kwame Nkrumah, one of the most formidable African leaders of his time. In 1958, just one year after Ghana's independence, Nkrumah had called African leaders together to flesh out his vision for a united, truly independent Africa. MacMillan knew Nkrumah's mind was set on real freedom. Nkrumah spoke of colonialism, neo-colonialism, and genuine freedom. 'The essence of neo-colonialism,' Nkrumah told that generation, as he is telling ours today, is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent, and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality, its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside. However, Nkrumah also saw very early that the neo-colonialist grip on Africa was broad and comprehensive, as we are increasingly discovering today. Their methods, he warned, are 'subtle and varied.' Nkrumah elaborates, 'They operate not only in the economic field, but also in the political, religious, ideological, and cultural spheres.' The political maneuverings of the rich North should be understood in a wider context, he knew, and dissected through the lens of the Global South in order to truly understand the impact of these actions on Africa and other countries of the Global South. He understood what U.S. President Eisenhower was talking about when, in his famous last address to the American people, he warned America against the danger of 'the Military-Industrial Complex.' Nkrumah already then understood what we today call 'the Deep State'. Lurking behind all this, Nkrumah saw, are the extended tentacles of the Wall Street octopus. And its suction cups and muscular strength are provided by a phenomenon dubbed 'The Invisible Government' arising from Wall Street's connections with the Pentagon and various intelligence services. Looking at, and understanding the devastating history of U.S. interventions, coup d'etats, and regime-change wars across the Global South - from the assassination of democratically elected leaders who refused to do the bidding of the U.S. to the endless wars for endless profits and hegemony we are witnessing today, killing Global South citizens by the millions - one would be utterly foolish, blind, or wilful not to see the truth of this statement. Before, already, but especially after September 11, 2001, it is perhaps more appropriate to speak of the Military-Industrial-Financial-Media-Intelligence-Congressional Complex. None of it happened without a carefully calculated and coordinated plan executed by the powerful network of organizations, agencies, and institutions Nkrumah pointed us to, and which make the American Empire (with the UK and Western Europe hiding under its skirts) commit such deadly crimes against humanity, (not to mention its war crimes) on such a regular basis, with such impunity, and with such grandiose shamelessness. Consequently, the United States and the UK collaborated to stir such dissent amongst Ghanaians that it led to no less than six coup attempts against Nkrumah and finally his overthrow in 1966. We know that from a now declassified State Department memo to President Lyndon Johnson in 1964. 'Nkrumah is leading Ghana towards what he calls African socialism, which is, in fact, a personal dictatorship,' Averell Harriman wrote, already manufacturing the justification. However, he assures the president, 'there are still forces at work within the country which may stem that trend…' There is a similar document from the UK in 1966 discussing how Nkrumah could 'be overthrown and replaced by a more Western-oriented government.' Nkrumah's replacement was to be a General Arthur Ankrah, regarded by the British, according to the document, as 'a nice, but stupid man.' Exactly the kind the empire needs. I do not have time to talk about Patrice Lumumba, who gave the same message at that conference. Or about Amilcar Cabral. All of them exposing the 'breezes of deception', setting the continent alight with their intellect, their fire, and their passion for real liberation, signifying the headwinds of resistance and freedom, setting the sterling examples of genuine leadership for the Sankaras of the future. And they all paid the ultimate price. Among the many issues surrounding President Cyril Ramaphosa and the ANC under his leadership, one of the most disturbing is his and his organisation's captivity to white monopoly capital, here in South Africa and in the West, and the ways in which he has led South Africa further along the destructive path of neo-liberal capitalism as if more credible alternatives did not exist. That South Africa is today the country with the greatest socio-economic inequalities in the world is the result of an economic trajectory chosen by the ANC government since 1994, much to the satisfaction of world bodies like the IMF and the World Bank. Critical analysts such as Patrick Bond and Sampie Terreblanche have seen this from the start, and have been ringing the alarm bells ever since. Economist Eugene Cairncross offers scathing, but entirely on point, critique in what he calls 'the triumph of capital' in South Africa's 'post-Apartheid' economy. He mentions how tax concessions by the 'new' government, especially to the gold mining industry, have been preserved, and how the privatization and commercialization of state assets like the fuel producer Sasol, 'for a song,' has benefited as a private company with the post-apartheid state foregoing these profits. Under Mr Ramaphosa, with South African Airways and parts of Transnet basically already gone, and with Eskom and the rest of Transnet including our ports, on the chopping block, the list is growing alarmingly. Cairncross gives a perfect, if dispiriting, description of this neo-colonialist process. He explains how ownership and control of lands, mines and major industries remain concentrated 'in the hands of a handful of capitalists' exactly as it was in the past. And not only that: ownership of major economic activities has been 'systematically transferred to foreign capital, either directly or through the stock exchange.' It seems nothing was left to chance. Under the ANC government, exchange control became another tool of enrichment of the few, albeit that 'the few' now included the few Blacks from the new elite and the political aristocracy. Cairncross writes, During the period of 1998 to 2002, the six largest corporations – Anglo American, Glencore/BHP Billiton (mining conglomerates) Old Mutual, SAB (South African Breweries) and Liberty – moved tens of billions of Rands off-shore, and listed as 'foreign' companies. Two major consequences of these actions are initial movement of the vast amounts of capital offshore, out of the control of present or future South African governments, and the future profits made in South Africa would be exported to the now externally listed and domiciled companies. [South Africa's] current balance of payment deficit is to a significant extent attributable to the continued export of profits and dividends to these and other) now 'foreign' companies. One should perhaps highlight just three further issues related to this state of affairs. First, those exported profits, though created here in South Africa from the minerals taken from our soil, should have benefited the development of the people of South Africa, who, instead have to carry the loss of these benefits through the taxes they have to pay. Second, one need not look too far for the relationship between the continued impoverishment of South Africa's Black majority, and the sudden, spectacular enrichment of the few, under the guise of Black Economic Empowerment, yet another breeze of deception. Third, consider some of the personalities involved, their role then and their positions and immense wealth now through their political positions and choices. All this is at great cost to the masses, but this is what Prof. Jakes Gerwel called South Africa's 'rapid deracialization of capital.' The rest of the African continent does not fare much better, and as in the case of the so-called 'independent' Francophone countries, the former French colonies, even worse. The successful negotiation gambit, offered by France, is outrageously scandalous. Africa was never meant to be independent, successful, in control. Here is an analysis by socio-economic analyst Siji Jabbar, who describes the utterly fraudulent independence France negotiated with all its former colonies in Africa. Under the overall title, 'The Colonial Pact,' it is a system designed for the complete benefit of France and its economic and political interests, and called, fittingly perhaps, although stunningly cynically, 'a system of compulsory solidarity.' The word 'compulsory,' preceding 'solidarity,' and encompassing wholesale, premeditated fraud, already blows the mind, but is perhaps entirely fitting for what France has designed, and those African countries have conceded to. This system of 'compulsory solidarity,' Jabbar explains, obliges former colonies to put 65% of their currency reserves into the French Treasury, plus another 20% for financial liabilities. This means that these African countries have access to only 15% of their own money. Furthermore, France has first right of refusal for all government contracts, even if better deals could be secured elsewhere. On top of that, France also has first right of refusal to all and any natural resources discovered in those African lands. In its attempt to appear subtle, France could not have been more blatant. Today these countries are in the news, and for entirely different reasons. They are the 21st-century signs of the headwinds of resistance and freedom sweeping from west to east, and from north to south. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has discovered how its rich mineral wealth, instead a blessing for its people, have become a curse. Since the hidden Holocaust of King Leopold II taking the lives of perhaps 15 million Congolese, millions more are dying in a manufactured instability they call a 'civil war' while the country is being looted by corporations from Europe, the US, Israel and South Africa. And as always, the illustrious names that make us proud, have to be mentioned in the same breath as the names of those that bring us shame and anger: from General Ankrah in 1965 to President Cyril Ramaphosa in 2025. The cultivation of House-Negroism has always been an indispensable weapon in the arsenal of imperialism. However, the headwinds of resistance are rising, and blowing from the North-West of Africa. The new Alliance of Sahel States (Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso) is a confederation ushering in a new kind of politics. Young Captain Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso, like a Sankara redivivus, alongside presidents Assimi Goita, and Abdourachman Tchiani, are not only telling Pharaoh to let their people go, they are telling pharaoh to get out. Literally! Before our very eyes, the Sahel nations, together now with Namibia and Botswana, and promising signs in Ghana and Senegal, are creating a new Africa. They are reclaiming the mineral wealth of their people, are cancelling or re-negotiating contracts with foreign companies, and learning from South Africa's fraudulent BEE practices, pursuing genuine economic empowerment for their people. They are creating real jobs and educational opportunities on measurable scales for their youth. They are closing foreign military bases, rearranging diplomatic relations, genuinely fighting corruption, forging alternative regional alliances that serve the aspirations of the region, and resurrecting our dignity and pride in being African. They are the embodiment of the new Africa rising, and the youth, from Nairobi and Abuja to Kampala, and from Abidjan and Kinshasha to Cape Town, are responding to the call. They have become the personification of the headwinds of anti-colonial resistance and freedom I am talking about. This is the leadership and politics Africa desperately needs. But these developments are shining a light on South Africa. The end result of the May 29th elections is the coalition between the ANC and the DA with a few very small parties, like a street with only half the lights on, which they insist on calling a Government of National Unity, even though it is nothing of the kind. Those breezes of deception, disguised as winds of change, are once again blowing. The DA is not only claiming ownership; it is firmly establishing baasskap. Afriforum and Solidariteit understand that perfectly. And so does Donald Trump, who recognizes South Africa as fertile soil for the toxic seeds of rejuvenated white supremacy. We have to be vigilant here. One reason, besides the will of our oligarchs, why the GNU still exists, is that there has been so little substantial difference between the ANC and the DA, briefly (almost) interrupted by the Zuma era, but finally eroded under Cyril Ramaphosa. The argument that the GNU will collapse because the ANC and the DA are 'too far apart' does not hold, in my view. Thirty years of pretence has just played itself out. Our economic policies alone make the point. Our foreign policies are not far behind. The Zionist/sub-imperialists, with Western neo-colonialist support and direction, just as the DA requested and planned, are determined to keep control. When the collapse comes, it will be for other reasons. What a year ago I raised as a serious question, namely whether under this GNU, policies intended to embody justice, security, and dignity for the vast majority of South Africa's people will survive, while policies that buttress neo-liberal capitalism and all its deleterious effects will be further entrenched, is now, with the Ramaphosa/Musk/Starlink hideousness, a grim reality. And it is not at all about unity. It's about what remains in whose hands: from our land to our minerals to our oceans and what is in and under them; from the Reserve Bank and the mines and the ownership of production to the minds of our children. For a few years now, I have been speaking and writing about 'the politics of vulgarity' as a global phenomenon. I suppose that still is an apt description of what our politics is subjecting us to. But political scientist, public commentator, and activist Vijay Prashad is offering us a more appropriate concept which I think helps us greatly understand our unfolding political dynamics, globally and here at home. Dr. Prashad speaks of the 'politics of decadence.' Political decadence, Prashad explains, is the politics of a ruling class 'caught in the habit of rule.' It cannot perceive of itself as not holding power. When that happens, it seeks reasons for its loss of power in everything external, unable to do self-reflection, self-critique, self-correction, let alone renewal, even if the state of its decay is vividly displayed in every decision taken. The politics of decadence has no vision for itself, for the country or for the world. It has no compelling narrative that can capture the imagination, stir the energy of the people or inspire confidence in itself among the people, because it has no imagination or creativity left. It serves no purpose except self-preservation through corruption and blind pursuit of the status quo. It has no goals but for itself, so caught in the downward spirals of self-absorption, it always reacts violently to those who want to assert their right to inclusion, justice, dignity and equity. Hence marginalisation, aggression, and even destruction of those who dissent and refuse to bow to their will and power. I believe that this is correctly, and precisely, describing the situation in the post-democratic West. All the pretence about democracy and the so-called rule of law is gone. All their inherent fascism is exposed in their complicity with Israel's genocide and their response to their people's solidarity with Palestine. Prashad's definition is also precisely describing South Africa's DA/ANC coalition. I called the GNU a monstrosity not just because of the unwieldy, ideologically wholly incompatible, and horrifically costly cabinet. The deliberately manufactured unsustainability and incapacitating in some portfolios like Land, Land Reform and Agriculture, as well as Home Affairs are mere examples. This 'GNU' is a viper's nest of political contradictions held together by an unhealthy sense of entitlement, an unholy disdain for morality, and an insatiable hunger for power, driven by expediency and self-serving interests. The unbelievable display of arrogance and disdain by the Minister for Higher Education in the recent committee session simply proves the point. Despite our self-glorification about the ICJ, and in defiance of the obligations that come with those rulings, South Africa's diplomatic and especially economic ties with the unrepentant genocidal state are unbroken, with companies connected to the president prominent in their shameless fuelling of and profiteering from the genocide. Because the Zionists – from Helen Zille to Gayton MacKenzie – are firmly in charge. The President's complicity, DIRCO's silence, and Minister Park Tau's lame excuses are so many stains on Mandela's memory, though they invoke it at every shameful turn. That is the politics of decadence. Just how much damage will they do to our people before they are done? Another question I raised a year ago, is now perhaps the crucial question about the GNU: Are we the first people who, having fought a struggle for liberation and won, are turning around, begging our oppressors to rescue us from the failures of our own making, the betrayal of our own people, and the misrule of leaders of our own choosing? There truly is no substitute for dignity and self-respect. We are the country we create. In the last thirty years we have created a country where corruption is not only rife – it thrives, is encouraged, and is fiercely protected – from the President's office on that hill, to the small Sassa office in the township; from Judge Zondo's forgotten lists to the fake academic certificates of people in high places, to a justice system choking to death in the dust gathering on those unopened files. We have created a blatant, neoliberal, capitalist state where social cohesion, like Noah's dove, cannot find a foothold, because, not only have we not eradicated apartheid, we have sat back and watched it metastasize while a few, enormously rich and scandalously ostentatious, benefited from it. We knowingly, deliberately, and against the Constitution, re-instated it by re-racialising our society and racially re-categorising our people. We reinforced it, for the sake of rich rewards for the few, deaf to the cries of the excluded. We have created a country where we have allowed racism to flourish and be normalised by disguising it with deceitful terms such as 'meritocracy' and 'fit for purpose', discarding historical and political context, even while scandalizing the true purposes of Black economic empowerment and historical redress, and trampling upon the ideals of genuine economic inclusion. Our wilful silence makes room for the authoritarian tendencies revealed in the ANC's proposed security laws quietly giving government the right to spy on religious institutions, civil society organisations, on any person who raises a voice of dissent. Heaven help us once Starlink is in place. The imperialist divisionism in the DA's Western Cape Power Bill with its insane demands for what will be essentially white control over large swaths of our lives and our land. And what shall we say about the return of one of the most despicable characteristics of apartheid, detention without trial, such as meted out by the highest court of the land to Mr Zuma not so very long ago? We have a president whose visit to the United States was not the representation of a proud, free country but rather a shameful display of submissive sub-imperialism. Trump's insistence on the presence of a white oligarch whose underserved, generational wealth was built on the undeserved, generational impoverishment of Black people, as well as the politically irrelevant presence of two, enormously rich white golfers who have made no discernible contribution to the struggle for freedom and equality, nor to a reconciliation process built on repentance, remorse, repair, and reparation that could have resulted in justice, restoration and healing in our nation, made it absolutely clear that this was not a state visit of two counterparts, let alone two equals. This, not those transparent, childish, and malignant lies about white persecution and genocide on the screen, and Afrikaner refugee anguish in Texas and Nebraska, was the intended insult to our people, the deliberate sign of disrespect, the public proof of our re-colonization. The fake agenda was on the screen. On the real agenda was not the representation and protection of our sovereignty, dignity, self-respect, or the nobility of our struggle, but a back-door deal with a neo-fascist, neo-Nazi oligarch for whose appeasement – and the enrichment of the usual few - we are willing to change our laws, undermine our Constitution, and sell our soul. Walter Sisulu's words are ringing in my ears: 'The people are our strength, in their service we shall face and conquer those who live on the backs of our people.' For those in the Oval Office that day, still eating off the backs of our people, it's as if these words were never spoken. But we take Walter Sisulu seriously. We shall face and conquer them. We are the country we create. There is a new world, a new Africa arising and South Africa, a country with such a rich history, such a courageous and gifted people, and such enormous potential, but with politics without substance, leadership without vision, laws without the remedies of justice, a constitution without constitutional authenticity and authority, is not nearly in a position to navigate these new winds of change.
The Herald Scotland
08-06-2025
- Business
- The Herald Scotland
Regulator probes charity over funding of St Mirren execs' court claim
The ruling has been described by Mr Wardrop's lawyers as setting a "crucial precedent" for free speech in Scotland. The claim for damages surrounded comments made by Mr Wardrop around the legality of an application on behalf of Kibble for public funds for a regeneration project including a well-being centre on what appeared to be club land. There were claims that Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan had a conflict of interest. The total costs of the case are thought to run to over £400,000 - and a future hearing is expected to thrash out who pays. Mr Wardrop's legal team say they would be surprised if they do win their costs in the case as the Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan's damages claim was dismissed. Court papers seen by The Herald confirm that the action brought by Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan is being funded by Kibble, the charity that cares for children with complex needs at sites across Renfrewshire. Mr Gillespie is the chief executive of the charity, while Mr MacMillan is director of corporate affairs and both are Kibble representatives on the St Mirren board. According to court papers seen by The Herald, the judge Lord Clark said of the funding that "this rise to some degree of concern". READ MORE by Martin Williams St Mirren land dispute damages judgment a 'crucial precedent' for Scots free speech 'Cover up' over nine-year failure to probe Rangers fraud arrests & state power abuse Why the failed Rangers fraud case scandal has cost the taxpayer over £60m The Office of the Scottish Charity Regulator (OSCR) has said that it was "aware of the situation and is in the process of carefully considering the judgment as part of our ongoing inquiries into the charity". It is understood that there were concerns raised with the regulator about the funding of the case by the charity. And is believed that the regulator will look at whether the case funding was in the best interests of the charity. Alan Wardrop (Image: .) Kibble is one of two that has "significant control" of the Scottish Premiership club according to Companies House with more than 25% but not more than 50% of the shares. St Mirren became fan-owned in the summer of 2021 when the St Mirren Independent Supporters Association (SMISA) bought out the remaining shareholding of chairman Gordon Scott to become majority (51%) owners of the Buddies in what it called "a historic day". The move to fan ownership of the Paisley club came after Kibble became part-owners in March 2020. It purchased a 27.5% stake in the club. SMISA said the deal helped to safeguard the future of the club – formed in 1877 – by placing it in the hands of its supporters, "the people who care for it the most". An OSCR probe into the charity was believed to have been put on hold pending the outcome of the defamation case but has now been reignited. The judge dismissed Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan's claim for damages, which might have amounted to £80,000 because he believed that Mr Wardrop's comments were in the public interest and were honestly held based on the evidence he had at the time - both defences under the Scottish law around defamation damages. Mr Wardrop said: "I, like many, would question how it was ever appropriate for charitable funds to be used in that manner, particularly where the action was destined for failure because of the defences available to me. It is quite frankly an astonishing waste of charitable money." In a statement, David Nairn, chairman of Kibble said: "We are extremely pleased that the judgment underlines the facts in this case and vindicates the board's unanimous decision to support Jim and Mark in what was an important action to protect their reputations and that of Kibble. 'Kibble is a very highly regarded national charity, which takes its responsibilities extremely seriously. The board has acted with the utmost propriety in this matter at all times and has, of course, kept regulators fully abreast of our actions and will continue to do so.' Key to the case were remarks made by Mr Wardrop in a row over what was alleged was a "secretive" plan for the project including a well-being centre on St Mirren land. Part of the so-called 'St Mirren' regeneration plan (Image: NQ) Alan Wardrop, a lifelong Saints fan who made the step up to the club's board in July 2016 after championing club ownership spoke out two years ago as concerns arose over Kibble's partnership with St Mirren and an alleged plan to develop a wellbeing centre in Ferguslie Park. According to documents sent to the Scottish Government, Kibble – which cares for children with complex needs at sites across Renfrewshire – appeared to want to build a £13.4 million wellbeing hub next to St Mirren's SMiSA Stadium. A map of land supposedly earmarked for the Kibble project submitted by Renfrewshire Council was alleged to have pinpointed St Mirren land - while seeking £2m of public money by way of grant from the Scottish Government. But an email seen by The Herald from Mr Gillespie and shared with candidates standing for election to the board of the St Mirren Independent Supporters Association (SMISA) said that the council had "wrongly shaded in an area of land owned by St Mirren" and gave a "categoric assurance" that club land would not be used. As the dispute emerged, Kibble said Mr Wardrop's concerns over the legalilty of the bid titled "St Mirren Regeneration and Wellbeing Masterplan" were based on the "entirely false premise that there was ever any intention to build on land owned by St Mirren". The spokesman for the charity went on: "There simply was not." But Renfrewshire Council did not agree that areas of land indicated on a submitted map were produced in error and said the area earmarked in the application to Scottish Government was pinpointed by Kibble. St Mirren's board insisted at the time that the application was "unspecific" as to the precise location and that it was "not on land owned by St Mirren". But the row spilled over into an annual general meeting of SMiSA which is the majority owner of the club and which called for an investigation. The judge in a ruling decided it could not accept a council officer's evidence that said the Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan had identified St Mirren land for the project. He decided therefore that the "central claim" that Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan had a plan to build on St Mirren land was not established. He described it as a "false application" that was "in reality poorly worded and wrongly expressed but with no actual intention to gain public money on a false basis". Happier times: The St Mirren Championship-winning board. They are from left to right David Nicol, Gordon Scott (chairman), Mr Wardrop, Chris Stewart and Tony Fitzpatrick, But Mr Gillespie and Mr MacMillan failed in a bid to win a total of £80,000 in damages over what the judge decided were defamatory comments arising from the row after he decided that there were defences to breaches of the Defamation and Malicious Publication (Scotland) Act 2021 which were met. They included that Mr Wardrop reasonably believed that comments complained of about the funding application made in a campaign statement and in the Herald were in the public interest. The judge said the issues around the applications for millions of pounds worth of public funds "certainly raised issues on matters of public interest" and that Mr Wardrop "reasonably believed" that published comments were "in the public interest". There was also a defence of "honest opinion" on other comments made in the Herald that was also met with the judge stating that it was "genuinely held" based on the evidence he had before him at the time. Details that the charity was funding the case emerged in evidence from Duncan Sloan, a Kibble trustee. According to the judge, Mr Sloan "confirmed that the pursuers' conduct of the present litigation is being funded by Kibble". He adds: "As submitted for [Mr Wardrop] this action has not been raised on behalf of Kibble, but charitable funds have been used to facilitate this action. This can also give rise to some degree of concern, but ultimately it is a matter for the board of Kibble to determine how and when to spend funds and the very fact of this financial involvement does not undermine the evidence given." In the wake of the land row, Mr Wardrop received a stadium ban by the club. He had previously been credited with making fan ownership possible by teaming up with SMISA to initially begin a buyout process in 2016. When SMISA became majority shareholders, they asked Mr Wardrop to remain on the board as one of their representatives and he willingly agreed. Mr Wardrop was the mastermind behind the 1877 Club in the main stand of the SMISA Stadium and has also contributed several items to the mini-museum inside the club from his personal collection of memorabilia. When he announced he was quitting the board in October 2022, a SMISA spokesman said: 'Everyone at SMISA would like to thank him for all his time and effort on the board, both before and after he agreed to become one of our representatives." 'Everything he ever did was undoubtedly with the best interests of St Mirren at heart.' It emerged that Mr Wardrop had resigned in a row over the project. At the time of the Kibble's share purchase in 2020, St Mirren said the charity which had been based in Paisley since 1840, "will bring its commercial expertise to St Mirren, helping bring in new income to be reinvested in the team, while working with the club to create new training and employment options for the young people in their care". Mr Gillespie said at the time: "This new partnership will allow us to grow the business of St Mirren and at the same time increase Kibble's opportunities for employment, training and education as well as access to sport, health and wellbeing support. "Kibble will bring our commercial expertise to St Mirren, creating a dynamic partnership and complementing the existing set up by offering the support and expertise that a large charity has in areas such as HR, finance, marketing and communications. The strength in this partnership will help bring in new income to be reinvested in the team, which in turn will generate more non-footballing income to create a sustainable business model for the club going forward." Video: How St Mirren became a fan-owned club... featuring interviews with Mr Wardrop and St Mirren chairman John Needham. Kibble's roots date back to 1840 upon the death of Miss Elizabeth Kibble, heiress to a large textile fortune. On her death she left a portion of her wealth to 'found and endow in Paisley, an institution for the purpose of reclaiming youthful offenders against the laws'. According to Kibble, it has evolved for more than a century and a half from this point and has "always stayed true to its original mission: supporting young people facing adversity". The OSCR is the independent regulator and registrar for Scotland's charities and plays a crucial role in maintaining public trust and confidence in the charity sector. A non-ministerial department of the Scottish Government, it is tasked with ensuring charities comply with the legal requirements under the Charities and Trustee Investment (Scotland) Act 2005. Among its tasks is to ensure funds are used appropriately and that charities are governed properly. In 2023, OSCR investigated several charities following complaints of poor governance and spending irregularities. In some cases, trustees were suspended and funds were frozen while investigations were carried out.
Daily Record
03-06-2025
- Health
- Daily Record
'I'm a vet - you should leave your dirty laundry behind for your pet when you travel'
If you're pet can't make it on this year's holiday, this tip can help their well-being Many Scots heading on holidays this summer will want to leave the house spick and span for their return. After all, deep cleaning the house means you don't need to worry about catching up on chores straight off the plane. However, pet owners should maybe think twice about leaving no mess behind them before they leave for the airport. In fact, vets have issued surprising advice for dog and cat parents - leave your dirty laundry behind. As 36 per cent of Brits say they're planning more holidays in 2025 than last year, owners are already counting down to their getaways. But what if the key to a calm pet while you're away is leaving your house a little messy? New research from TrustedHousesitters reveals that more than half of UK pet owners worry their pets feel abandoned when they travel. But vets say small steps – like leaving familiar smells around the home – can make a surprisingly big difference to pets' happiness and wellbeing. "Everyone likes their home comforts - pets included," Dr Rebecca MacMillan explains. "Pets thrive on familiarity and routine; it helps them to feel secure. Staying in an environment where they already feel safe will often mean they cope better when their owner is gone." Dr MacMillan adds that pets take comfort from having the smell of their owner around, plus their own pheromones which they will have marked around the home. "Even small sounds like the ticking of the kitchen clock or hearing the hum of the boiler starting up in the morning will be cues that your pet associates with their home," she went on. "Owners should still leave a clean, welcoming home for any sitter, family, or friend coming to watch pets. But when it comes to helping furry friends feel secure, leaving a few familiar items with your scent can make a big difference." Vet-approved ways to help your pet stay happy while you travel Dr MacMillan recommends these simple yet effective approaches for pet owners heading off on holiday. Don't deep clean before you go "Consider leaving a couple of items of clothing that you have worn for them to smell and snuggle with," Dr MacMillan explained. "This will help them to feel comforted in your absence." "Leaving your pet's bedding, toys, and even some clothes destined for the laundry basket around can help them feel connected to you." Keep routines as normal as possible Ask your sitter to stick to your pet's usual feeding times, walk times, and sleep schedule. "Keeping your pet in a routine as close to their normal one as possible will help them to feel more settled," advises Dr MacMillan. Use calming aids if needed Consider using a synthetic pet pheromone product to help act as an additional calming agent in their environment. "Plug-in diffusers are available, or you could use an impregnated collar or food supplement," suggests Dr MacMillan. If adding to your pet's diet, make sure to consult your vet first. Brief your sitter properly "Leave your sitter with plenty of instructions so that they understand your pet's daily schedule, likes and dislikes," says Dr MacMillan. "Creating a simple welcome guide with all essential information helps your sitter provide the best care possible. Include emergency contact numbers and your pet's medication schedule if applicable. "Feeding instructions, and notes about your pet's favourite spots, habits and any little quirks that make a difference day-to-day should also be noted." Minimise disruption Try not to make big changes like moving furniture or changing pet beds right before you leave. "Even if it feels messy to you, it'll likely be comforting for your pet until you return," Dr MacMillan added. Join the Daily Record WhatsApp community! Get the latest news sent straight to your messages by joining our WhatsApp community today. You'll receive daily updates on breaking news as well as the top headlines across Scotland. No one will be able to see who is signed up and no one can send messages except the Daily Record team. All you have to do is click here if you're on mobile, select 'Join Community' and you're in! If you're on a desktop, simply scan the QR code above with your phone and click 'Join Community'. We also treat our community members to special offers, promotions, and adverts from us and our partners. If you don't like our community, you can check out any time you like. To leave our community click on the name at the top of your screen and choose 'exit group'.
