Latest news with #Levant
Asharq Al-Awsat
3 days ago
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Isn't it Time for Us Arabs to Rationally Think of the Future?
When a nation's options are narrowed by dramatic developments, it is left with two choices: gloating or denial... Both affirm that this nation has resigned itself to a life on the margins of history. We Arabs currently constitute a strong majority in West Asia and North Africa. Our territories are home to some of the world's most significant natural resources; they are by most of the ancient world's seas, and are part of the most important trade and civilization routes known to humanity. After the First World War, as borders and the balance of power were shifting, ideologies shaped the equations of the next phase in the "game of nations," and it had been assumed that we would keep up with the transformations. We should have noticed, after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, which had spanned most of the Arab region, from Iraq to the Algerian-Moroccan border, that new interests, circumstances, and priorities had emerged. However, neither we nor others managed to grasp these shifts in time. That is why the Second World War erupted, changing things and setting new rules for the game. As for us Arabs, we failed to process the implications of partitioning the Levant and the Nile Valley or what was happening in the Maghreb! We failed to grasp how the Balfour Declaration would change things on the ground, especially in the context of a global Cold War that divided the world into two camps. The conflict among the old European colonial powers, and later between them and the two rising giants - the United States and the Soviet Union - accelerated the Global South toward independence, and gave rise to "Third World socialism," beginning with China. Iran, for its part, underwent a remarkable transformation as Britain and Russia jockeyed for influence. In 1925, officer Reza Pahlavi overthrew the Qajar dynasty and established the Pahlavi state. He ruled until 1941, when the Russians and the British removed him because of suspicion that he had been sympathetic to Nazi Germany, replacing him with his son Mohammad. The son, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, understood the rules of the game with the major powers. He played well for a few years, before choosing to align with the United States and his difficult neighbor, Atatürk's Türkiye, during the Cold War. Despite their ancient rivalry, Türkiye shared with Pahlavi's Iran not only a commitment to secularism, but also a desire to join the West, as seen with the "Baghdad Pact." Likewise, Atatürk's Türkiye coexisted, for a while, with Zionist Israel, whose establishment fueled anti-Western sentiment in more than one Arab country. As we know, military juntas began emerging in the 1950s. The Soviet bloc backed their revolutionary policies. Thus, the rift widened, first within the Arab world itself, and second, between the Arab world and the "regional triad" that supported and was supported by the West: namely, Iran, Türkiye, and Israel. This state of affairs continued until Pahlavi's secular Iran was ousted by Khomeini's "clerical revolution", and until Atatürk's secularism in Türkiye was undermined by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who aspired to combine "caliphate rule" and Turkish nationalism. As for Israel, once defined by the Histadrut and cooperative socialism, it has become a model of racist, theocratic fascism. Currently, the Israeli-Iranian war, and Türkiye's silent, calculated role in the Fertile Crescent, seem to have caught the Arabs offguard. They find themselves powerlessly watching their region being "reassembled" before their very eyes. And today, the most that some of them - those who have conveniently forgotten the rabid belligerence of Benjamin Netanyahu - can do is gloat out of childish spite. Is cheering the army that destroyed Gaza and killed its children, merely out of spite toward Iran, not a reflection of paralysis and an utter disregard for the future? Conversely, denial has become a comfortable refuge for segments of the Iranian regime's support base, who turn a blind eye to its actions. Here, I claim that our duty is to think in terms of other - plausible this time - options. Personally, I am convinced that defeating Israel is virtually impossible: it is nothing more than a front for the United States. Until Washington is persuaded that aligning fully with Tel Aviv is not inevitable, the Israeli fascists and their allies will continue to choose America's "leaders" and drag the US into fighting their wars. Incidentally, the "marriage of convenience" between hardline Christian fundamentalists and Jewish communities was consolidated by Evangelicals like the pastor Jerry Falwell, founder of the Moral Majority movement, and extremist Jewish right-wing groups - both economically and religiously - toward the end of the Cold War amid Ronald Reagan's rise. At the time, their greatest common denominator was hostility to the Soviets and the global Left. But after the collapse of the Soviet Union, as Samuel Huntington observed, they were united by their hatred of "political Islam." This tactical alliance reached its peak with the emergence - or fabrication - of ISIS-like movements. Now, these movements are about to expire. Meanwhile the fundamental contradictions - theological and ethnic - between the two opposing camps of arrogant extremists, Jewish and Christian, are surfacing, with each claiming a monopoly over religious truth, virtue, and salvation. Recognizing this fact, proceeding accordingly, and examining the implications and consequences would be a thousand times more useful than indulging in the negative, foolish reactions of a bygone past that will never return!
Arab News
5 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Isn't it time for us Arabs to rationally think of the future?
When a nation's options are narrowed by dramatic developments, it is left with two choices: gloating or denial. Both affirm that this nation has resigned itself to a life on the margins of history. We Arabs currently constitute a strong majority in West Asia and North Africa. Our territories are home to some of the world's most significant natural resources; they are by most of the ancient world's seas and are part of the most important trade and civilization routes known to humanity. After the First World War, as borders and the balance of power were shifting, ideologies shaped the equations of the next phase in the 'game of nations,' and it had been assumed that we would keep up with the transformations. We should have noticed, after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, which had spanned most of the Arab region, from Iraq to the Algerian-Moroccan border, that new interests, circumstances and priorities had emerged. However, neither we nor others managed to grasp these shifts in time. That is why the Second World War erupted, changing things and setting new rules for the game. As for us Arabs, we failed to process the implications of the partitioning of the Levant and the Nile Valley or what was happening in the Maghreb. The Arabs find themselves powerlessly watching their region being reassembled before their very eyes Eyad Abu Shakra We failed to grasp how the Balfour Declaration would change things on the ground, especially in the context of a global Cold War that divided the world into two camps. The conflict among the old European colonial powers, and later between them and the two rising giants — the US and the Soviet Union — accelerated the Global South toward independence and gave rise to Third World socialism, beginning with China. Iran, for its part, underwent a remarkable transformation as Britain and Russia jockeyed for influence. In 1925, officer Reza Pahlavi overthrew the Qajar dynasty and established the Pahlavi state. He ruled until 1941, when the Russians and the British removed him because of suspicion that he had been sympathetic to Nazi Germany, replacing him with his son Mohammed. The son, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, understood the rules of the game with the major powers. He played well for a few years, before choosing to align with the US and his difficult neighbor, Ataturk's Turkiye, during the Cold War. Despite their ancient rivalry, Turkiye shared with Pahlavi's Iran not only a commitment to secularism, but also a desire to join the West, as seen with the Baghdad Pact. Likewise, Ataturk's Turkiye coexisted, for a while, with Zionist Israel, whose establishment fueled anti-Western sentiment in more than one Arab country. As we know, military governments began emerging in the 1950s. The Soviet bloc backed their revolutionary policies. Thus, the rift widened, first within the Arab world itself and, second, between the Arab world and the regional triad that supported and was supported by the West: namely, Iran, Turkiye and Israel. This state of affairs continued until Pahlavi's secular Iran was ousted by Ayatollah Khomeini's so-called clerical revolution and until Ataturk's secularism in Turkiye was undermined by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who aspired to combine 'caliphate rule' and Turkish nationalism. As for Israel, which was once defined by the Histadrut and cooperative socialism, it has become a model of racist, theocratic fascism. Currently, the Israeli-Iranian war and Turkiye's silent, calculated role in the Fertile Crescent seem to have caught the Arabs off guard. They find themselves powerlessly watching their region being reassembled before their very eyes. And today, the most that some of them — those who have conveniently forgotten the rabid belligerence of Benjamin Netanyahu — can do is gloat out of childish spite. Is cheering the army that destroyed Gaza and killed its children merely out of spite toward Iran not a reflection of paralysis and an utter disregard for the future? Conversely, denial has become a comfortable refuge for segments of the Iranian regime's support base, who turn a blind eye to its actions. The fundamental contradictions between the two opposing camps of arrogant extremists, Jewish and Christian, are surfacing Eyad Abu Shakra Here, I claim that our duty is to think in terms of other — plausible this time — options. Personally, I am convinced that defeating Israel is virtually impossible: it is nothing more than a front for the US. Until Washington is persuaded that aligning fully with Tel Aviv is not inevitable, the Israeli fascists and their allies will continue to choose America's leaders and drag the US into fighting their wars. Incidentally, the marriage of convenience between hard-line Christian fundamentalists and Jewish communities was consolidated by evangelicals like the pastor Jerry Falwell, founder of the Moral Majority movement, and extremist Jewish right-wing groups — both economically and religiously — toward the end of the Cold War amid Ronald Reagan's rise. At the time, their greatest common denominator was hostility to the Soviets and the global left. But after the collapse of the Soviet Union, as Samuel Huntington observed, they were united by their hatred of political Islam. This tactical alliance reached its peak with the emergence — or fabrication — of Daesh-like movements. Now, these movements are about to expire. Meanwhile, the fundamental contradictions — theological and ethnic — between the two opposing camps of arrogant extremists, Jewish and Christian, are surfacing, with each claiming a monopoly over religious truth, virtue and salvation. Recognizing this fact, proceeding accordingly and examining the implications and consequences would be a thousand times more useful than indulging in the negative, foolish reactions of a bygone past that will never return.
New York Times
5 days ago
- Politics
- New York Times
As Other Arab States Condemn Israeli Attacks on Iran, Syria Is Notably Silent
In the hours after Israel launched its most brazen attacks yet on Iran, Arab countries — many of which are no real friends of the Islamic republic — quickly condemned the Israeli aggression. Arab leaders denounced the Israeli strikes as 'heinous attacks' and 'violations of international law.' But amid the chorus of criticism, one key player in the region has remained notably silent: Syria. The decision by Syria's new government, led by President Ahmed al-Shara, to remain silent is a sign of just how much the geopolitical sands have shifted in the country since rebels toppled the Assad regime in December, analysts say. That regime was among Iran's closet allies in the region, providing key support as Iran built up its network of anti-Israel militias, the so-called Axis of Resistance, across the Levant. But since coming to power, the new government has made clear that Iran's proxies are no longer welcome in Syria and pledged that it would not allow any armed groups to launch attacks into Israel from Syrian soil. That pledge is part of Mr. al-Shara's effort to win support from Western countries and also the result of deep-seated resentment toward Iran, which provided military aid to the dictator Bashar al-Assad to fight rebel forces during Syria's nearly 14-year civil war, analysts say. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
CNBC
5 days ago
- Business
- CNBC
This CEO puts 'no value in any college degree'—here's what he looks for instead
Aaron Levant, CEO of Complex, a media and e-commerce platform, says he has never put any value in a college degree while hiring. Why? Because he doesn't have one. "They may have it on [their resume], but I just don't even look," Levant says. He isn't any less selective in his hiring just because he overlooks this one factor, though. After several decades of starting and growing businesses, Levant says he knows exactly what to look for while trying to build a company — whether for a team of five people or hundreds. He tells CNBC Make It that before bringing someone onboard, he zeroes in on the following. While assessing someone's passions, interests and ambition, Levant says he seeks out something specific: a side hustle. For Levant, a passion project or second revenue, he says, indicates what he values most in a colleague or employee: "propensity to be a hustler." "I don't care if it's making crochet blankets and selling on Etsy … that tells me something about you and your personality, and goes back to that hustle factor," he says. More than 1 in 3 U.S. adults earn money through side hustles, according to Bankrate's Side Hustles Survey from 2024. Although less popular than in past years, side hustles remain a common way for people to increase their financial stability and pursue multiple passions — especially for Gen Z and millennials, Bankrate reports. Plus, Levant adds, they can help people feel fulfilled outside of work — benefitting their performance in the office. More than a third of hiring managers say they might stop pursuing a candidate if the applicant has a history of frequent job changes, according to a LinkedIn survey. For Levant, it can be a deal breaker. "If I see someone with seven jobs in seven years, that's a red flag to me," Levant says. "Either they're not loyal, or they're not good enough to stay." If you're worried the number of job changes on your resume might affect your chances of landing a new opportunity, it's best to prepare an explanation for your employment history, LinkedIn career expert Drew McCaskill previously told Make It. Consider filling in those gaps for an employer in the "about" section of your LinkedIn profile, your resume summary section or during an interview, McCaskill said. Levant is focused on bringing in people who can accelerate the progress of his company, he says, and that starts with having the right skills. He's looking specifically for candidates who have done the exact job or a similar one before, so they can hit the ground running at Complex with their prior knowledge as a guide, Levant says. "Now I'm at the point where I'm very much trying to hire people one-to-one," he says. Levant typically evaluates this role readiness by looking at past job experiences. But if your resume doesn't include positions that would be relevant for a specific, desired role, there are other ways to develop those employable skills outside of the workplace, too, according to hiring platform Indeed. By taking masterclasses on new software or obtaining certifications online, for example, you may be able to acquire the skills you need to appeal to a hiring manager without formal education or years of experience under your belt, Indeed says. The more experience and training you've had on your own, Levant says, the less time companies have to spend getting you up to speed. "You can bring all that experience along and help us go further faster," he says.
The National
5 days ago
- Politics
- The National
How the Iran-Israel war is viewed in each neighbouring country
The aerial war between Israel and Iran has been playing out over the skies of the Levant, prompting concerns in each country about its effects on internal stability and their strategic position. Iraq has condemned the Israeli strikes on Friday that ignited the war. Despite their sharp political differences with Iran, both Jordan and Egypt have also accused Israel of violating international law and threatening regional security. Only Syria has remained silent. A dramatic regime change in Damascus last year has ushered in the political ascendancy of Syria's majority Sunnis and undermined Iran's cross-border military reach. Here is how the conflict is viewed in each of the region's capitals: Damascus A source close to the country's new rulers said that the Israeli attacks on Iran, the main regional backer of the former Assad regime, are seen as 'positive' because they undermine Iran's ability to destabilise Syria as it emerges from decades of hostility towards Washington. Strengthening Damascus as a bulwark against Iran and possibly drawing the country into the Abraham Accords were the main reasons behind US normalisation with Damascus last month, according to US officials. President Ahmad Al Shara does not want Iranian proxies, who had free rein in Syria until the removal of the regime in December, to penetrate the country again and launch attacks on Israel, the source said. A week before the Israel-Iran war, a small group in southern Syria that once formed part of Iran's regional network was suspected of carrying out a rocket attack on an Israeli-occupied area in the Golan Heights, drawing Israeli retaliation against Syrian military targets. 'For Al Shara, Israel is targeting its most dangerous enemy. Issues with Israel can always be negotiated. But for him, Iran is personal.' Amman Jordan has treaded carefully whenever conflicts involving Israel have erupted since the two countries signed a peace treaty in 1994. The kingdom also has a defence pact with the United States that governs the presence of 3,800 American soldiers in the country. Its population, however, contains a large proportion of people of Palestinian origin, and anti-Israeli sentiment pervades the public discourse. Officials have shied away from public criticism of Iran despite viewing Tehran and its proxies as a threat to the stability of the system. In his first public comments on the conflict, Jordan's king Abdullah said on Sunday that the country will not be a theatre of war and will not allow anyone to interfere with its internal stability, in an apparent warning to groups that might try to attack the country or US interests. Amid the Gaza war in January last year, a drone attack in north-eastern Jordan by a Shiite militia in Iraq supported by Tehran killed three US soldiers. The attack was seen as part of the Iranian response to the Israeli invasion of Gaza, but also retaliation for the assassination of Iranian military officials in Syria. As soon as Iran started retaliating against Israel on Friday, Jordan announced that its air force had intercepted missiles and drones entering its airspace. A military official later said the projectiles were heading from east to west, in clear indication that they were Iranian. Baghdad Iraq, which is one of the world's biggest oil exporters but imports virtually everything else, is one of the nations most vulnerable to the fallout from the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran. This is largely because of the government's weak influence on myriad Iran-backed groups in the country. On the security front, Iraq faces the risk of becoming a battleground for proxy warfare. There are fears that it could be pulled deeper into this confrontation if the Tehran-allied militias choose to join. After the outbreak of the conflict on Friday, the powerful militias said they would enter the conflict only if US forces based in Iraq intervened to support Israel. However, one group declared on Monday that it will join the fight, vowing to attack Israel and 'anyone who supports it' in Iraq and the region. A reassertion of military sway over foreign policy also threatens Iraq's delicate balancing act between maintaining relations with both Iran and the West, particularly the US, and undermines its efforts to assert sovereignty and pursue an independent foreign policy. Economically, the war could affect a process of recovery dating back to the low oil prices of five years ago. If the conflict expands and Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz, financial returns from Baghdad's oil sales could again plummet, plunging the country into another crisis. Past pressures on Tehran have also weakened the Iraqi dinar, which is trading at around 1,300 to the US dollar. Whenever Tehran has become more isolated, Iranians have bought what is known as the 'cheap dollar' from Iraq, causing foreign currency scarcity in Iraq and undermining the dinar. Beirut Unlike Iraq, Lebanon's Hezbollah, once Iran's go-to militia in Tehran's so-called asymmetrical warfare against its foes, has indicated no desire to enter the fray, although it has kept up anti-Israeli rhetoric. Its military might has taken a blow after a 14-month war with Israel, causing it to lose its footing. Since its military defeat Western and Lebanese leaders have been working towards disarming the once-powerful group. Israel understands only the language of 'killing, fire, and destruction,' Hezbollah said in a statement following Israel's initial assault on Iran. However, Riad Kahwaji, head of the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis, said the group is constrained and in no position currently to support Iran. 'Hezbollah has taken a very strong beating. Its capability has diminished considerably,' Mr Kahwaji said. Meanwhile, Lebanese officials have fielded US and European warnings against allowing Lebanese territory to be used to support Iran. Hezbollah has been receptive to the pressure, with one of its officials telling Reuters last week that it would 'not initiate its own attack on Israel in retaliation for Israel's strikes'. Still, an Israeli drone buzzed over Beirut at a low altitude on Monday, its incessant noise overlaying the urban sounds of the capital. The message was clear: although Israel is busy fighting a high-stakes war with Iran, it can still cause significant destruction in the already devastated Lebanon. Cairo Egypt, home to the Suez Canal, is mainly worried about any spillover that could disrupt global shipping, as well as imports of commodities and energy. The government, as indicated by emergency meetings it has convened, fears that Iran could retaliate against Israel by closing vital maritime chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz or Bab Al Mandeb, which could disrupt access to the Suez Canal. Egypt is import-dependent and has limited sources for foreign currency, so it is particularly vulnerable to disruptions in food, fuel, and other essential goods. On Sunday, the Federation of Chambers of Commerce issued a statement reassuring citizens that Egypt had strategic reserves to cover its needs for six to 12 months. Moreover, Egypt's energy security is under threat after Israel suspended natural gas exports to it due to the deteriorating security situation. With high summer temperatures driving higher energy demand, this could lead to power shortages and rolling blackouts, a politically sensitive problem that sparked a public backlash as recently as 2023. Militarily, Egypt has put its armed forces on heightened alert, conducting nationwide air defence drills to ensure readiness. The Sinai Peninsula, which borders Israel, is on maximum alert, reflecting Cairo's fear of further spillover from the conflict. Incidents of stray projectiles landing on Egyptian territory, as seen with the Iranian-backed Houthis' misfired rockets, have further underscored Egypt's vulnerability.
