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DW
3 hours ago
- Politics
- DW
Iran's complex political and military power structure – DW – 06/20/2025
Iran's political system is famously complicated — mixing elected leaders with theocratic and military power players. Here's your guide to how it all works. Israel's attack on Iran this month marked a dramatic escalation in a long-simmering conflict. But the strikes were aimed at more than just military targets. In a public address, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called on Iranians to rise up against what he described as a "cruel and oppressive regime." Whether intended as psychological warfare or a genuine appeal for revolt, the message underscored the fact that Iran's leadership is facing precarious moments. Years of sanctions, internal unrest, and now open military confrontation have raised new questions about how the Islamic Republic functions. Power hierarchy in Iran is notoriously complicated. There are unelected councils and offices that wield immense power, but they are assigned or monitored by elected or semi-elected bodies. Here's a guide to the key figures at the top of Iran's political and military hierarchy and how power is exercised in Tehran. Supreme Leader — Ayatollah Ali Khamenei Appointed for life in 1989 by the Assembly of Experts The highest authority in Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds direct or indirect power over all matters of state — from foreign policy to domestic politics. He appoints key officials, including the heads of state media and the judiciary, and has representatives in nearly every major organization. Though unelected by the public, Khamenei was appointed by the Assembly of Experts following the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the 1979 revolution. The Assembly of Experts is an elected body of Islamic clerics tasked with selecting, supervising, and — if necessary — dismissing Iran's Supreme Leader. Article 110 of the Constitution outlines the duties and powers of the Supreme Leader, including the declaration of war and peace, as well as the mobilization of the armed forces. President of Iran — Masoud Pezeshkian Elected July 2024 Masoud Pezeshkian won Iran's snap presidential election in July 2024, following the sudden death of President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash two months earlier. He became the Islamic Republic's ninth president, making him the country's second-highest-ranking official after the supreme leader. Pezeshkian, known for his moderate stance, campaigned on promises of limited social reforms, renewed negotiations with the West over Iran's nuclear program, and addressing the public discontent sparked by the 2022 death of Jina Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish woman who died in police custody after she was arrested for allegedly wearing her headscarf too loosely. Iranian presidents serve four-year terms and are responsible for managing day-to-day governance and representing the country in international diplomacy. However, power rests with the Supreme Leader, who holds authority over the military, judiciary, and key aspects of foreign policy. Presidents cannot override the Supreme Leader on matters of strategic importance. Reformist leaders like Pezeshkian — and before him, Hassan Rouhani, who brokered the 2015 nuclear deal with the Obama administration — have often faced strong pushback from conservative institutions, including the Guardian Council and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Efforts by Rouhani to ease tensions with the West were significantly set back when the US exited the nuclear agreement in 2018, following a decision by then-President Donald Trump during his first term in office. President Pezeshkian campaigned on promises of international opening and expanded social liberties — but his reform agenda has been stymied Image: Iranian Presidency/AFP The Guardian Council Chairman: Ahmad Jannati, elected July 2024 The Guardian Council is tasked with ensuring that legislation passed by Iran's parliament complies with the constitution and Islamic principles. The 12-member body wields significant power: Six members are Islamic clerics appointed directly by the Supreme Leader, while the remaining six are legal scholars selected by parliament. Beyond its legislative role, the Council also vets candidates for key elected bodies, including the presidency, parliament, and the Assembly of Experts. This gives it considerable influence over who can participate in Iran's tightly controlled electoral system. At 98, Ahmad Jannati symbolizes the enduring conservative establishment in Iran, overseeing the vetting of elections and legislation while reinforcing loyalty to the Supreme Leader's vision Image: Vahid Salemi/AP Photo/picture alliance Ahmad Jannati, a hardline cleric and ally of the Supreme Leader, has chaired the Guardian Council since 1992. Known for his conservative views, Jannati has played a central role in vetting candidates and shaping legislation in line with the Islamic Republic's principles. Expediency Discernment Council Another key institution is the Expediency Discernment Council, a powerful body tasked with mediating disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council, particularly when proposed laws conflict with Islamic law or the constitution. Its members — appointed directly by the Supreme Leader — include senior clerics, military officials, former presidents, and technocrats. Though officially an advisory body, the council often functions as an extension of the Supreme Leader's authority, influencing national policy and ensuring continuity within the political system during internal conflicts or crises. Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Commander-in-Chief: General Mohammad Pakpour, elected June 2025 Established in the wake of Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution, the IRGC began as a volunteer militia tasked with protecting the newly established regime. During the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War, it evolved into a powerful parallel military force. After the conflict, the IRGC expanded its influence by directing major reconstruction efforts, which laid the foundation for its growing presence in Iran's economic and political spheres. The IRGC's military and political power now far surpasses Iran's regular army Image: Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu/IMAGO Today, analysts estimate the IRGC controls between 20% and 40% of Iran's economy, largely through its engineering arm, Khatam al-Anbiya, and wide-ranging interests in sectors including energy, agriculture, and finance — offering employment and political leverage. Militarily, the IRGC is tasked with defending the regime, both domestically and abroad. Its Basij militia monitors internal dissent, while the elite Quds Force oversees operations across the region. The Guards' intelligence wing rivals official security services and plays a key role in countering perceived domestic and foreign threats. Under Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the IRGC's political and security roles have expanded significantly. Following the June 13 Israeli airstrike that killed IRGC commander Hossein Salami and several other top generals, Khamenei appointed Brigadier General Mohammad Pakpour — a veteran of the Iran-Iraq War and longtime head of the IRGC's ground forces — as the organization's new leader. Parliament (Majlis) Speaker: Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, elected May 2020 Iran's parliament, known as the Majlis, or ICA, is a single-chamber legislature of 290 members elected to four-year terms through direct national elections. Since the first parliamentary session in 1980, the composition of the Majlis has changed dramatically. While clerics once held more than half the seats, they made up just 5.5% of lawmakers in 2020. In contrast, members with backgrounds in the IRGC have become increasingly influential, reflecting the growing role of security and military figures in Iranian politics. Ghalibaf, a former Revolutionary Guard commander now leads Iran's parliament. Iran's parliment has grown increasingly dominated by security figures like Ghalibaf Image: Vahid Salemi/dpa/AP/picture alliance The Majlis holds wide-ranging legislative powers, including drafting laws, approving the national budget, and ratifying international agreements. However, its authority is limited by the Guardian Council, which vets all parliamentary candidates and has the power to reject legislation it deems inconsistent with the constitution or Islamic principles. Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, a hardline conservative, has served as speaker since 2020 and was re-elected to the post in May 2025. A former IRGC general, national police chief, and mayor of Tehran, Qalibaf is seen as one of the most influential figures in Iran's political establishment. Edited by: Rob Mudge
SBS Australia
3 hours ago
- General
- SBS Australia
"The Ezidi community is self-reliant and successful in toowoomba"
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Time of India
6 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Iran's divided opposition senses its moment but activists remain wary of protests
Iran 's fragmented opposition groups think their moment may be close at hand, but activists involved in previous bouts of protest say they are unwilling to unleash mass unrest, even against a system they hate, with their nation under attack. Exiled opponents of the Islamic Republic , themselves deeply divided, are urging street protests. In the borderlands, Kurdish and Baluchi separatist groups look poised to rise up, with Israeli strikes pummelling Iran's security apparatus. While the Islamic Republic looks weaker than at nearly any point since soon after the 1979 revolution, any direct challenge to its 46-year rule would likely require some form of popular uprising. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Buy Brass Idols - Handmade Brass Statues for Home & Gifting Luxeartisanship Buy Now Undo Whether such an uprising is likely - or imminent - is a matter of debate. The late shah's son, U.S.-based Reza Pahlavi , said in media interviews this week he wants to lead a political transition, proclaiming it the best chance to topple the Islamic Republic in four decades and saying "this is our moment in history". Live Events Triggering regime change is certainly one war goal for Israel, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressing Iranians to say "we are also clearing the path for you to achieve your freedom". Within a ruling system long adept at quashing public displays of dissent, there are signs it is readying for protests. Mohammad Amin, a member of the Basij militia that is often deployed against protesters, said his unit in Qom had been put on alert to root out Israeli spies and protect the Islamic Republic. However, while the strikes have targeted a security hierarchy that crushed previous bouts of protest, they have also caused great fear and disruption for ordinary people - and anger at both Iranian authorities and Israel, the activists said. "How are people supposed to pour into the streets? In such horrifying circumstances, people are solely focused on saving themselves, their families, their compatriots, and even their pets," said Atena Daemi, a prominent activist who spent six years in prison before leaving Iran. MASS PROTESTS Daemi's concerns were also voiced by Iran's most prominent activist, Nobel Peace Prize winner Narges Mohammadi , in a social media post. Responding to an Israeli demand for people to evacuate parts of Tehran, she posted: "Do not destroy my city." Two other activists Reuters spoke to in Iran, who were among the hundreds of thousands involved in mass protests two years ago after the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, said they also had no plans to demonstrate yet. "After the strikes end we will raise our voices because this regime is responsible for the war," said one, a university student in Shiraz, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals. Another, who had lost her university place and been jailed for five months after the 2022 protests and who also requested anonymity, said she believed in regime change in Iran but that it was not time to take to the streets. She and her friends were not planning to stage or join rallies, she said, and dismissed calls from abroad for protests. "Israel and those so-called opposition leaders abroad only think about their own benefits," she said. Apart from Pahlavi's monarchists, the main opposition faction outside Iran is the People's Mujahideen Organisation , also known as the MEK or MKO. A revolutionary faction in the 1970s, it lost a power struggle after the shah was toppled. Many Iranians have not forgiven it for then siding with Iraq during the stalemated war of 1980-88 and rights groups have accused it of abuses at its camps and of cult-like behaviour, both of which it denies. The Mujahideen are the main force behind the National Council of Resistance of Iran, which like Pahlavi has cultivated close ties with some Western politicians. At a Paris forum this week, the council's leader Maryam Rajavi reiterated her opposition to any return of the monarchy, saying "neither the shah nor the mullahs". How far opposition groups outside Iran enjoy any support inside the country is uncertain. While there is fond nostalgia among some Iranians for the period before the revolution, it is an era that most are too young to remember. Within Iran, the successive rounds of national protests have also focused around differing issues. In 2009, demonstrators flooded the streets over what they saw as a stolen presidential election. In 2017, protests focused on falling living standards. And in 2022 women's rights were the trigger. Mir-Hossein Mousavi, the election candidate protesters said had been cheated in 2009, has been under house arrest for years and is now 83. His policy was to reform the Islamic Republic rather than replace it - the goal of many protesters in later movements. For opponents of the Islamic Republic inside Iran, those unanswered questions of whether or when to stage protests, what agenda to pursue, or which leader to follow are only likely to grow more pressing as Israel's airstrikes continue.
Hindustan Times
6 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Iran's divided opposition calls for uprising, but activists remain hesitant
Iran's fragmented opposition groups think their moment may be close at hand, but activists involved in previous bouts of protest say they are unwilling to unleash mass unrest, even against a system they hate, with their nation under attack. Exiled opponents of the Islamic Republic, themselves deeply divided, are urging street protests. In the borderlands, Kurdish and Baluchi separatist groups look poised to rise up, with Israeli strikes pummelling Iran's security apparatus. While the Islamic Republic looks weaker than at nearly any point since soon after the 1979 revolution, any direct challenge to its 46-year rule would likely require some form of popular uprising. Whether such an uprising is likely - or imminent - is a matter of debate. Track live updates of Israel Iran conflict here. The late shah's son, US-based Reza Pahlavi, said in media interviews this week he wants to lead a political transition, proclaiming it the best chance to topple the Islamic Republic in four decades and saying "this is our moment in history". Triggering regime change is certainly one war goal for Israel, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressing Iranians to say "we are also clearing the path for you to achieve your freedom". Within a ruling system long adept at quashing public displays of dissent, there are signs it is readying for protests. Also read: Iran fires cluster bombs at Israel as conflict enters 8th day: Death toll mounts, no diplomatic breakthrough Mohammad Amin, a member of the Basij militia that is often deployed against protesters, said his unit in Qom had been put on alert to root out Israeli spies and protect the Islamic Republic. However, while the strikes have targeted a security hierarchy that crushed previous bouts of protest, they have also caused great fear and disruption for ordinary people - and anger at both Iranian authorities and Israel, the activists said. "How are people supposed to pour into the streets? In such horrifying circumstances, people are solely focused on saving themselves, their families, their compatriots, and even their pets," said Atena Daemi, a prominent activist who spent six years in prison before leaving Iran. Also read: Israeli PM Netanyahu's 'personal loss' remark sparks outrage amid war with Iran Daemi's concerns were also voiced by Iran's most prominent activist, Nobel Peace Prize winner Narges Mohammadi, in a social media post. Responding to an Israeli demand for people to evacuate parts of Tehran, she posted: "Do not destroy my city." Two other activists Reuters spoke to in Iran, who were among the hundreds of thousands involved in mass protests two years ago after the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, said they also had no plans to demonstrate yet. "After the strikes end we will raise our voices because this regime is responsible for the war," said one, a university student in Shiraz, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals. Another, who had lost her university place and been jailed for five months after the 2022 protests and who also requested anonymity, said she believed in regime change in Iran but that it was not time to take to the streets. She and her friends were not planning to stage or join rallies, she said, and dismissed calls from abroad for protests. "Israel and those so-called opposition leaders abroad only think about their own benefits," she said. Apart from Pahlavi's monarchists, the main opposition faction outside Iran is the People's Mujahideen Organisation, also known as the MEK or MKO. A revolutionary faction in the 1970s, it lost a power struggle after the shah was toppled. Many Iranians have not forgiven it for then siding with Iraq during the stalemated war of 1980-88 and rights groups have accused it of abuses at its camps and of cult-like behaviour, both of which it denies. The Mujahideen are the main force behind the National Council of Resistance of Iran, which like Pahlavi has cultivated close ties with some Western politicians. At a Paris forum this week, the council's leader Maryam Rajavi reiterated her opposition to any return of the monarchy, saying "neither the shah nor the mullahs". How far opposition groups outside Iran enjoy any support inside the country is uncertain. While there is fond nostalgia among some Iranians for the period before the revolution, it is an era that most are too young to remember. Within Iran, the successive rounds of national protests have also focused around differing issues. In 2009, demonstrators flooded the streets over what they saw as a stolen presidential election. In 2017, protests focused on falling living standards. And in 2022 women's rights were the trigger. Mir-Hossein Mousavi, the election candidate protesters said had been cheated in 2009, has been under house arrest for years and is now 83. His policy was to reform the Islamic Republic rather than replace it - the goal of many protesters in later movements. For opponents of the Islamic Republic inside Iran, those unanswered questions of whether or when to stage protests, what agenda to pursue, or which leader to follow are only likely to grow more pressing as Israel's airstrikes continue.
AsiaOne
11 hours ago
- Politics
- AsiaOne
Iran's divided opposition senses its moment but activists remain wary of protests, Asia News
DUBAI — Iran's fragmented opposition groups think their moment may be close at hand, but activists involved in previous bouts of protest say they are unwilling to unleash mass unrest, even against a system they hate, with their nation under attack. Exiled opponents of the Islamic Republic, themselves deeply divided, are urging street protests. In the borderlands, Kurdish and Baluchi separatist groups look poised to rise up, with Israeli strikes pummelling Iran's security apparatus. While the Islamic Republic looks weaker than at nearly any point since soon after the 1979 revolution, any direct challenge to its 46-year rule would likely require some form of popular uprising. Whether such an uprising is likely — or imminent — is a matter of debate. The late shah's son, US-based Reza Pahlavi, said in media interviews this week he wants to lead a political transition, proclaiming it the best chance to topple the Islamic Republic in four decades and saying "this is our moment in history". Triggering regime change is certainly one war goal for Israel, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressing Iranians to say "we are also clearing the path for you to achieve your freedom". Within a ruling system long adept at quashing public displays of dissent, there are signs it is readying for protests. Mohammad Amin, a member of the Basij militia that is often deployed against protesters, said his unit in Qom had been put on alert to root out Israeli spies and protect the Islamic Republic. However, while the strikes have targeted a security hierarchy that crushed previous bouts of protest, they have also caused great fear and disruption for ordinary people — and anger at both Iranian authorities and Israel, the activists said. "How are people supposed to pour into the streets? In such horrifying circumstances, people are solely focused on saving themselves, their families, their compatriots, and even their pets," said Atena Daemi, a prominent activist who spent six years in prison before leaving Iran. Mass protests Daemi's concerns were also voiced by Iran's most prominent activist, Nobel Peace Prize winner Narges Mohammadi, in a social media post. Responding to an Israeli demand for people to evacuate parts of Tehran, she posted: "Do not destroy my city." Two other activists Reuters spoke to in Iran, who were among the hundreds of thousands involved in mass protests two years ago after the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, said they also had no plans to demonstrate yet. "After the strikes end we will raise our voices because this regime is responsible for the war," said one, a university student in Shiraz, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals. Another, who had lost her university place and been jailed for five months after the 2022 protests and who also requested anonymity, said she believed in regime change in Iran but that it was not time to take to the streets. She and her friends were not planning to stage or join rallies, she said, and dismissed calls from abroad for protests. "Israel and those so-called opposition leaders abroad only think about their own benefits," she said. Apart from Pahlavi's monarchists, the main opposition faction outside Iran is the People's Mujahideen Organisation, also known as the MEK or MKO. A revolutionary faction in the 1970s, it lost a power struggle after the shah was toppled. Many Iranians have not forgiven it for then siding with Iraq during the stalemated war of 1980 to 1988 and rights groups have accused it of abuses at its camps and of cult-like behaviour, both of which it denies. The Mujahideen are the main force behind the National Council of Resistance of Iran, which like Pahlavi has cultivated close ties with some Western politicians. At a Paris forum this week, the council's leader Maryam Rajavi reiterated her opposition to any return of the monarchy, saying "neither the shah nor the mullahs". How far opposition groups outside Iran enjoy any support inside the country is uncertain. While there is fond nostalgia among some Iranians for the period before the revolution, it is an era that most are too young to remember. Within Iran, the successive rounds of national protests have also focused around differing issues. In 2009, demonstrators flooded the streets over what they saw as a stolen presidential election. In 2017, protests focused on falling living standards. And in 2022 women's rights were the trigger. Mir-Hossein Mousavi, the election candidate protesters said had been cheated in 2009, has been under house arrest for years and is now 83. His policy was to reform the Islamic Republic rather than replace it — the goal of many protesters in later movements. For opponents of the Islamic Republic inside Iran, those unanswered questions of whether or when to stage protests, what agenda to pursue, or which leader to follow are only likely to grow more pressing as Israel's airstrikes continue. [[nid:719066]]
