Latest news with #Kampala
Washington Post
10 hours ago
- Politics
- Washington Post
New Yorkers might vote for a socialist mayor, but a Muslim?
When hijacked airplanes were flown into the World Trade Center in 2001, New York's popular mayoral candidate Zohran Kwame Mamdani was just 9 years old. On that otherwise bluebird day, he had been in the United States only two years, after moving to New York with his parents from Kampala, Uganda. Seventeen years later, he became an American citizen, after completing a degree in Africana studies at Bowdoin College.
Yahoo
13 hours ago
- Health
- Yahoo
In Uganda, a tougher bicycle offers hope for better health coverage in rural areas
A U.S.-based nonprofit is partnering with Uganda's health ministry to supply hundreds of grassroots health workers with steel-reinforced bikes. (AP video shot by Patrick Onen)
Russia Today
a day ago
- Business
- Russia Today
Russia welcomes African state as new BRICS partner
Russia welcomes Uganda as a BRICS partner country, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said on Wednesday during talks with his Ugandan counterpart, Jeje Odongo, in Moscow. Lavrov added that Moscow looks forward to engaging with Kampala within the framework of BRICS. 'We welcome Uganda as a BRICS partner country ... We look forward to active cooperation with our Ugandan friends in this new format,' Lavrov said. BRICS was established in 2009 by Brazil, Russia, India, and China, with South Africa joining two years later. In 2024, the bloc extended full membership to Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates, and, later, Indonesia. Nigeria and Uganda became BRICS partner states in January 2025, along with seven other countries outside Africa. The ministers discussed a broad range of issues related to bilateral cooperation. Particular emphasis was placed on trade, investment, energy, agriculture, science, high technology and healthcare. Both sides reaffirmed their intention to deepen political dialogue, grounded in international law and the principles of the UN Charter. During the meeting, Odongo requested Russia's support 'to secure land or property in Moscow to establish a permanent chancery.' Uganda's top diplomat was part of a high-level delegation led by Vice President Jessica Alupo, who also held talks with Russian Federation Council Chairperson Valentina Matviyenko. Matviyenko described Uganda as one of 'Russia's key partners on the African continent.' She noted that the partnership reflects a shared commitment to advancing mutually beneficial cooperation across diverse sectors. 'Russia's historical friendship, founded on mutual respect, trust, and solidarity, contributed to the liberation of African countries,' Alupo noted. On Tuesday, the Ugandan vice president met with Russia's special presidential envoy for the Middle East and Africa, Mikhail Bogdanov. The talks focused on expanding bilateral cooperation ahead of the upcoming session of the Intergovernmental Russian-Ugandan Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation, according to the Russian Foreign Ministry. Alupo visited Russia in September to participate in the 2024 Eurasian Women's Forum (EAWF) held in St. Petersburg.
The Independent
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Independent
‘I've lost hope of overturning Uganda's brutal anti-LGBT+ law thanks to Trump's aid cuts'
One of Uganda's most prominent LGBT+ activists says he has 'lost hope' his country's extreme anti-homosexuality law being repealed – with Donald Trump's decision to slash US foreign aid funding removing one of the key pressure point on the government. Steven Kabuye was brutally attacked in 2024, in the wake of the law – which punishes consensual same-sex relationships with penalties up to life in prison – being passed the previous year. He had been receiving regular death threats when, on his way to work in January 2024, he was stabbed twice by two unknown men and left for dead. After the attack he was given asylum in Canada. 'I almost lost my life that day,' he explains. '[It] almost cost me my life and I'll continue doing this work until the day the gods decide this is my end'. Aid cuts and sanctions against Uganda introduced by Democratic presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, as well as pressure from the World Bank, are thought to have played a role in overturning some limited aspects of the legislation. 'But with the Trump government coming into power in the US, everything went back', Kabuye says, and the milestones they had achieved, 'all withered away'. Kabuye fears it will be impossible to convince President Yoweri Museveni, Uganda's leader of almost 40 years, to 'remove some draconian laws without leverage'. 'How are you going to leverage him? By giving him aid,' he says. 'Without aid you have nothing on him'. Though the majority of the harsh law remains in force, a general obligation to report suspected 'acts of homosexuality' to the police has been revoked, thanks to US pressure. The provision had led to LGBT+ people being denied or too afraid to seek healthcare. 'Before all the sanctions that came from the US under the Biden administration,' Kabuye explains, the Ministry of Health in Uganda used to run workshops for medical workers telling them, 'how to report anyone who is suspected of being transgender'. Then, financial pressure from the US and beyond, 'at least pushed the Ugandan government,' Kabuye explains, to remove some articles of the law that were, 'very very severe and are very harmful' . It also pushed the health ministry to make sure LGBT+ people could access healthcare including HIV medication in specialist drop-in centres funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), he adds. Using aid as leverage has been controversial at times. When the British government threatened to cut aid to countries that persecuted gay people, a group of more than 50 African social justice organisations signed an open letter expressing concerns about, 'the use of aid conditionality' as an incentive to uphold LGBT+ rights , because of the 'real risk of a serious backlash' against the very people they are aiming to protect. 'Donor sanctions are by their nature coercive and reinforce the disproportionate power dynamics between donor countries and recipients,' the letter added. Two years on from halting new lending to Uganda saying its anti-gay law violated the bank's values, the World Bank reversed its decision at the start of June, saying it now believes measures put in place to prevent harm from the law were 'satisfactory'. 'They cannot afford these medications' On the ground in Uganda, US aid cuts have led to the closure of many such health centres, forcing people back into public hospitals where they may be discriminated against. Organisations supporting LGBT+ people living with HIV told The Independent they had also seen a rise in verbal attacks and denials of care in hospitals after Trump not only withdrew funding for those groups, but also mounted targeted attacks particularly on trans people in the US. A State Department spokesperson said that while the US had reprioritised foreign spending to, 'advance US prosperity, security and safety,' a review remained ongoing and in the meantime the US continued to fund 'significant lifesaving and humanitarian assistance' in Uganda. The United States has long stood for the protection of human rights and equal treatment under the law, the spokesperson added, and all authorities to challenge human rights violations and corrupt actors continued to be available to the US government. US sanctions against some Ugandan officials for rights violations remain in place. Since US aid-linked closures of HIV clinics in Uganda - as well as the loss of staff who used to deliver medicines to some patients' homes – Kabuye says people are now 'running back into the dark corners wondering when all this will stop'. Kabuye is now supporting three of his friends financially to help them to buy life-saving anti-retroviral medication which they were previously able to get for free. 'These are people that actually cannot work due to the limitations that are put in place by the Anti-Homosexuality Act 2023. They cannot afford these medications. They cannot afford transportation to go to the main hospitals.' Beyond the fear and distress caused, cutting access to HIV prevention and treatment will lead to 'loss of lives and a lot of them,' Kabuye warns. The Ugandan government has denied this, saying: 'As a government, we uphold a non-discriminatory policy in service delivery, ensuring equal access to healthcare for all'. A spokesperson added: 'The legislation was passed and signed into law by the Ugandan government to safeguard the interests of Ugandans and future generations. Importantly, the law still upholds the right to seek health services without discrimination. All health facilities continue to provide care, including free services.' Watching the impact of US cuts play out from afar in his new home in Vancouver has been 'traumatic', Kabuye says. 'I feel like I have to do something, but I cannot. It makes me powerless, but then I have my voice. I can speak up. I can inform the world what is happening out there'. The experience of his attack - which he believes happened as a result of his activism - hasn't left him. "It will always come back in my memories when I sleep. When I watch TV, if I see a certain story that connects with my experience. If I see blood. When I look at my scars. 'I'll walk with it for the rest of my life. I just have to accept that it happened, and I survived".
Al Jazeera
3 days ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Are commercial interests driving Uganda's military operations in DR Congo?
Kampala, Uganda – It was June 5 when Ugandan soldiers arrived in Kasenyi, a town on the shores of Lake Albert in Ituri province in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Uganda's army chief, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, posted a video on X showing what he said were residents 'enthusiastically' welcoming the soldiers, as Chris Magezi, an aide to Kainerugaba and at the time acting spokesperson for Uganda's People's Defence Forces (UPDF) said the army had 'occupied' it together with another Congolese town, Tchomia. When Kampala first deployed troops to eastern DRC in November 2021, they were in pursuit of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel group with Ugandan roots whose strongholds were located in Beni territory, in DRC's North Kivu province. The group initially fought against the Ugandan government in pursuit of regime change, but from the 2010s onwards, it began aligning itself with the Islamic State Central Africa Province. In Uganda, the government accused the ADF of being behind several high-profile assassinations, while both countries blamed it for massacring civilians. In 2021, during that first joint military operation between the Ugandan and Congolese armies, towns like Kasenyi remained unaffected. But today, the Ugandan army's footprint has expanded well beyond its original mission and into Ituri, by its own admission. This is despite the fact that the ADF, which has since dispersed and relocated far from its traditional bases, is not active in Kasenyi or other areas where the military has recently been operating, observers note. In a statement in February, General Kainerugaba declared that Uganda would secure the entire border it shares with DRC: 'That is our sphere of influence. Nothing will happen there without our permission,' he said on X. On social media, Kainerugaba has frequently inserted himself into conversations about internal conflicts and the regional dynamics of the Congolese crisis. He has openly expressed support for the M23 rebel group that has made rapid advancements in eastern DRC this year, seizing control of the capital cities of both North and South Kivu provinces. M23 is reportedly backed by Rwanda and Uganda, according to various United Nations reports, though both countries have denied these allegations. The expansion of the Ugandan army's area of operation reflects Kampala's shifting priorities in eastern DRC, according to army spokesperson Felix Kulayigye. He said the army is protecting Congolese communities as well as Uganda's economic interests in the neighbouring country. 'Who is consuming Uganda's products? Can commerce take place where there is instability? If we have commercial interests in eastern DRC, are those protectable or not?' Kulayigye told Al Jazeera. From the start, Uganda's military presence in DRC has carried an economic subtext. According to a 2023 report by Deutsche Welle, as part of the agreement with the Kinshasa government to combat the ADF, Uganda was granted permission to build tarmac roads connecting key towns in DRC – routes designed to boost the movement of goods and deepen Uganda's trade footprint in the region. Although the text of the agreement was not released to the public, Ugandan soldiers, military equipment and road construction equipment entered all entered DRC in November 2021. Solomon Asiimwe, an international relations lecturer at Nkumba University in Kampala, says although Uganda's pursuit of the ADF may have appeared to be security-driven, the overriding factor was economic, though this was 'hidden under the carpet'. While some Congolese may be angered by Uganda's expanded deployment, he suggests they should also consider the benefit of a steady supply of goods from Uganda. 'Even Congolese have interests in supplying minerals to Uganda; they benefit from infrastructure and peace,' he said. Eastern DRC's market has become a battleground of its own. A recent analysis by The East African valued regional exports to the DRC at $2.9bn over nearly three years, with Uganda commanding a 68 percent share. Kenyan financial institutions have also staked their claim, entering DRC through bank acquisitions and the market was highly profitable – until M23's advance this year halted their expansion. But this trade has a dark side. Over the years, analysts and UN reports have accused both Uganda and Rwanda of acting as conduits for smuggled Congolese minerals and agricultural products such as cocoa and coffee. The International Court of Justice in 2022 ordered Uganda to pay the DRC $325m in reparations for the illegal exploitation of natural resources during its military presence in eastern DRC between 1998 and 2003; Kampala has paid several instalments since. Analysts argue that mineral exploitation is visible in export data of these countries: for instance, Uganda's gold exports reached $3bn in 2024, despite the country lacking any significant large-scale gold deposits. Ugandan army spokesperson Kulayigye said his country's expanded deployment in Ituri was requested by Congolese authorities seeking help in fighting other armed groups destabilising the province. 'We had an additional mission at the request of Congolese authorities to deal with negative elements within Ituri,' he said. Al Jazeera reached out to Congolese government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya to respond to this claim, but he did not reply to our questions at the time of publication. Meanwhile, Congolese experts were sceptical, questioning both the legality and legitimacy of Uganda's expanded mission. 'Uganda doesn't have an agreement with the Congolese army to be in some parts of Ituri,' said Reagan Miviri, a conflict researcher at Ebuteli, a Kinshasa-based think tank. 'They entered Congolese soil without permission. This is a violation of Congolese sovereignty.' According to Miviri, Kinshasa has been silent on Uganda's expanded operation, not because of approval but because it doesn't want to have to confront both Uganda and Rwanda at the same time. But he admits that in many areas where Uganda has deployed, it has more presence than the Congolese army. Kambale Musavuli, a Congolese political analyst, calls Uganda's growing military presence an occupation – one that 'should alarm every Congolese and African who believes in sovereignty and territorial integrity'. In response to criticism from analysts, Kulayigye said he was 'disappointed by intellectuals' who sit in comfort talking about nothing, while on the ground, 'people are dying at the hands of militias'. For Congolese observers, Uganda's behaviour follows a historical script. From 1996 to 2003, Uganda and Rwanda intervened heavily in DRC, initially backing the rebel group that overthrew longtime dictator Mobutu Sese Seko and installed Laurent Kabila – only to later turn against him. Both countries subsequently supported various rebel factions attempting to oust Kabila. Though international pressure forced Uganda and Rwanda to formally withdraw at the beginning of the century, both nations maintained ties to rebel groups, including M23, which was born out of the unresolved issues of the 1990s Congo wars. In January and February this year, M23 captured key cities including Goma and Bukavu in eastern DRC, which they still hold. The UN accused Rwanda of deploying up to 4,000 Rwandan soldiers in the DRC, which helped rebels capture the cities, while Uganda has been accused of allowing M23 to get supplies and recruits through its territory. 'It's a continuation of a pattern we have seen for decades, where neighbouring countries exploit instability in eastern Congo to pursue military and economic interests under the guise of security operations,' said Musavuli. In the aftermath of the Congo wars, several reports emerged, including from the UN, that Rwanda and Uganda were targeting Hutu civilians and looting and smuggling resources like coffee, diamonds, timber and coltan from the DRC. Josaphat Musamba, a Congolese researcher at Ghent University in Belgium, sees direct links between today's conflicts and the wars of the 1990s in a cast of characters that remains strikingly familiar: Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, Rwanda's President Paul Kagame and former Congolese President Joseph Kabila – who is now based in Goma, an area under M23 control – were key players in those earlier conflicts. 'If you look at [today's M23] commanders, you can connect them to those who were fighting in the First Congo War,' Musamba said. 'All of them were working with Rwandan officers like James Kabarebe. I know two or three commanders of M23, and one of them was part of James Kabarebe's bodyguard,' he claimed. Kabarebe, now Rwanda's state minister for regional integration, was a central figure in the rebellion that toppled Mobutu. He later served as army chief of staff under Laurent Kabila, the former Congolese leader and father of Joseph Kabila. Kabarebe was sanctioned by the US government for being 'central to Rwanda's support for the March 23 [M23]'. Researchers also note that after M23's first rebellion in the DRC failed in 2012-2013, many rebels fled across the borders to Rwanda and Uganda. Congolese researchers say that while Kampala and Kigali may claim to be addressing security threats and rebel groups in eastern DRC – like ADF and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), whose remnants were linked to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda – they are effectively carving out zones of control and economic exploitation in eastern DRC, just as they did in the 1990s. The Congolese people, meanwhile, remain displaced, impoverished and without security. The UN said in April that renewed fighting with M23 this year had displaced nearly four million people in North and South Kivu alone. 'I don't believe that Uganda [soldiers] have good intentions, especially in the operation in Ituri,' said Miviri. 'I don't understand why they are there.'
