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Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- General
- Mail & Guardian
Living in the darkness of a broken city
(Graphic: John McCann/M&G) The electricity cable to my house has broken. I know this because four weeks after the power switched off in the last week of April, a truck visited and assessed the cable. They came on the day that my partner called a radio station to complain about living in prolonged darkness. We were told that the cable had broken at the base of the street pole. Fortunately for everyone, they would not need to dig up the road even as they warned that the cable to the house is old and will need to be replaced at some point. They repaired the break in the cable, but the lights stayed off because there was something wrong with the meter. They temporarily bypassed the meter and left us with a caution; the power was now on the neutral cable and posed some risk. Instead of darkness, we chose the power we were given. It lasted a week. I write this piece five days into the darkness, on the coldest week of the year so far. Another call was logged with City Power. Over the past six weeks many calls have been made. The call centre agents eventually respond by picking up the phone and then ignoring us while they continue their conversations. On their system, they count the number of calls received but to them, this is a game. In a landscape of so much unemployment, for them, work is a plaything. When we eventually escalate to a supervisor, promises are made. But we languish in the dark. Our municipal account has arrived. It is just over R11 000. While the bill has arrived, the power has not. Before the power switched off in the week of Freedom Day, for several weeks, the electricity voltage had been low and only some appliances and lights worked. Touching some taps and shower knobs sent a jolt of shock through the body. And then everything went dark. We are firmly middle class in my household. We have it better than most residents of this city. We shower at the gym, we cook on a gas plate stove, and we charge our computers and devices at work. We live. But the middle-class trappings and security systems that we need to protect ourselves from the inequality of this city are gone. We cannot use the electrical security system, the gate battery has died, and there are no outside perimeter lights. In the darkness of this broken city, we are sitting ducks. We are black and we are not suffering from a native nostalgia for the apartheid city of the past. But it was not always like this. We would know because we have lived in our house for 15 years. Like everyone, we experienced the blackouts of load-shedding. Then, our suffering was shared. Now, as the lone house without power, no one knows our fate. We cannot log it with EskomSePush or the city's X account. Without the pressure of an entire neighbourhood, our calls can be ignored. The City Power trucks that drive by the neighbourhood know us. We sometimes stop them and direct them to the house. We are prepared to entertain their requests for cold drinks — code to compensate them for their paid work. Corruption is in the marrow of this city. In previous years, when technicians have come for repairs on the problematic electric pole, they have asked us for money to buy electrical parts because these have supposedly run out at the warehouse. Waiting for stock means there may be delays which could take weeks or months. So, we give them what they ask for. They buy the parts and fix the problem. But because this is generally only patchwork, the problem often reemerges. The next person criticises the work of the previous technician. We pay again. This is the illicit economy of a failing city of ageing infrastructure and city officials that have lost their hold over the city they supposedly manage. As residents that know nothing about electrical parts, we are at the mercy of officials who may or may not be corrupt. One thing is apparent though; the city's residents are rendered vulnerable by a city that pretends to know what it is doing but is failing spectacularly. When I call my mother in Lusikisiki, she is empathetic. We share notes about when to cook all the meat in the fridge before it spoils. She often has no electricity because the wind is sometimes too strong for the lightweight Eskom infrastructure in the village. Or a donkey might have rubbed itself against the electric pole. In the villages, power outages can take weeks to resolve. We wrongly expect this because we have come to accept that rural life is cheap and unimportant. But it is jarring when this becomes the norm in the economic heart of the country where we pay inflated municipal rates. The collapse of Johannesburg is in full swing. The ruin of the central business district has been self-evident for a while now. The gas explosion of Lilian Ngoyi Street might be read as the final confirmation of a known truth. The lethargic repairs tell us all we need to know about the city's capabilities. Townships have been held in place by the sheer ingenuity of their residents. They navigate sink holes and sewage leaks. They no longer bother with City Power. They climb the poles and connect themselves. To fix a common problem, they conduct a collection and pay the cold drink fee of a rogue city employee. The middle-class suburbs have been the last line of defence to a decent life. But in the tree-lined streets, the ominous signs of decay are here too. Potholes poke holes into the middle-class bubble. If residents do not fix pavements, kerbs and street walks, they degenerate because the city will not repair anything now. All this at our own cost. I know this from firsthand experience. When flood waters washed away the pavement outside my yard, I repaired it at the cost of R20 000 after a year of reporting it to the councillor. Long lines periodically emerge when water runs out of many areas of the city. At the same time, water and sewage pipe bursts release water and faecal matter which run down Louis Botha Avenue unchecked. Shit splatters in the wake of the roaring traffic. Breathe in the droplets at your risk, dear resident. The story is the same: ageing city infrastructure, but there is no end date given for when it will be changed. Water tanks poke over people's walls as residents take on the role of municipalities. Those who can't afford private water wait for water tankers. Solar panels are everywhere. The cost of living here has ballooned in the last decade. The city is not just fraying at the edges. It is broken. What is to be done? Our mayoral office has been a revolving door of failures. I don't believe a change in those who don mayoral chains is the solution. The recycling of a former mayor of Cape Town with colonial longings does not excite me. Sitting in this dark place, I don't know what is to be done. There are people that are paid to vision and implement plans. Chief executive officers, city managers and committees with dizzying salaries. My immediate need is simpler than a vision or solution. All I really want is reliable electricity. I pay the bills, now could I have some power please? Hugo ka Canham is a writer and professor at Unisa and the author of Riotous Deathscapes . He writes in his personal capacity.
News24
7 hours ago
- Politics
- News24
Ramaphosa urges renewed commitment to constitutionalism at 30th anniversary of Constitutional Court
President Cyril Ramaphosa calls for continued recognition of the Constitutional Court's role in upholding democracy. He noted the gap between the Constitution's promises and the daily struggles of many South Africans, especially regarding basic service delivery. Ramaphosa confirmed steps to ensure judicial independence, including giving the judiciary control over its own budget and operations. As the country marked the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the Constitutional Court, President Cyril Ramaphosa has called on all sectors of South African society to recommit to the principles of constitutionalism. Speaking at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg on Friday, Ramaphosa said the occasion was not only a celebration, but also an opportunity for reflection and renewed purpose. READ: Families of apartheid victims launch R167m constitutional legal action against government for justice failures 'The Constitutional Court was established as a bold response to a painful past, a past in which the law was used to exclude, repress and divide,' Ramaphosa said. 'Thirty years later, this institution continues to serve as a cornerstone of our democracy.' He paid tribute to the founding justices and legal professionals who had helped shape the court's jurisprudence in its formative years. Reflecting on the symbolism of the court's location on the site of an apartheid-era prison and military fort, Ramaphosa said the institution represented a transformation of justice in South Africa. This building, once a place of suffering, now houses a court that upholds dignity, equality and freedom. Cyril Ramaphosa Ramaphosa recalled his role as chair of the Constitutional Assembly when the Constitution was adopted in 1996. He likened the document to a birth certificate for the nation, affirming its identity, legitimacy and access to rights. Without it, he said, the country would be 'cast adrift and vulnerable to the excesses of unchecked power'. The president acknowledged the court's legacy in shaping democratic life and delivering key judgments on housing, healthcare and equality. He highlighted landmark rulings such as the abolition of the death penalty in S v Makwanyane, the right to housing in the Government of the Republic of South Africa v Grootboom, and access to HIV treatment in Minister of Health v Treatment Action Campaign. These were not just legal decisions; they changed lives and contributed to building a more inclusive society. Ramaphosa The president was candid about the continuing challenges facing constitutionalism in South Africa. He pointed to the gap between the rights promised in the Constitution and the lived reality of many citizens, citing persistent inequality, service delivery failures and delays in the implementation of court orders. 'The irony of praising judgments that affirm socioeconomic rights, while the state must be compelled to fulfil them, is not lost on us,' he said. 'People should not have to go to court to access basic services.' He noted that, while the judiciary had remained largely resilient in the face of political and societal pressures, systemic challenges continued to affect its ability to function effectively. The Constitutional Court, in particular, has faced mounting caseloads since its jurisdiction was expanded in 2013 to include matters of general public importance. In response, Ramaphosa announced progress in addressing judicial independence and institutional support. He confirmed that the judiciary would soon enjoy full independence, with control over its own budget and administration – a long-standing concern among legal stakeholders. 'This anomaly in our constitutional architecture is being resolved,' he said. The judiciary will now stand as an equal branch of the state, alongside the executive and the legislature. Ramaphosa Budget allocations for 2024/25 have included funding for court services and judicial training, and to fill vacancies. Ramaphosa reaffirmed government's commitment to supporting the judiciary through infrastructural, financial and administrative means. He also acknowledged the role of civil society, legal practitioners and the public in upholding the rule of law. 'The court derives its legitimacy from the public's confidence in the justice system.' Ramaphosa concluded by urging all South Africans to ensure that the values enshrined in the Constitution continued to define the country's national identity. 'As we look to the next 30 years, we must ensure that the Constitutional Court remains a living institution, principled, responsive and rooted in human dignity.' He paid tribute to former president Nelson Mandela, who inaugurated the court in 1995, saying: 'He would be proud that this institution continues to serve the people with strength and integrity.'
Al Jazeera
10 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
African manhood is broken – and it's costing women their lives
On May 25, Olorato Mongale, a 30-year-old woman from South Africa, went on a date with a man she had recently met. Less than two hours later, she was dead. Her half-naked body was found by the roadside in Lombardy West, a suburb north of Johannesburg. It showed signs of severe trauma and bruising. Investigators concluded that she had been murdered elsewhere and dumped at the scene. Her brutal and senseless killing led to a wave of grief and outrage on social media. Days later, a family spokesperson revealed that Mongale – a master's student at the University of the Witwatersrand – had once worked as a journalist. She left the profession seven years ago due to the emotional toll of reporting on gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF). Her family said Mongale had grown increasingly anxious about her own vulnerability to male violence. In particular, the 2017 murder of 22-year-old Karabo Mokoena haunted her. Mokoena was stabbed to death by her ex-boyfriend, Sandile Mantsoe, who then burned her body beyond recognition and buried the remains in open grassland in Lyndhurst – a suburb just kilometres from where Mongale's body was found. Despite her conscious efforts to avoid Mokoena's fate, Mongale ultimately became what she had feared most: another name added to the long and growing list of South African women murdered by men. At her funeral on June 1, her mother, Keabetswe Mongale, said her daughter had tried desperately to fight off her attacker. 'When I saw her at the government mortuary, I could see that my daughter fought. She fought until her nails broke,' she said. Her devastating death serves as a stark reminder that women and girls across South Africa continue to face an existential threat from gender-based violence, despite years of government promises and reforms. On May 24, 2024, President Cyril Ramaphosa signed into law a bill establishing the National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide. The body is mandated to provide leadership and coordination in the fight against GBVF. While it appeared to be a step forward, it did not represent a transformative policy shift. This is not the first such initiative. In 2012, then-Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe launched the National Council Against Gender-Based Violence, with a similar mandate to coordinate national anti-GBV efforts. More than a decade later, with yet another council in place, GBVF crimes continue. In November 2023, the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) of South Africa released the country's first national study on GBVF. It found that the persistence of gender-based violence is rooted in 'deeply ingrained societal norms and structures that perpetuate male dominance and reinforce gender hierarchies … leading to female subordination, systemic inequalities, and violence against women'. The destructive effect of entrenched patriarchy is undeniable. In South Africa, a woman is murdered every three hours. That is approximately 8 women a day. One study estimates that around 7.8 million women in the country have experienced physical or sexual violence. While women of all races and backgrounds are affected, Black women face higher rates of GBVF – an enduring legacy of apartheid and its structural inequalities. This crisis is not unique to South Africa. The terror faced by women and girls is a continent-wide phenomenon. In November 2024, the United Nations published its report Femicides in 2023: Global Estimates of Intimate Partner/Family Member Femicides, revealing that Africa had the world's highest rate of partner-related femicide that year. Kenya stands out for its staggering figures. Between September 2023 and December 2024, the country recorded more than 7,100 cases of sexual and gender-based violence. These included the murders of at least 100 women by male acquaintances, relatives, or intimate partners in just four months. Among the victims was Rebecca Cheptegei, a Ugandan Olympian and mother of two, who competed in the marathon at the 2024 Paris Games. On September 5, 2024, she died in Eldoret, Kenya, from severe burns after her former partner doused her in petrol and set her alight during a domestic dispute. He himself later died in a hospital from his injuries. The Kenyan government later recognised GBVF as the most pressing security challenge facing the country — a belated but crucial move. On May 26, Kenya's National Gender and Equality Commission noted that the surge in GBVF crimes was driven by 'a complex interplay of cultural, social, economic, and legal factors'. Patriarchal traditions continue to fuel inequality and legitimise violence, while harmful practices such as forced marriage, female genital mutilation (FGM), and dowry-related violence further endanger women's lives. Economic hardship and women's financial dependence only deepen their vulnerability. Across the continent, we are witnessing a dangerous resurgence of archaic patriarchal norms. The COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020 further exposed the scale of the crisis. Since then, countless behavioural change campaigns have been launched, but they have largely failed. This is no surprise. According to Afrobarometer data from November 2023, nearly 48 percent of all Africans believe domestic violence is a private matter, not a criminal offence. The uncomfortable truth is that many African men, regardless of education or economic status, do not prioritise the safety or rights of women and girls. On International Women's Day last year, South African rugby captain Siya Kolisi said it plainly: 'Men are not doing enough.' Indeed, many continue to uphold harmful customs such as child marriage and remain disengaged from efforts to protect women. Years of empty rhetoric have led to a growing body count. It is time for African men to take full ownership of this crisis and commit to radical change. They must reject cultural practices and ideals of manhood that dehumanise women. African cultures are not unchangeable, and patriarchy is not destiny. A new, egalitarian model of African masculinity must be nurtured — one based on dignity, equality, and nonviolence. This cultural reorientation must begin in families and be sustained through schools, religious and traditional forums, and community life. It must happen for Olarato Mongale. For Rebecca Cheptegei. For the thousands of others whose lives were stolen. And most urgently, it must happen for the women and girls across Africa who live each day knowing that their greatest threat may come from the men closest to them. There can be no just African future unless African manhood is transformed.
Zawya
11 hours ago
- Business
- Zawya
South Africa's top banks pass first climate stress test but data gaps identified
JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's six systematically important banks passed the central bank's inaugural climate-risk stress test, but the exercise exposed some modelling shortfalls as institutions had not fully embedded climate-risk indicators into their frameworks, a financial stability review showed. The gaps could mask longer-term losses. The review is the central bank's bi-annual report on the health and resilience of the country's financial system. The latest edition was released on Thursday. The six banks, Absa, Capitec, FirstRand , Investec, Nedbank and Standard Bank of South Africa, used climate-scenario frameworks from the Network for Greening the Financial System (NGFS) to model potential losses on their climate-sensitive loans. The NGFS is a global coalition of central banks and supervisors. About one-third of bank books sit in the most exposed sectors to climate change namely real estate, household lending and transport. "There were different challenges in each organization so its hard to make broad-based recommendations," said Vafa Anvari, divisional head of macro financial vulnerabilities in the Financial Stability Department of the central bank. "We were working with the six largest banks on how they intended to close these gaps going forward and we were quite comfortable with what they indicated they will be doing in the next couple of years to close these gaps. "(Since) this was the first exercise of its kind in South Africa, you expect to shake the trees and see what falls out and in that context it was very illuminating." Earlier this month torrential rains and gale-force winds inundated South Africa's Eastern Cape province, triggering property and business-interruption claims.
Zawya
12 hours ago
- Automotive
- Zawya
South Africa: Used car sales rise sharply, Toyota and Ford dominate May market
The South African used car market saw strong growth in May 2025, with monthly sales reaching R13.65bn — a 21.1% year-on-year increase. A total of 31,741 used vehicles were sold during the month, reflecting improved consumer activity and vehicle availability, according to AutoTrader data. Month-on-month (MoM) sales were up 11.1%, while year-on-year (YoY) figures increased by 14.9%. Analysts suggest that the higher number of trading days and fewer public holidays compared to April contributed to the surge in sales. The average selling price rose to R428,627, a MoM increase of R7,856 and R21,966 more than May 2024. Reliable nameplates remain in demand The Ford Ranger continued to lead the market as the best-selling used vehicle. While the top five models remained unchanged, there was notable movement lower down the list. The Toyota Corolla Cross climbed two places to seventh, while the Toyota Starlet dropped four spots to tenth. The Suzuki Swift also moved up one spot to sixth place, making it the third most popular used hatchback in May. On the brand front, all of the top 10 marques recorded MoM growth. However, BMW, Mercedes-Benz, and Nissan posted YoY declines of 2%, 5%, and 6% respectively. The strongest monthly growth came from: - Suzuki: +21% - Mercedes-Benz: +14% - Nissan: +13% In comparison, Toyota, Volkswagen, and Ford saw monthly gains of 8%, 12%, and 9% respectively. Crossovers outperform premium sedans Shifting buyer preferences were also evident in the YoY data, which showed rising demand for budget-friendly hatchbacks and crossovers: - Toyota Corolla Cross: +35.2% - VW Polo Vivo: +34.3% - Toyota Starlet: +32.9% By contrast, sales of the Mercedes-Benz C-Class declined by 19.2% over the same period. Model and variant performance Toyota retained its lead as the most popular brand in the used car market, with 5,564 units sold in May. Volkswagen followed with 4,507 units, and Ford came third with 3,425. The Ford Ranger alone accounted for 55% of all Ford's used vehicle sales. Top-selling individual models included: - Ford Ranger: ~2,000 units - Toyota Hilux: 1,584 - VW Polo Vivo: 1,283 Among specific variants, the VW Polo Vivo 1.4 was the most sold, with 1,005 units. It was followed by: - VW Polo 1.0 TSI: 769 - Toyota Hilux 2.8 GD-6: 604 - Ford Ranger XL: 584 - Toyota Hilux 2.4 GD-6: 569 Used vehicle market performance in May reflects sustained consumer confidence in well-established brands and models that offer long-term value and reliability.
