Latest news with #Jerusalem-based
Mint
a day ago
- Business
- Mint
Israel's war on Iran is costing hundreds of millions of dollars a day
Israel faces steep costs to repair hundreds of buildings damaged in Iranian missile strikes, including in Tel Aviv. Israel's conflict with Iran is costing the country hundreds of millions of dollars a day, according to early estimates, a price tag that could constrain Israel's ability to conduct a lengthy war. The biggest single cost are the interceptors needed to blow up incoming Iranian missiles, which alone can amount to between tens of millions to $200 million a day, experts say. Ammunition and aircraft also add to the price tag of the war, as does the unprecedented damage to buildings. Some estimates so far say that rebuilding or repairing damage could cost Israel at least $400 million. The mounting costs add up to pressure on Israel to wrap up the war quickly. Israeli officials have said the new offensive could last for two weeks, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has shown no indication of stopping before Israel achieves all of its goals, which include the elimination of Iran's nuclear program and its ballistic-missile production and arsenal. But the war is expensive. 'The main factor which will really determine the cost of the war will be the duration," said Karnit Flug, a former governor of the Bank of Israel and now a senior fellow at the Jerusalem-based think tank Israel Democracy Institute. Flug said she thought Israel's economy could sustain a short campaign. 'If it is a week it is one thing," she said. 'If it is two weeks or a month it is a very different story." An interceptor responds to an incoming missile this week in the skies above Tel Aviv. Over the last few days, Iran has launched more than 400 missiles at Israel, according to the Israeli government, which require sophisticated air-defense systems to stop. More missiles usually means more interceptors. The David's Sling system, developed jointly by Israel and the U.S., can shoot down short-to-long range missiles, drones and aircraft. It costs around $700,000 each time it is activated, assuming it uses two interceptors, normally the minimum launched, according to Yehoshua Kalisky, a senior researcher at the Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies. Arrow 3, another system being used, shields against long-range ballistic missiles that leave the earth's atmosphere, at a cost of around $4 million per interception, Kalisky said. An older version of the Arrow, known as Arrow 2, costs around $3 million per interceptor. Other military expenditures include the cost of keeping dozens of warplanes, such as F-35 jets, in the air for hours at a time some 1,000 miles away from Israeli territory. Each costs around $10,000 per hour of flight time, according to Kalisky. The cost of refueling jets, and ammunition including bombs such as JDAMs and MK84s, also must be factored in. 'Per day it is much more expensive than the war in Gaza or with Hezbollah. And it all comes from the ammunition. That's the big expense," said Zvi Eckstein, who heads the Aaron Institute for Economic Policy at Reichman University in Israel, referring to both defensive and offensive munitions. According to an estimate by the institute, a war with Iran that lasts one month will amount to around $12 billion. The arrivals hall at Ben Gurion Airport near Tel Aviv was largely empty on June 13 after Israel closed its airspace to takeoffs and landings. Israeli military spending has gone up since the war began yet economists don't foresee a recession at this point, Eckstein said. Much of Israel's economy has shut down in recent days as a result of the Iranian strikes. Only workers in essential industries were called to work, and many businesses such as restaurants were closed. The country's main international airport was closed for several days and has now opened for limited flights back to Israel for those stuck abroad. On June 16, S&P released a risk assessment for the Israel-Iran escalation but didn't change its credit outlook. Israeli markets rose to record highs Wednesday, continuing to outperform U.S. benchmarks despite the conflict with Iran, betting that the war will end in Israel's favor. Some economists say that the markets appear to think that Israel's economy will prove resilient as it has demonstrated over the past 20 months of war in Gaza. Still, the damage inflicted by Iranian missile attacks will add up. Engineers say that the destruction caused by the large ballistic missiles is unlike anything they have seen in recent decades of war in Israel. Hundreds of buildings have been destroyed or heavily damaged, and they will cost hundreds of millions of dollars to rebuild or repair, said Eyal Shalev, a structural engineer who has been called to assess the damage to civilian infrastructure. Shalev estimated it would cost at least tens of millions of dollars to repair a single newly-built skyscraper in central Tel Aviv, which was affected by the strikes. More than 5,000 people have been evacuated from their homes because of missile damage, and some are being housed in hotels paid for by the state, according to Israel's National Public Diplomacy Directorate. Targeting of critical infrastructure has been a top concern in Israel. Two strikes on Israel's largest oil refinery in northern Israel led to its shutdown and killed three of the refinery's employees. Some employees who work in sensitive or critical infrastructure industries have been told in recent days not to come to work, according to Dror Litvak, CEO of ManpowerGroup Israel, which supplies over 12,000 employees in Israel to different sectors. On Wednesday, Israel's home front command said it would partially lift a ban on gatherings—allowing up to 30 people in total to meet—and that workplaces in much of the country could reopen as long as there is a nearby shelter. But with schools still closed, many parents are struggling to juggle working from home and entertaining their children amid yet another military campaign. Ariel Markose, 38 years old, a chief strategy officer for an Israeli nonprofit, now holds her morning work calls from a park in Jerusalem where she spends several hours with her four young children. She heads home at around 4 p.m. and continues to work while her husband takes over with the children. 'There are families that are completely collapsing under this," she said. Iranian missiles have hit critical Israeli infrastructure, and some homes have been damaged, as in Ramat Gan. Write to Anat Peled at
New York Post
3 days ago
- Politics
- New York Post
Accused Minnesota assassin Vance Boelter expressed growing concern that the US was ‘turning against Israel' years before evil attack
Accused Minnesota assassin Vance Boelter expressed fears the US was 'turning against Israel' years before he allegedly carried out a sickening political assassination, a former work acquaintance claimed. Boelter, 57, appeared to become increasingly frustrated by society in the years leading up to the twisted attack and had warned that the US was losing its 'Judaic/Christian foundations,' Charlie Kalech, CEO of a web design firm commissioned by Boelter, told ABC News. 3 Vance Boelter has been charged in connection with the shootings of high-ranking Minnesota Democrats and their spouses. via REUTERS Advertisement Kalech's firm, J-Town, was chosen by Boelter because they are Jerusalem-based and he wanted to show support for Israel, he said, adding that he worked with Boelter for more than a decade doing web design for various projects. While working on a concept for a book Boelter had written called 'Revoformation,' Kalech said the accused assassin said American leadership 'is slowly turning against Israel.' 3 The assassin wore a rubber mask before the horrific shootings. FBI 'I am very concerned that the leadership in the US is slowly turning against Israel because we are losing our Judaic/Christian foundations that was [sic] once very strong,' he wrote in a PowerPoint presentation he sent to Kalech in September 2017 about 'Revoformation.' Advertisement Kalech took the name of the book to be a mashup between 'revolution' and 'reformation.' 'I believe that if the Christians are united and the people who are leading this Revoformation are a blessing to Israel that it will be good for both Israel and the US,' the presentation continued. 3 Boelter expressed concern that the US was 'turning against Israel' in the years leading up to the assassination. AP Advertisement Boelter remains in federal custody on charges of murdering Minnesota Democrat Rep. Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark, and of trying to assassinate state Senator John Hoffman and his wife Yvette on Friday night.
3 days ago
- Politics
Minnesota shooting suspect started as a frustrated idealist, his writings show
Vance Boelter was preoccupied with societal problems and how he could fix them to serve the greater good, according to some of his previous writings and the man who worked with Boelter for more than a decade doing web design for a series of his projects. Before allegedly carrying out a "political assassination" on Saturday, Boelter was "clearly very religious, very passionate," and "devout, and sincere in his beliefs," said Charlie Kalech, CEO of the web design firm J-Town, commissioned by Boelter. But at that time, Boelter appeared to show no signs of the violent extremism of which he's now accused, Kalech said. Boelter is charged with killing Democratic Minnesota state Rep. Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark, and wounding Democratic state Sen. John Hoffman and his wife. Allegedly posing as a police officer over Father's Day weekend, authorities said Boelter "shot them in cold blood" in an alleged early-morning rampage that launched a two-day manhunt. However, in the preceding years, Boelter seemed like a hard worker striving to make his ideas real, and sometimes, struggling to make ends meet. His fervent personality frothed with big, civic-minded ideas on how to "make the world a better place," Kalech said. In the professional relationship they had, Boelter was clearly "idealistic." "I think he sincerely believed in the projects that we worked on, that he was acting for the greater good," Kalech told ABC News. "I certainly never got the impression he saw himself as a savior. He just thought of himself as a smart guy who figured out the solution to problems, and it's not so difficult – so let's just do it. Like a call to action kind of person." Most of those grand-scale projects never came to fruition, and the last time Kalech said he had contact with Boelter was May 2022. But in planning documents and PowerPoint presentations shared with ABC News, which Kalech said Boelter wrote for the web design, Boelter detailed lengthy proposals that expressed frustration with what he saw as unjust suffering that needed to be stopped. Some of those projects were also sweeping, to the point of quixotic -- even for the deepest-pocketed entrepreneur. Boelter first reached out to Kalech's firm for a book he had written, "Revoformation," which Kalech took to be a mashup between "revolution" and "reformation." It's also the name of the ministry Boelter had once tried to get off the ground, according to the organization's tax forms. "It seemed to me like maybe he volunteered more than what was good for him. In other words, he gave too much away instead of worrying about earning money, because he didn't always have money," Kalech said. "It was never clear to me if the ministry really existed. Are there congregants? Is there a constituency? I don't know. Or was it like something in his head that he was trying to make? That was never clear to me." Kalech recalled that Boelter chose his firm for the work because they are Jerusalem-based, and he wanted to support Israel. Boelter's interest in religion's impact on society is reflected in a "Revoformation" PowerPoint that Kalech said Boelter gave him, dated September 2017. "I am very concerned that the leadership in the U.S. is slowly turning against Israel because we are losing our Judaic / Christian foundations that was [sic] once very strong," the presentation said. "I believe that if the Christians are united and the people who are leading this Revoformation are a blessing to Israel that it will be good for both Israel and the U.S." Over the years, Boelter would reach out with what appeared to be exponentially ambitious endeavors, Kalech said: "What he wanted to take on, I think, might have been bigger." Boelter wanted to end American hunger, according to another project's PowerPoint. And while the idea would require massive changes to current laws and food regulation, it appeared Boelter dismissed that as surmountable if only elected officials could get on board. "American Hunger isn't a food availability problem," the presentation said. "American Hunger is a tool that has been used to manipulate and control a vast number of American's [sic], with the highest percentage being people of color. This tool can and should be broken now, and failure to do so will be seen as intentional criminal negligence by future generations." "We should be embarrassed as a nation that we let this happen and have not correctly [sic] this injustice 100 years ago," one slide said. One slide how described how his own lived experience informed his idea, referring to him in the third person: "several times in his life Vance Boelter was the first person on the scene of very bad head on car accidents," and that he was able to help "without fear of doing something wrong" because he was "protected" by Good Samaritan law – which could and should be applied to food waste, the slide said. To keep an eye on which lawmakers supported the necessary legislation, "there needs to be a tracking mechanism," the presentation said, where citizens could "see listed every singe [sic] elected official and where they stand on the Law (Food Providers Good Samaritan Law)." "Those few that come out and try to convince people that it is better to destroy food than to give it away free to people, will be quickly seen for who they are. Food Slavers that have profited off the hunger of people for years," the 18-slide, nearly 2,000-word presentation said. "At least in his mind and on paper, he was solving problems," Kalech told ABC News. "He would think about things and then have a euphoric moment and write out a manifesto of, How am I going to solve this? And then bring those thoughts to paper and bring that paper to an action plan and try to implement it." The last project Kalech said Boelter wanted to engage him for was a multifaceted collection of corporations to help start-up and expanding businesses in the Democratic Republic of Congo, all under the umbrella "Red Lion Group." The 14-page, over 6,000-word planning document for the project outlined ideas for what Red Lion Group would offer: ranging widely from "security services" to agricultural and weapons manufacturing sectors, medical supplies, investment services, martial arts, oil and gas and waste management. Red Lion would also serve in media spaces: with "CONGOWOOD" Film Productions "to be what Hollywood is to American movies and what Bollywood is to Indian movies." Boelter was to have a 49% minority ownership of the group, with a business partner owning 51%. "The Africa thing, the Red Lion thing, we didn't really get into it, because it became pretty apparent pretty soon that he just didn't have the funds to go ahead," Kalech said – at least, as far as his web design services were concerned. "He was interested in doing good," Kalech said. "But moderation in all things, and when good becomes extreme, it actually becomes bad," adding that hurting anyone crosses a "red line." "The question one keeps coming back to is – what makes the seesaw tip? Like, he's good, he's good, he's good, he's acting for the greater good, he has all these good ideas, he's trying to engage community, serving on a government committee, he's engaging churches and places of worship, and then something happens, and he goes ballistic," Kalech said. "Who would do that? Someone who's absolutely desperate, just seeing that there's no other choice. That's the only thing I can imagine. But look, obviously someone like this is not operating on the same frequency as we are," Kalech said. "They're blinded by their faith, or their beliefs. And, you know, especially something like murder, it's so ironic, because that's one of the big 10."
Yahoo
30-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
The Two Extremists Driving Israel's Policy
They are the leading extremists in the most right-wing government in Israel's history: Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir are both West Bank settlers. They ran together on the same ticket in Israel's most recent election, gaining more votes than ever before for the far right. They both want Israel to reoccupy all of Gaza, to renew Israeli settlement there, and to 'encourage' Palestinians to emigrate. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's dependence on their support to stay in power is a key reason, possibly the main reason, that the war in Gaza continues. They are also rivals, evidence that extremism comes in more than one form. A case in point: The Israeli army's new offensive, Smotrich declared in a May 19 video clip, 'is destroying everything left in [the Gaza] Strip, simply because it is one big city of terror.' The population, he said, would not only be concentrated in the southern end of Gaza, but would continue on, 'with God's help, to third countries'; meanwhile, the army was 'eliminating ministers, officials,' and other members of the Hamas administration. Smotrich presented all of this as proof that the government had at last adopted his approach to conducting the war. He ended with a slang term translatable roughly as 'We're kicking the enemy's face in,' and a verse from the Bible. Smotrich's speech can be read simply as a testament to the brutality of the Israeli campaign in Gaza, and to the far right's claim of responsibility for dictating it. But Smotrich was also defending himself against criticism from Ben-Gvir, someone he describes as always trying to be 'to the right of the right.' Smotrich supported Netanyahu's plan, presented the night before in a meeting of senior ministers, to end the total blockade on humanitarian aid to Gaza and allow in what Smotrich called 'a minimum of food and medicine.' He described this concession as essential so that Israel's allies would defend it in the United Nations Security Council and allow the war to continue. Ben-Gvir opposed the decision and, in Smotrich's account, selectively leaked bits of the debate at the meeting to the media. Israeli journalists, myself included, promptly received a flurry of anonymous text messages backing Ben-Gvir's position and blasting Smotrich's. In other words, while Smotrich was claiming credit for getting things done, Ben-Gvir was outperforming him on the public stage. This is a starting point for understanding the difference between the two men who are driving Israel's push to the extreme. The Leninist of the Right When I spoke with the Brandeis University professor Yehudah Mirsky, a Jerusalem-based scholar of religious Zionism, he described Smotrich as a 'Leninist': Smotrich 'believes he has the correct philosophical understanding of history,' Mirsky told me, and thinks he's 'part of the revolutionary vanguard that is supposed to seize the reins of power.' Smotrich's 'understanding of history' derives from the theology of a radical rabbi, Tzvi Yehudah Kook, whose teachings became fundamental to the settler movement that sprang up after 1967's Six-Day War. Kook held that the establishment of Israel was part of the process through which God was bringing final redemption to his chosen people. Israel's victory in the Six-Day War, and its conquest of the West Bank and other territory, were proof that God was fulfilling biblical prophecies. [Read: Netanyahu takes desperate measures] Kook's disciples came to regard permanently holding the 'redeemed' territories conquered in 1967 as an absolute religious requirement. Their central project was establishing settlements in the West Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights—mostly membership-only communities of like-minded people that grew more and more separate from mainstream Israel. Smotrich, 45, is a second-generation settler, schooled in religious institutions faithful to Kook's political theology. His public statements suggest a dedication to seeing in every circumstance a step in the 'great divine process of redemption.' That includes political setbacks: In a Knesset speech when his party was out of power in 2021, he quoted a Talmudic description of the moral decay that would precede the coming of the Messiah. This is a closed system in which nothing can serve as disproof. Smotrich first rose to public notoriety in 2005. At the time, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, of the Likud Party, was preparing Israel for a unilateral withdrawal from Gaza and the evacuation of its settlements there. The move was not only a political shock for religious Zionists, but also a theological earthquake. How could Israel, an instrument of God's plan, violate that plan by giving up sacred ground? A month before the withdrawal, the Shin Bet security service and police arrested Smotrich and three other activists in an apartment east of Tel Aviv. The men were interrogated for three weeks on suspicions that included conspiring to endanger lives on the roads; then they were put under house arrest, but finally released without charges, apparently after the withdrawal. Smotrich has asserted that he was suspected only of planning protests to block roads—as demonstrators against the current government have done regularly without being arrested. In a 2023 television interview, a former Shin Bet agent who'd arrested the activists insisted otherwise: He said that revealing what Smotrich and his associates had planned would expose Shin Bet sources—but that if they had carried out their plans, Smotrich would now 'not be a minister; he would also would not be a Knesset member.' The Shin Bet was involved, the former agent said, because its mandate is 'preventing terrorism.' Because no trial was held, neither version has been tested in court. [Read: Israel plunges into darkness] The affair did not impede Smotrich's ascent as a settler activist and politician. He was elected to the Knesset in 2015, representing a hard-line faction in an alliance of small religious nationalist parties. His new prominence furnished a platform for statements that shocked many Israelis with their extremity. In 2016, Israeli news media reported that three hospitals were segregating Jewish and Arab mothers in their maternity wards. The hospitals denied the practice—but Smotrich defended it. 'It's natural that my wife wouldn't want to lie next to someone who just gave birth to a baby who might murder her baby in another 20 years,' he tweeted. After the 2021 election, Smotrich blocked Netanyahu's bid to include an Arab party in his coalition and said, 'Arabs are citizens of Israel—for now, at least.' The same year, he blamed a resurgence of COVID on Tel Aviv's gay-pride parade. 'In the long term,' he once told an interviewer, he wanted Israel to be 'run according to the laws of Torah,' as in the days of King David. Israel's most recent election, in 2022, catapulted Smotrich to greater power. A short-lived, uncomfortable electoral alliance among his party, Ben-Gvir's, and a splinter religious group won 14 seats in the 120-member Knesset, seven of them for Smotrich's Religious Zionism party. In the new government, Netanyahu made him finance minister. More significantly, he was given a new ministerial post within the Defense Ministry, with wide powers over settlement planning and building. Moving these responsibilities from the army to a civilian official has been aptly criticized as a significant step toward formal annexation of the West Bank—a strategic goal of the settlement movement. Smotrich has used his authority to speed settlement expansion at an extraordinary pace, effectively serving his settler constituency. Despite its small size, the Religious Zionism party has been an equal partner to Netanyahu's Likud in the government's effort to transform Israel's regime. Indeed, it was Religious Zionism, not Likud, that ran in the last election on a platform of hobbling the judicial system. A Religious Zionist Knesset member, Simcha Rothman, chairs the committee responsible for constitutional changes and has pushed along measures designed to give the prime minister and ruling coalition autocratic power. To a large extent, Likud is carrying out Smotrich's program. Then came the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023. Smotrich treated the catastrophe as an opportunity. In a post on X a year after the war began, he wrote that he'd been expecting the reconquest of Gaza ever since the evacuation of settlements in 2005. 'In the end there will be Jewish settlement in the Gaza Strip,' he wrote. In other words, the setback would be reversed, and history would proceed on its divinely determined track. [Read: Ben-Gvir can't bring himself to pretend] In January, when Israel reached a two-stage hostage deal with Hamas, Smotrich pledged that his party would bolt the governing coalition if Netanyahu proceeded to the second stage, which would include a cease-fire ending the war. Ben-Gvir did quit the coalition, promising to return 'if the war is resumed.' Smotrich's threat amounted to the same thing: Ending the war would mean the fall of the government. In March, after the first stage of the deal, the government chose to resume the war, and the coalition survived. If being the vanguard means exerting power, Smotrich has succeeded. If it means leading the masses, he has failed. Polls consistently cast doubt on whether Religious Zionism would receive the 3.25 percent of the national vote it would need to enter the Knesset in new elections. Its success in the last election was likely attributable to Ben-Gvir's relative popularity, which brought votes to their joint ticket. The Rabble-Rouser Ben-Gvir, 49, comes out of a separate stream of the radical right, with a different theological progenitor. The American-born rabbi Meir Kahane, who founded the Jewish Defense League in New York, had his own perverse religious doctrine. In traditional Judaism, a Jew who is dishonest or cruel 'desecrates the Name of God.' In Kahane's theology, Jewish weakness was the sacrilege, and Jewish strength sanctified God. He made vengeance a central religious value. Kahane moved to Israel in the 1970s and established a party called Kach, or 'Thus!,' whose platform included expelling all Arabs from Israel. In 1984, Kach won a single Knesset seat. In an act of what's known as defensive democracy, the parliament responded by banning racist parties from elections. Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990. His movement survived him. Ben-Gvir became a Kach activist as a teenager growing up in a Jerusalem suburb. He was 17 in early 1994, when the Kahane disciple Baruch Goldstein murdered 29 Palestinians at the Hebron shrine known to Jews as the Tomb of the Patriarchs and to Muslims as the Ibrahimi Mosque. The rampage ended when Palestinian worshippers managed to kill Goldstein; Kahanists and others on the Israeli far right elevated him as a martyr. The Israeli government declared Kach to be a terrorist organization, effectively outlawing it. But its members formed new groups, some of which were also declared illegal. These groups vehemently opposed the peace process with the Palestinians that Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was pursuing through the Oslo Accords. In October 1995, during the Knesset debate on Oslo II, Ben-Gvir was one of the right-wing protesters who surrounded the prime minister's armored Cadillac as his driver brought it to the Knesset. Someone ripped off the hood ornament and gave it to Ben-Gvir, who afterward held it up before a TV cameraman and said, 'Just as we got to the ornament, we can get to Rabin.' Weeks later, another far-rightist assassinated Rabin. Ben-Gvir was not involved, but the ornament clip was shown repeatedly to illustrate the incitement that had led to murder. He'd achieved his first 15 minutes of fame, but not his last. In the years that followed, as an activist on the far-right fringe, Ben-Gvir acquired a long list of arrests and a shorter list of convictions. They included guilty verdicts for support of a terrorist organization—Kach—and incitement to racism. Meanwhile, he moved to Kiryat Arba, a West Bank settlement next to Hebron; got a law degree; and became known as a defense lawyer for right-wing extremists. In their living room, he and his wife hung a photograph of Goldstein. He once sued a journalist who called him a Nazi. The court awarded him one shekel in damages. In his testimony, he said he was 'in favor of expelling Arabs.' He also testified that he'd read all of Kahane's books, and that Israel should be ruled by biblical law. [Read: The hostage I knew] Nonetheless, Ben-Gvir's rhetoric lacks Kahane's theological flavor. 'It's about tribes and revenge,' Yehudah Mirsky told me of Ben-Gvir's political style. 'It's very primal.' But what Ben-Gvir seems to have learned from his master, most of all, is the value of public provocation and displays of anger. In a typical move, he showed up at the site of a Palestinian terror attack in Jerusalem in 2014 with a handful of supporters to demand that the government take harsh steps against Arabs. The media paid attention. To be elected, Ben-Gvir toned down his rhetoric just enough to avoid being disqualified under the anti-racism law. The supreme court, historically reluctant to bar parties, gave him a pass. 'I'm not for expelling all the Arabs,' he said in one interview. 'I'm for expelling the terrorists, the people who throw stones.' The Goldstein photo came down from his wall. After several failed attempts, Ben-Gvir made his way into the Knesset as the head of the Jewish Power Party in 2021, running together with Smotrich's party. After the alliance's success in the following election, Ben-Gvir demanded and received the ministry that administers the national police. Violating law and tradition, Ben-Gvir has politicized the force. In the West Bank, settler violence against Palestinians has soared, and law enforcement has faded. Inside Israel, at Ben-Gvir's urging, police have responded harshly to the constant protests against the government. Meanwhile, the rate of traffic deaths has climbed sharply—due to a lack of enforcement, according to a state agency. In Ben-Gvir's first year as minister, the murder rate in Israel nearly doubled, and it has stayed high since. That record seems to have little effect on Ben-Gvir's popularity. Polling shows that if elections were held now and his party ran on its own, it would win eight or nine Knesset seats. Smotrich's message may appeal to a small ideological sect, but Ben-Gvir's ideology-lite anger connects him to a significant slice of the public—one moved less by political philosophy than by hostility toward Arabs, the left, and liberal institutions. When elections are held, Netanyahu will most likely press the two rivals to run again on a single ticket. That's what he did last time, out of fear that one of the parties would not pass the electoral threshold, costing his bloc the election. Indeed, Netanyahu's role is key to understanding the power of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. The rise of chauvinistic, illiberal parties and movements is an international phenomenon. What that means for any particular country, however, depends on how mainstream conservative parties respond. Do they form coalitions with the insurgent right, as has happened in Croatia and the Netherlands? Or do they shun them, as in Portugal and Germany, forming alliances with the center and left instead? In Israel, Netanyahu has become anathema to moderate parties. To stay in power, he has helped engineer the electoral success of the far right. He has legitimized it for part of the public by bringing it into government. At the same time, he has competed with it by adopting much of its antidemocratic program. If Smotrich and Ben-Gvir have power beyond their numbers in his government, they are monsters Netanyahu has helped create. *Illustration by Mel Haasch. Sources: Saeed Qaq / Anadolu / Getty; Atef Safadi / AFP / Getty. Article originally published at The Atlantic
Atlantic
30-05-2025
- Politics
- Atlantic
The Two Extremists Driving Israel's Policy
They are the leading extremists in the most right-wing government in Israel's history: Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir are both West Bank settlers. They ran together on the same ticket in Israel's most recent election, gaining more votes than ever before for the far right. They both want Israel to reoccupy all of Gaza, to renew Israeli settlement there, and to ' encourage ' Palestinians to emigrate. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's dependence on their support to stay in power is a key reason, possibly the main reason, that the war in Gaza continues. They are also rivals, evidence that extremism comes in more than one form. A case in point: The Israeli army's new offensive, Smotrich declared in a May 19 video clip, 'is destroying everything left in [the Gaza] Strip, simply because it is one big city of terror.' The population, he said, would not only be concentrated in the southern end of Gaza, but would continue on, 'with God's help, to third countries'; meanwhile, the army was 'eliminating ministers, officials,' and other members of the Hamas administration. Smotrich presented all of this as proof that the government had at last adopted his approach to conducting the war. He ended with a slang term translatable roughly as 'We're kicking the enemy's face in,' and a verse from the Bible. Smotrich's speech can be read simply as a testament to the brutality of the Israeli campaign in Gaza, and to the far right's claim of responsibility for dictating it. But Smotrich was also defending himself against criticism from Ben-Gvir, someone he describes as always trying to be 'to the right of the right.' Smotrich supported Netanyahu's plan, presented the night before in a meeting of senior ministers, to end the total blockade on humanitarian aid to Gaza and allow in what Smotrich called 'a minimum of food and medicine.' He described this concession as essential so that Israel's allies would defend it in the United Nations Security Council and allow the war to continue. Ben-Gvir opposed the decision and, in Smotrich's account, selectively leaked bits of the debate at the meeting to the media. Israeli journalists, myself included, promptly received a flurry of anonymous text messages backing Ben-Gvir's position and blasting Smotrich's. In other words, while Smotrich was claiming credit for getting things done, Ben-Gvir was outperforming him on the public stage. This is a starting point for understanding the difference between the two men who are driving Israel's push to the extreme. The Leninist of the Right When I spoke with the Brandeis University professor Yehudah Mirsky, a Jerusalem-based scholar of religious Zionism, he described Smotrich as a 'Leninist': Smotrich 'believes he has the correct philosophical understanding of history,' Mirsky told me, and thinks he's 'part of the revolutionary vanguard that is supposed to seize the reins of power.' Smotrich's 'understanding of history' derives from the theology of a radical rabbi, Tzvi Yehudah Kook, whose teachings became fundamental to the settler movement that sprang up after 1967's Six-Day War. Kook held that the establishment of Israel was part of the process through which God was bringing final redemption to his chosen people. Israel's victory in the Six-Day War, and its conquest of the West Bank and other territory, were proof that God was fulfilling biblical prophecies. Kook's disciples came to regard permanently holding the 'redeemed' territories conquered in 1967 as an absolute religious requirement. Their central project was establishing settlements in the West Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights—mostly membership-only communities of like-minded people that grew more and more separate from mainstream Israel. Smotrich, 45, is a second-generation settler, schooled in religious institutions faithful to Kook's political theology. His public statements suggest a dedication to seeing in every circumstance a step in the 'great divine process of redemption.' That includes political setbacks: In a Knesset speech when his party was out of power in 2021, he quoted a Talmudic description of the moral decay that would precede the coming of the Messiah. This is a closed system in which nothing can serve as disproof. Smotrich first rose to public notoriety in 2005. At the time, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, of the Likud Party, was preparing Israel for a unilateral withdrawal from Gaza and the evacuation of its settlements there. The move was not only a political shock for religious Zionists, but also a theological earthquake. How could Israel, an instrument of God's plan, violate that plan by giving up sacred ground? A month before the withdrawal, the Shin Bet security service and police arrested Smotrich and three other activists in an apartment east of Tel Aviv. The men were interrogated for three weeks on suspicions that included conspiring to endanger lives on the roads; then they were put under house arrest, but finally released without charges, apparently after the withdrawal. Smotrich has asserted that he was suspected only of planning protests to block roads—as demonstrators against the current government have done regularly without being arrested. In a 2023 television interview, a former Shin Bet agent who'd arrested the activists insisted otherwise: He said that revealing what Smotrich and his associates had planned would expose Shin Bet sources—but that if they had carried out their plans, Smotrich would now 'not be a minister; he would also would not be a Knesset member.' The Shin Bet was involved, the former agent said, because its mandate is 'preventing terrorism.' Because no trial was held, neither version has been tested in court. The affair did not impede Smotrich's ascent as a settler activist and politician. He was elected to the Knesset in 2015, representing a hard-line faction in an alliance of small religious nationalist parties. His new prominence furnished a platform for statements that shocked many Israelis with their extremity. In 2016, Israeli news media reported that three hospitals were segregating Jewish and Arab mothers in their maternity wards. The hospitals denied the practice—but Smotrich defended it. 'It's natural that my wife wouldn't want to lie next to someone who just gave birth to a baby who might murder her baby in another 20 years,' he tweeted. After the 2021 election, Smotrich blocked Netanyahu's bid to include an Arab party in his coalition and said, 'Arabs are citizens of Israel—for now, at least.' The same year, he blamed a resurgence of COVID on Tel Aviv's gay-pride parade. 'In the long term,' he once told an interviewer, he wanted Israel to be 'run according to the laws of Torah,' as in the days of King David. Israel's most recent election, in 2022, catapulted Smotrich to greater power. A short-lived, uncomfortable electoral alliance among his party, Ben-Gvir's, and a splinter religious group won 14 seats in the 120-member Knesset, seven of them for Smotrich's Religious Zionism party. In the new government, Netanyahu made him finance minister. More significantly, he was given a new ministerial post within the Defense Ministry, with wide powers over settlement planning and building. Moving these responsibilities from the army to a civilian official has been aptly criticized as a significant step toward formal annexation of the West Bank—a strategic goal of the settlement movement. Smotrich has used his authority to speed settlement expansion at an extraordinary pace, effectively serving his settler constituency. Despite its small size, the Religious Zionism party has been an equal partner to Netanyahu's Likud in the government's effort to transform Israel's regime. Indeed, it was Religious Zionism, not Likud, that ran in the last election on a platform of hobbling the judicial system. A Religious Zionist Knesset member, Simcha Rothman, chairs the committee responsible for constitutional changes and has pushed along measures designed to give the prime minister and ruling coalition autocratic power. To a large extent, Likud is carrying out Smotrich's program. Then came the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023. Smotrich treated the catastrophe as an opportunity. In a post on X a year after the war began, he wrote that he'd been expecting the reconquest of Gaza ever since the evacuation of settlements in 2005. 'In the end there will be Jewish settlement in the Gaza Strip,' he wrote. In other words, the setback would be reversed, and history would proceed on its divinely determined track. In January, when Israel reached a two-stage hostage deal with Hamas, Smotrich pledged that his party would bolt the governing coalition if Netanyahu proceeded to the second stage, which would include a cease-fire ending the war. Ben-Gvir did quit the coalition, promising to return 'if the war is resumed.' Smotrich's threat amounted to the same thing: Ending the war would mean the fall of the government. In March, after the first stage of the deal, the government chose to resume the war, and the coalition survived. If being the vanguard means exerting power, Smotrich has succeeded. If it means leading the masses, he has failed. Polls consistently cast doubt on whether Religious Zionism would receive the 3.25 percent of the national vote it would need to enter the Knesset in new elections. Its success in the last election was likely attributable to Ben-Gvir's relative popularity, which brought votes to their joint ticket. The Rabble-Rouser Ben-Gvir, 49, comes out of a separate stream of the radical right, with a different theological progenitor. The American-born rabbi Meir Kahane, who founded the Jewish Defense League in New York, had his own perverse religious doctrine. In traditional Judaism, a Jew who is dishonest or cruel 'desecrates the Name of God.' In Kahane's theology, Jewish weakness was the sacrilege, and Jewish strength sanctified God. He made vengeance a central religious value. Kahane moved to Israel in the 1970s and established a party called Kach, or 'Thus!,' whose platform included expelling all Arabs from Israel. In 1984, Kach won a single Knesset seat. In an act of what's known as defensive democracy, the parliament responded by banning racist parties from elections. Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990. His movement survived him. Ben-Gvir became a Kach activist as a teenager growing up in a Jerusalem suburb. He was 17 in early 1994, when the Kahane disciple Baruch Goldstein murdered 29 Palestinians at the Hebron shrine known to Jews as the Tomb of the Patriarchs and to Muslims as the Ibrahimi Mosque. The rampage ended when Palestinian worshippers managed to kill Goldstein; Kahanists and others on the Israeli far right elevated him as a martyr. The Israeli government declared Kach to be a terrorist organization, effectively outlawing it. But its members formed new groups, some of which were also declared illegal. These groups vehemently opposed the peace process with the Palestinians that Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was pursuing through the Oslo Accords. In October 1995, during the Knesset debate on Oslo II, Ben-Gvir was one of the right-wing protesters who surrounded the prime minister's armored Cadillac as his driver brought it to the Knesset. Someone ripped off the hood ornament and gave it to Ben-Gvir, who afterward held it up before a TV cameraman and said, 'Just as we got to the ornament, we can get to Rabin.' Weeks later, another far-rightist assassinated Rabin. Ben-Gvir was not involved, but the ornament clip was shown repeatedly to illustrate the incitement that had led to murder. He'd achieved his first 15 minutes of fame, but not his last. In the years that followed, as an activist on the far-right fringe, Ben-Gvir acquired a long list of arrests and a shorter list of convictions. They included guilty verdicts for support of a terrorist organization—Kach—and incitement to racism. Meanwhile, he moved to Kiryat Arba, a West Bank settlement next to Hebron; got a law degree; and became known as a defense lawyer for right-wing extremists. In their living room, he and his wife hung a photograph of Goldstein. He once sued a journalist who called him a Nazi. The court awarded him one shekel in damages. In his testimony, he said he was 'in favor of expelling Arabs.' He also testified that he'd read all of Kahane's books, and that Israel should be ruled by biblical law. Nonetheless, Ben-Gvir's rhetoric lacks Kahane's theological flavor. 'It's about tribes and revenge,' Yehudah Mirsky told me of Ben-Gvir's political style. 'It's very primal.' But what Ben-Gvir seems to have learned from his master, most of all, is the value of public provocation and displays of anger. In a typical move, he showed up at the site of a Palestinian terror attack in Jerusalem in 2014 with a handful of supporters to demand that the government take harsh steps against Arabs. The media paid attention. To be elected, Ben-Gvir toned down his rhetoric just enough to avoid being disqualified under the anti-racism law. The supreme court, historically reluctant to bar parties, gave him a pass. 'I'm not for expelling all the Arabs,' he said in one interview. 'I'm for expelling the terrorists, the people who throw stones.' The Goldstein photo came down from his wall. After several failed attempts, Ben-Gvir made his way into the Knesset as the head of the Jewish Power Party in 2021, running together with Smotrich's party. After the alliance's success in the following election, Ben-Gvir demanded and received the ministry that administers the national police. Violating law and tradition, Ben-Gvir has politicized the force. In the West Bank, settler violence against Palestinians has soared, and law enforcement has faded. Inside Israel, at Ben-Gvir's urging, police have responded harshly to the constant protests against the government. Meanwhile, the rate of traffic deaths has climbed sharply—due to a lack of enforcement, according to a state agency. In Ben-Gvir's first year as minister, the murder rate in Israel nearly doubled, and it has stayed high since. That record seems to have little effect on Ben-Gvir's popularity. Polling shows that if elections were held now and his party ran on its own, it would win eight or nine Knesset seats. Smotrich's message may appeal to a small ideological sect, but Ben-Gvir's ideology-lite anger connects him to a significant slice of the public—one moved less by political philosophy than by hostility toward Arabs, the left, and liberal institutions. When elections are held, Netanyahu will most likely press the two rivals to run again on a single ticket. That's what he did last time, out of fear that one of the parties would not pass the electoral threshold, costing his bloc the election. Indeed, Netanyahu's role is key to understanding the power of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. The rise of chauvinistic, illiberal parties and movements is an international phenomenon. What that means for any particular country, however, depends on how mainstream conservative parties respond. Do they form coalitions with the insurgent right, as has happened in Croatia and the Netherlands? Or do they shun them, as in Portugal and Germany, forming alliances with the center and left instead? In Israel, Netanyahu has become anathema to moderate parties. To stay in power, he has helped engineer the electoral success of the far right. He has legitimized it for part of the public by bringing it into government. At the same time, he has competed with it by adopting much of its antidemocratic program. If Smotrich and Ben-Gvir have power beyond their numbers in his government, they are monsters Netanyhau has helped create.
