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Express Tribune
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Military notes of Indo-Pak conflict — the rundown
The writer is a retired major general and has an interest in International Relations and Political Sociology. He can be reached at tayyarinam@ and tweets @20_Inam During the last two weeks, in this series, we discussed the perceptual aspects of the recent Indo-Pak standoff, India's doctrinal collapse, the redefined deterrence and the 'Exterior' and 'Interior Maneuvers' by both sides, before and during the hostilities. We continue the debate… This was the first time that India under its supposed 'new normal' used 'cruise' missiles, both the BrahMos version (PJ-10 co-developed with Russia) as well as the European SCALP-EG targeting Pakistan proper. Pakistan also retaliated for the first time, employing its conventionally armed short-range Fatah-I and Fatah-II series of 'ballistic' missiles and other types. This was also the first time that RPVs (drones) were used with the intent of causing damage to the other side, in addition to reconnaissance and intelligence-collection roles. This was also the first time that strategic instability in South Asia was linked internationally to the unresolved Jammu and Kashmir dispute and not terrorism per se. Let us quickly recapture the timelines from April 22 to May 22, 2025. In run up to the crisis, on April 22, five militants killed 26 civilian tourists in Pahalgam, Jammu & Kashmir, including one Nepali national, leading to Indian finger pointing towards Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) groups. On April 23, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty, closed Attari–Wagah border crossing, expelled Pakistan's military diplomats, reduced Pakistan's diplomatic staff and cancelled SAARC visas for Pakistani nationals. From April 23–30 border skirmishes took place. On April 24, Pakistan condemned the Pahalgam attack and termed India's response as 'unilateral'; and retaliated by cancelling Indian visas, evacuating Indian nationals, closing its airspace to Indian aircraft, halting all trade and warning India against diverting Indus water, calling it an act of war. On April 25, India initiated ceasefire violations across the LoC. National Security Committee (NSC) met in Pakistan on April 26. Iran stepped forward with an offer to mediate. And on April 30, India banned its airspace to Pakistan, and IAF intruded into Pakistani airspace. Escalation and military preparations took place during May 1–6. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, after some initial ambivalence, 'expected' to speak with both foreign ministers on May 1. On May 3, Pakistan successfully test-fired its short-range Abdali ballistic missile. India escalated by cutting off all mail and trade links with Pakistan, banning Pakistani vessels from its ports and warned Pakistani ships against entering the Indian waters. On May 4, India stopped downflow from Baglihar dam on River Chenab. On May 6, Pakistan shot down 29 Indian drones near the LoC and in Punjab. And Iran's FM visited Pakistan proposing mediation. In the military operations (May 7–10), India launched 'Operation Sindoor', on May 7, conducting missile strikes on nine sites in Pakistan (Bahawalpur, Muridke, Gulpur, Bhimber, Chak Amru, Bagh, Kotli, Sialkot and Muzaffarabad). On May 10, IAF attacked eight major Pakistani air bases, including Nur Khan base in Rawalpindi. Pakistan, early on May 10, retaliated with Operation 'Bunyan-un-Marsoos', launching missile and drone combo on 26 military targets across India, and in the Indian-occupied Kashmir. It also launched another wave of swarm drones, loitering munitions and Fatah missiles targeting 26 locations along India's western border. On the same day (May 10), the Saudi FM called for de-escalation, Secretary of State Rubio spoke with both PMs and NSAs, urging restraint. Pakistan's DGMO reached out to the Indian side for direct military-level communications. President Trump mediated the ceasefire and announced it on X. On May 11, Pakistan claimed victory against India. Both sides subsequently conducted propaganda offensive through aggressive diplomacy by sending delegations to global capitals. In between the above compressed timeline, a lot went through. The Indian attacks, as per information available through open sources, were 'supposedly calibrated' during May 8 and early on May 9, whereas the wider attacks during May 9-10, still 'presumably' calibrated, were dangerously escalatory, as these were aimed at Pakistan's SEAD (suppression of enemy air defences) systems, after IAF having lost aircraft on May 7. It was sometimes on the morning of May 9 (the US time and evening in India/Pakistan), that the US received unspecified, new but 'alarming intelligence' about dangerous escalation between both sides, as reported by CNN and corroborated by The New York Times. The US worries emerged before the dramatic escalation during the night of May 9-10, but no source has actually 'identified' those worries. The 'speculation' is that Washington observing Pakistan's launch of short-range Fatah-I and -II ballistic missiles and others for the first time during May 9-10 night got aggressively involved. Islamabad's stockpile of tactical nuclear arsenal and Indian thinking of continuing a conventional war of punitive retribution provided a background to it. Some analysts also attribute it to Pakistan's deft diplomacy, signalling to and drawing on the US interlocution, spurred by 'readiness changes in Pakistan's stockpiles', besides the announced meeting of Pakistan's National Command Authority, that oversees the non-conventional means of war i.e. the nuclear weapons. The DG ISPR had, on May 9, declined calls for de-escalation due to the planned riposte under Pakistan's 'quid-pro-quo plus' strategy, to equalise losses caused by the Indian attacks. India later struck Nur Khan airbase around 2:30 am on May 10. This attack was meant to 'strike where it would hurt', to quote the Indian Director-General Air Operations, Air Marshal Bharti. However, that was an escalatory message. The Indian attacks also targeted Rafiqui, Rahim Yar Khan and Sukkur bases during the first wave of strikes, followed by the IAF strikes at Sargodha, Bholari and Jacobabad airbases and some military infrastructure at Murid, Chunian, Arifwala and Pasrur. This was India 'knocking on the nuclear door', and it presumably provided more muscle and lethality to Pakistan's riposte, that was dubbed equally if alarmingly escalatory by Washington. In de-escalation, the predominant view is that the Saudis, the Americans, the Turks and the Qataris rushed to quell India 'not because Pakistan asked, but because Delhi could not stabilize the board…Pakistan had not flinched; it had not folded. It escalated, absorbed and redrew the board'. More on ceasefire exclusively later. Continues…
The Hindu
11-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Pakistan is a ‘phenomenal partner in counter-terrorism world': U.S. General
NEW DELHI Pakistan has been a 'phenomenal partner' to the U.S. in countering terrorism, said Gen. Michael Kurilla, the U.S. CENTCOM chief, on Tuesday. Speaking at a House Armed Services Committee Hearing, the Commander said Pakistan's military has captured 'at least five ISIS-Khorasan (ISIS-K)' terrorists using the intelligence provided by the U.S., and argued in favour of strengthening relation with both India and Pakistan. 'Since the beginning of 2024, Pakistan had over 1,000 terrorist attacks in the western area killing about 700 security (personnel) and civilians, and 2,500 [were] wounded — they are in an active counter-terrorism fight right now and they have been a phenomenal partner in the counter-terrorism world,' said Gen. Kurilla citing the Pakistani military actions against ISIS-K. Gen. Kurilla appreciated the Pakistan military for arresting Mohammed Sharifullah who was accused of orchestrating and providing material support for the August 26, 2021, suicide blast at Kabul airport that led to the death of at least 13 U.S. military personnel and at least 170 Afghan civilians in the backdrop of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. The U.S. had blamed the attack on ISIS-Khorasan elements. Sharifullah, also known by his alias Jaffar, was flown to the U.S. in the first week of March. 'We're seeing Pakistan — with limited intelligence that we provided them — go after them using their means to do that and we're seeing an effect on ISIS Khorasan,' said Gen. Kurilla. He said that soon after the arrest of Sharifullah, Pakistan Army chief General Asim Munir called him requesting that the information should be delivered to President Donald Trump. Following the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack, India intensified its campaign for stricter international measures against Pakistan to rein in terror outfits such as Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) that target Indian citizens and facilities. During the Operation Sindoor, Indian forces hit targets inside Pakistan that belonged to LeT and JeM. Gen. Kurilla, however, argued in favour of the U.S. engaging both India and Pakistan for advancing its security goals. 'We have to have a relationship with Pakistan and with India. I don't believe it's a binary switch that we can't have one with Pakistan if we have one with India. We should look at the merits of the relationship for the positives that it has.' He said that Pakistan's actions were eroding the ISIS-K that had carried out attacks in Russia as well as in Iran. Apart from Mr. Kurilla, Paul Kapoor, the incoming Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs has also said in a confirmation hearing that 'On Pakistan, if confirmed' he will 'pursue security cooperation where it is beneficial to U.S. interests.' The Ministry of External Affairs is yet to respond to the remarks from the CENTCOM chief. India has been engaged with the United States on cross-border terrorism from Pakistan and the Ministry of External Affairs had informed earlier that Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri who paid a three-day (27-29 May) visit to Washington DC had included 'counter-terrorism' in his agenda during the talks that he held there.
India.com
10-06-2025
- Politics
- India.com
India's Strike Turns JeM's Terror Nursery Into a Ghost Campus – Even Google Gave Up
New Delhi: The so-called 'religious campus' once loudly proclaimed as Jamia Masjid Markaz Subhan Allah in Bahawalpur has quietly vanished from digital maps because the buildings behind the name no longer exist. Once a breeding ground for Jaish-e-Mohammed's (JeM) terror ecosystem, the 18-acre complex now sits in eerie silence. Google Maps, known for trailing behind real-world events, has marked the site 'Permanently Closed', India Today reported. Even algorithms seem to acknowledge what Islamabad will not – the terror camp is gone. And it was India that erased it. This wasn't just a symbolic pin on the map. It was a direct hit. The location, barely 100 kilometers from the India-Pakistan border, was believed to be JeM's core indoctrination centre where sermons met submachine guns and theology got rewritten with bullets. Operating under the Al-Rahmat Trust, the group's charitable front, the campus doubled as a training ground, a fund collection point and a launchpad for cross-border terror. But after the gruesome Pahalgam attack in May, India launched Operation Sindoor, a precision military retaliation that went far beyond border skirmishes. Among the nine major targets hit deep inside Pakistani territory, Markaz Subhan Allah took a direct blow. Ten members of JeM founder Masood Azhar's family reportedly perished in the airstrikes – something the group reluctantly confirmed later. As for Azhar himself, his whereabouts remain a mystery. Western agencies had picked up whispers before the strike. A Reuters report dated May 9 suggested the campus had been 'emptied of students in recent days'. It seems even Pakistan's deep state realised what was coming. What they did not expect was India's resolve. Masood Azhar and his inner circle had stayed behind, either too arrogant or too convinced of their impunity. Operation Sindoor proved both assumptions fatal. What Pakistan sold to the world as a mosque was in fact a militant mini-city. Locals referred to it as the Usman-o-Ali Campus, a code name with multiple entrances and layered perimeters. Inside were combat training zones, lecture halls for radicalization and stockpiles of weapons. Since 2012, it had grown from a humble seminary into a well-oiled machine of jihadist export. But Islamabad still insists this was all 'religious education'. If so, the curriculum included grenade drills and martyrdom manifestos. Some education system. When Google Maps Tells the Truth Pakistan Won't Normally, it takes years for places to be updated on Google Maps, especially in countries with minimal transparency. But when local Pakistani users began reporting the site as closed, Google had enough data to update the status. No reopening. No disclaimer. Just 'Permanently Closed'. Think about it – a terror training camp so synonymous with jihad that even a billion-dollar tech company finally said, 'Yup, this one is done.' In addition punishing those who carried out the deadly terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam on April 22, killing 26 innocent tourists, the aim of Operation Sindoor was sending out a message that you can rebrand terror as faith, you can use charities as camouflage, if your soil hosts murderers, it will be turned into a graveyard. India's latest doctrine is surgical, strategic and unapologetic. There is no 'plausible deniability' when an 18-acre complex disappears overnight. As always, Pakistan's official reaction was denial. No acknowledgment of the strike. No confirmation of deaths. Just the same old press briefings blaming 'external forces'. But the closed sign on Google and the charred remains of Markaz Subhan Allah say otherwise. While the Pakistani government blames Indian 'aggression', citizens are left to guess why one of their most prominent 'mosques' now looks like a crater. And why no one is showing up for Friday prayers anymore. One of the most dangerous terror launchpads in South Asia didn't just vanish. It was shut down mid-sentence. By force. By proof. And now, by Google.
NDTV
09-06-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
How China Has Been Blocking India's UNSC Actions Since The 2000s
In the India-Pakistan strategic dynamic, China has emerged as an inextricable third actor, turning a bilateral rivalry into a triangular matter. While military escalation in the subcontinent does not align with Beijing's strategic interests, its pro-Pakistan leanings often manifest on international platforms. Most recently, China blocked the designation of The Resistance Front (TRF), an alleged offshoot of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), following the 2025 Pahalgam attack. This move reflects a longstanding pattern: China has consistently complicated New Delhi's diplomatic efforts to isolate Pakistan-based groups in global forums. As India seeks broader consensus on counterterrorism designations, particularly at the UN Security Council (UNSC), China has frequently intervened by blocking or delaying the listing of individuals affiliated with anti-India groups such as LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM). A 'technical hold' in the UNSC sanctions process allows a member state to indefinitely delay designation without a formal veto. For decades, China has exploited this to delay, if not deny, sanctions on Pakistan-linked terror architecture without triggering a diplomatic confrontation. The symbolic framing of China-Pakistan relations, famously described by former Pakistani Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani as 'higher than mountains, deeper than oceans, stronger than steel, and sweeter than honey", for now has translated into sustained strategic cover for Pakistan on the international stage. Chinese media's description of terrorism in India, such as the Pahalgam attack, as a case of 'shooting' by local gunmen against civilians, further supports the Pakistani narrative of the conflict. 'Technical Holds' China's pattern of using 'technical holds' in the UNSC 1267 Sanctions Committee can be traced to the early 2000s. After the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, India began pushing for international sanctions against Pakistan-based outfits. While China supported the designation of groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks, it remained reluctant to target individuals associated with these anti-India groups, most notably JeM chief Masood Azhar, who was finally listed in 2019. India's first formal request to enlist Azhar came in 2009, following the Mumbai attacks and was followed up in 2016, 2017, and 2019. While international pressure eventually influenced this reversal after two decades, the exclusion of any reference to the Pulwama attack in the final listing allowed China to maintain that Azhar's designation was based on his long-standing links to terrorism rather than a specific attack on India. Over time, the Pathankot attack of 2016 and the Pulwama suicide bombing in 2019 resulted in intensified Indian diplomatic efforts targeting Pakistan-based terrorist leaders and groups. All efforts were impeded by China's technical holds, despite co-sponsorship by France, the UK, and the US. At large, this trend continues. In 2023, Beijing blocked a joint India-US proposal to list Abdul Rauf Asghar and other anti-India terrorists. Double Standards This stands in contradiction to China's own counterterrorism posture against separatist and Islamist groups that threaten Chinese nationals and investments in Pakistan, including in major cities like Karachi. In 2021, a suicide bomber affiliated with the Baloch Liberation Army's (BLA) Majeed Brigade attacked a convoy carrying Chinese engineers and workers, killing three Chinese nationals near the Jinnah International Airport and the Chinese consulate area in Karachi. China has also raised similar concerns with the Taliban administration in Afghanistan regarding the alleged presence of Uyghur militant groups, such as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). This antithetical approach serves dual purposes - mitigating pressure on Pakistan's influential military establishment while keeping India preoccupied with cross-border security challenges. The SCO Factor China's selective counter-terror posture also plays out in other multilateral groupings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), which remains a key arena for its regional influence. With India and Pakistan inducted as full members in 2017, China portrayed the bloc as a pan-Asia alternative to Western-led groupings. But India's strong stance against cross-border terrorism and leanings towards the QUAD bloc have complicated that narrative. India's limited participation in the SCO, especially since 2019, is increasingly shaped by the grouping's silence on cross-border terrorism allegations against Pakistan. India's decision to downgrade its summit participation to a virtual format in 2023 further challenges China's efforts to position the SCO as a counterweight to US influence in the region. For China, India's continued engagement in the SCO remains crucial for maintaining the bloc's diplomatic credibility. India could continue framing Chinese obstructionism as a significant concern for global counterterrorism efforts with the aim of raising the reputational and diplomatic costs of China's inaction, without relying solely on the UNSC system. India's widening engagement with QUAD, involving Australia, Japan, India, and the US, through military exercises and joint dialogues, will also keep China on edge by signalling a strengthened Indo-Pacific alliance countering the Chinese regional influence.
New Indian Express
08-06-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Lesson Learnt: Operation Sindoor a 'new normal', but resurgence possible
NEW DELHI: India's decisive multi-day joint military offensive -- 'Operation Sindoor' -- signals a fundamental doctrinal shift in how the country deals with cross-border terrorism. The strikes on nine high-value targets in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) between May 7 and May 10 were a direct retaliation to the killing of 26 tourists in Pahalgam on April 22. While the mission was deemed successful in hitting terrorist infrastructure, defence experts say it's real significance lies in the message it sends and the evolving military strategy it represents. Former Indian Army Chief Gen. MM Naravane put it succinctly: 'While the military operations might have come to a stop, it is not a ceasefire.' The operations, though complete for now, are likely just a phase in an ongoing recalibration of India's security posture—one that experts believe marks a new normal, albeit with the caveat that future flare-ups remain a distinct possibility. Strategic targeting, symbolic messaging India has long maintained that it possesses irrefutable evidence of Pakistan's state-backed support for terrorism. Groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), both designated terror organisations, have been accused of receiving training, weapons, and financial support from Pakistani state actors. Operation Sindoor's target selection was deeply symbolic and strategically precise. The Indian Air Force and Army struck Bahawalpur and Muridke—respectively the headquarters of JeM and LeT—both located deep within Pakistan's territory. 'This operation has yet again reinforced that India will not spare the enemies of the Indian state,' General Naravane told TNIE. The strikes underscored a clear doctrinal message: geography is no longer a protective shield for those orchestrating terror attacks on Indian soil.
