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Jordan News
09-06-2025
- Business
- Jordan News
Southern Badia: Hope Amid Pain – A Path to the Future - Jordan News
With profound sorrow, we watch the efforts to find the lost Haitham Al-Masbahin, a 17-year-old from Al-Hasa, my hometown, swept away by flash floods while herding livestock to support his unemployed father—a struggle shared by many in our community. Tragically, he drowned in deep phosphate mining excavations, underscoring the Southern Badia's vulnerabilities. We must confront these challenges with courage and honesty to forge real solutions for a sustainable future. اضافة اعلان Jordan's Badia, covering over 80% of the country, sustains unique ecosystems and resilient Bedouin communities but faces climate change, water scarcity, and economic marginalization. Unemployment exceeds 20%, and water shortages deepen food insecurity. Yet, the Badia's rangelands and cultural heritage hold potential for ecotourism, renewable energy, and ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA). Jordan's Vision 2025 and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement, aligned with the Green Growth National Action Plan 2021–2025, prioritize sustainable development, but progress in the Southern Badia lags. As a vital yet overlooked region, the Southern Badia shapes Jordan's political landscape and regional stability. Its economic, social, environmental, and political challenges demand urgent action to strengthen governance, foster cohesion, and bolster Jordan's role as a stabilizing force in the Middle East. Key Challenges in the Southern Badia Economic Marginalization : The Southern Badia, one of Jordan's poorest regions, suffers from high unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, and fragmented governance. Without viable economic projects, communities rely on livestock herding, increasingly unsustainable due to desertification and costly fodder. Ineffective water harvesting policies push residents toward low-wage garment factories with poor conditions and minimal training. This economic hardship fuels discontent, reflecting grievances against inequality and government neglect. Temporary measures, rather than comprehensive reforms, risk escalating tensions, threatening Jordan's stability. Without bold economic action, protests may emerge, challenging modernization efforts. Weakened Local Leadership: Successive governments have sidelined the Southern Badia's active leaders, appointing officials disconnected from local realities. This has widened the gap between state policies and community needs, undermining development. My initiative to unite six Southern Badia municipalities into a cohesive union in 2008, as Mayor of Al-Hasa, aimed to bridge this gap, but ongoing marginalization has fueled political apathy. Recent parliamentary and municipal elections saw low turnout, with youth supporting opposition parties like the Islamic Action Front, driven by unemployment and lack of opportunity. This trend threatens Jordan's political modernization. Drug Proliferation Perceived state neglect has allowed drug use, particularly hashish laced with hallucinogens, to rise in the Southern Badia. While small-scale dealers are targeted, larger networks operate unchecked, increasing crime and accidents. The lack of addiction data, especially among minors, hinders solutions. Screening tests and robust anti-drug strategies are urgently needed to address community anger and restore safety. Jordan's Role in Regional Stability Jordan's ability to address the Southern Badia's challenges is critical to its role as a pillar of stability amid conflicts in Syria, Iraq, and the Israeli-Palestinian arena. Its moderate foreign policy, peace treaty with Israel, and counterterrorism partnerships with the U.S. and NATO allies underscore its strategic importance. Investing in the Southern Badia can enhance this role, fostering resilience and reinforcing Jordan's image as a model of stability. Steps Toward a Sustainable Future : To transform the Southern Badia, I propose: Economic Empowerment:Establish a (real and effective) vocational training center in Al-Hasa, repurposing Jordan Phosphate Company buildings to teach skills like heavy machinery maintenance and digital technologies, creating 500 jobs by 2027 (aligned with the Badia Ecosystem and Livelihoods Project). Develop phosphate processing plants for fertilizers with environmental safeguards, invest in copper mining, and promote ecotourism. Expand water harvesting for rangeland reclamation, boosting livestock productivity by 15%, as in IUCN's EbA pilots. Strengthened Governance:Build on my 2008 initiative uniting six Southern Badia municipalities (Al-Hasa, Al-Qatrana, Al-Jafr, Al-Husseiniya ...) into Jordan's first Municipal Union, which grew to 29 members. This union coordinated budgets (500,000–750,000 JOD annually per municipality), shared resources, and advocated for regional needs, enhancing governance and community representation. Reviving and expanding such unions can empower local leaders, bridge policy gaps, and boost participation. Appoint competent governors who understand the Badia, fostering inclusive community partnerships. Anti-Drug Measures: Conduct addiction screenings to assess drug prevalence and develop rehabilitation programs. Strengthen law enforcement against drug networks, supporting community-led prevention. Regional Leadership: Leverage Badia investments to enhance Jordan's mediation in peace processes and counterterrorism, reinforcing its stabilizing role. Haitham's tragedy is a call to action for Southern Badia. By addressing economic marginalization, revitalizing governance through initiatives like the Municipal Union, combating drugs, and investing in sustainable projects, Jordan can unlock the region's potential. These steps will uplift Badia communities and fortify Jordan's stability and regional influence. The time for bold solutions is now. Eng. Rana Khalaf Al-Hajaia Email: [email protected] Phone: +962 79 727 4707
The National
01-05-2025
- Politics
- The National
Jordan jails four for 20 years over plans to 'target national security'
A Jordanian court sentenced four people to 20 years in prison on Wednesday over plans to "target national security", after a plot was uncovered last month. The four people were convicted of the "possession of explosives, weapons and ammunition with the intent to use them illegally and commit acts that would disrupt public order and threaten social safety and security, in violation of the provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Law", Jordan's State Security Court said in a statement. It comes weeks after the kingdom foiled an armed plot against the kingdom's securityby members of the Muslim Brotherhood. The court statement did not specify whether the four people jailed were members of the group, but said the ruling was part of a "broader case involving 16 defendants". The four were arrested in 2023 after the authorities seized weapons and explosives, it added. Jordan's intelligence service announced on April 15 that it had foiled a plot against the kingdom and arrested 16 members of the Muslim Brotherhood on suspicion of manufacturing rockets and possessing explosives. Last week, authorities banned any political activities related to the Muslim Brotherhood and closed its offices. The group said it had "no link" to those arrested and that the people involved in the plot carried out "individual actions, within the context of supporting the resistance". The group operates in Jordan under the banner of the Islamic Action Front, a religious party that has played a significant role in organising demonstrations in support of Gaza. The party made gains in Jordan's parliamentary elections in September last year, adding 24 seats to the eight it already held, raising its share of seats to one fifth of the assembly. Official TV reported that Ibrahim Mohammad, one of the 16 arrested, was a "primary" instigator of the plot. He is said to have come up with the plan of making missiles and arranged for two members to visit Lebanon and receive training.
Jordan Times
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Is this the final chapter: The state and the Islamists in Jordan?
There has been considerable confusion in media and political coverage regarding the Jordanian government's recent decision to ban the activities and operations of the historical Muslim Brotherhood group. This confusion stems from the mistaken belief that the decision is new, whereas it is actually based on an old judicial ruling. Moreover, there has been deliberate media exaggeration by both opponents and supporters of the Brotherhood, portraying it as a complete shutdown of the "Islamic movement" in Jordan, including the activities of the 31 MPs from the Islamic Action Front (IAF) Party, and even the party itself. Some have gone as far as suggesting scenarios such as the dissolution of parliament and the abandonment of the political modernization project altogether. However, all these claims are inaccurate and far removed from the essence, implications, and broader political consequences of the decision. The decision to ban the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood has deep historical roots and contexts. A major part of it, notably, is linked to internal crises within the Brotherhood itself. The internal rift between the 'doves,' led by historical leaders of the Brotherhood, and the 'hawks,' escalated at a time when a new law regulating associations required all organizations to relicense themselves under new standards. In 2015, under the control of the hawks' faction, the Brotherhood rejected re-licensing, whereas the doves believed legal re-licensing would protect the movement. Indeed, one of the Brotherhood's historical leaders and former General Supervisor, Abdel Majid Thneibat, went ahead and legally registered a new association under the name "The Muslim Brotherhood" and invited his fellow members to join. However, they refused, and instead expelled him along with a large number of the doves' supporters. Concurrently, other prominent leaders like Salem Falahat, Raheel Gharaibeh, and Nabil Koufahi left the Brotherhood and established new political parties, as the internal crisis reached unprecedented levels, especially after the downfall of the Brotherhood's rule in Egypt in 2013. In 2020, after years of legal battles, the Court of Cassation issued rulings to confiscate the Muslim Brotherhood's properties and affirmed that the old Brotherhood was an illegal entity. These rulings sparked debates within the Brotherhood between a faction advocating for compliance with the law and joining the legally licensed Brotherhood or focusing solely on the Islamic Action Front party (the centrist faction), and another faction insisting on maintaining the original Brotherhood's existence, albeit in an unlicensed and clandestine manner—operating out of homes or unofficially from some of the IAF's offices. For the first time in the Brotherhood's history, internal elections were conducted in extreme secrecy, with announcements made later about new leadership, while the government chose not to intervene, continuing its traditional containment strategy. The Islamic Action Front Party, informally aligned with the Brotherhood, contested the last parliamentary elections and achieved the highest number of votes in the Brotherhood's history in 2024. This did not alter the state institutions' stance, although tensions escalated following Israel's genocidal war and the subsequent political mobilization in the Jordanian streets. The final straw came with the exposure of groups implicated in illegal weapons possession, most of whom were affiliated with or close to Brotherhood circles, prompting the government to put an end to the previously tolerated illegal activities by formally banning the Brotherhood's operations, while refraining from targeting the political party that represents the Brotherhood and whose members largely hail from its ranks, maintaining significant parliamentary presence. The Jordanian government's decision, by no means, implies replicating other Arab models where the Brotherhood and its political arms were labeled as terrorist organizations, resulting in mass imprisonments and criminalization of any affiliation or even sympathy towards the group. Jordan's policy is far from this path. Rather, the decision aims to ensure that political activities are conducted under the law, transparently, and in accordance with the formal rules of political engagement. This approach might even benefit the Islamic movement in the long run, pushing it toward greater political realism and open, lawful operations—moving away from the dualities that had long plagued the Islamic movement and led to internal crises. Clarity, transparency, and legal, public political work present a much wiser and more sustainable model compared to past practices. It is better to consider that we have entered a new phase in the relationship between the state and the Islamists—a historical opportunity to build trust, address many outstanding issues, and organize the relationship under clear and specific frameworks. Mohammad Abu- Rumman is the Academic Advisor of Politics and Society Institute in Amman
Asharq Al-Awsat
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Muslim Brotherhood, Jordan's Governments: From Alliance to Rupture
The arrival of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, marked by periods of resolution and banning of activities, is not disconnected from the long history of the group's journey in the kingdom, dating back to the mid-1940s when it was first established. However, this journey—characterized by varying relations with successive governments—began with collaboration and ended in conflict. How did this unfold? Leaders of Jordan's Islamic movement, encompassing both the banned Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, consistently supported Jordan's stability during the last decades of the 20th century. This support, however, shifted into decades of confrontation with the authorities after the divisions within the movement emerged. A key moment in the movement's history came when Jordanian authorities accused the group of plotting to 'stir chaos' and possessing 'explosive materials,' marking a significant turning point for the Islamic movement in the kingdom. This came especially after recordings revealed the arrested individuals' ties to the unlicensed Brotherhood group in Jordan. Founded in 1946, the Brotherhood initially operated as a charitable society, providing aid through fundraising efforts. It attracted young people who were influenced by its leaders' calls for public activism. Throughout the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, the Muslim Brotherhood maintained an alliance with the government. Its leaders gradually moved into senior official positions, using their power to expand their grassroots support and promote their message within Jordanian society, which historically had a strong conservative religious base. During this time, the Brotherhood's influence on school students was significant. It encouraged protests and sit-ins against political forces opposed to them, particularly the Communist and Ba'ath parties before the latter's split. Clashes occurred between these groups in downtown Amman and in key cities across the kingdom. In the 1970s, the relationship between the Brotherhood and the government evolved into one of partnership and alliance, particularly under the leadership of former Prime Minister Wasfi Tal. This period saw prominent Islamic leader Ishaq Farhan appointed as Minister of Education and later as Minister of Awqaf, overseeing important reforms in educational curricula. Farhan's task of reforming the education system included incorporating the Brotherhood's religious teachings into school textbooks, reflecting the growing influence of the group in shaping Jordanian public life. Meanwhile, members of the Brotherhood, funded by the government, pursued advanced studies in the United States, returning to hold key positions in the Ministry of Education, with Abdullatif Arabiyat, a senior member, serving as the ministry's deputy for almost a decade. Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the Brotherhood sought to capitalize on regional developments, aiming to increase its political influence. Its leadership, particularly in key urban centers such as Amman, Zarqa, and Irbid, began to broaden its outreach. The Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Awqaf became critical battlegrounds for the Brotherhood, enabling it to infiltrate mosques through imams and transform them into organizational hubs. This religious outreach laid the groundwork for political mobilization, with gatherings and lessons organized after evening prayers, further solidifying the Brotherhood's presence in the public sphere. The political journey of the Brotherhood in Jordan took a dramatic turn in 1989, when the country lifted martial law and resumed parliamentary life after decades of authoritarian rule. The Brotherhood seized the opportunity, winning a powerful bloc in the 11th Parliament and securing popular support, positioning itself as a key political player. That era also marked the Brotherhood's first foray into governance, backing Prime Minister Mudar Badran's cabinet as part of a national effort to support Iraq against a US-led coalition. It was a rare alignment with the state, underscored by the election of Arabiyat as parliamentary speaker for three consecutive terms — a move widely seen as part of a government-Brotherhood alliance. In 1992, the group formalized its political arm with the creation of the Islamic Action Front, cementing the link between its religious mission and political ambitions. But the distinction between party and group remained blurred, with critics arguing that the party remained under Brotherhood control. That same year, tensions flared when the Brotherhood opposed Jordan's participation in the Madrid Peace Conference, prompting a no-confidence motion against the government of Prime Minister Taher Masri. Although Masri resigned voluntarily, the incident marked the start of growing rifts between the Brotherhood and the state. The following parliamentary elections in 1993 deepened internal fractures, both within the movement and between the Brotherhood and its political allies. The rift widened further in 1994, when Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel. The Islamic Action Front boycotted the vote on the treaty, signaling a decisive shift from cooperation to confrontation. In the aftermath of the peace treaty, the Brotherhood distanced itself from official alliances and became a staunch opponent of normalization with Israel. The group boycotted the 1997 parliamentary elections, a move that triggered an exodus of leaders who opposed the boycott. Some dissidents went on to form the moderate Islamist Wasat Party, led by Abdel Rahim Akkour. Distrust between the Brotherhood and the government deepened under the shadow of King Hussein's illness and the succession of King Abdullah II. The movement remained politically dormant until 2003, when the Islamic Action Front re-entered parliament following a two-year suspension of legislative life during the Second Intifada. The party secured 16 seats in the 14th Parliament. However, the rocky relationship persisted. In 2007, the Brotherhood and its party participated in elections again after negotiations with then-Prime Minister Marouf al-Bakhit. But allegations of large-scale vote rigging saw the Islamic Action Front secure only six seats — a result it denounced as a betrayal of the agreement with the government. The controversial election result sparked a leadership crisis within the Brotherhood. The group's hardline faction, known as the Hawks, overpowered the traditional moderates (the Doves) in internal polls, leading to a purge of long-standing leaders. Accusations emerged that the group had been hijacked by Hamas sympathizers, reshaping the Brotherhood's identity and guiding principles. In the years that followed, former leaders split from the movement, accusing its new leadership of dragging the Brotherhood and its political arm into a confrontational path aligned with regional Islamist movements. From mainstream political player to marginalized actor, the Brotherhood's trajectory in Jordan mirrors a broader regional trend — one where Islamist movements rise through democratic openings but often clash with the state over ideology, foreign policy, and the limits of political power.
Saudi Gazette
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Saudi Gazette
Jordan bans opposition party linked to Muslim Brotherhood
AMMAN — Jordan has announced a sweeping ban on the Muslim Brotherhood that could include shutting down the country's largest opposition party, after accusing the Islamist group of planning attacks. The Islamic Action Front, a political party linked to the regionwide Brotherhood, won the most seats in parliamentary elections held last year against the backdrop of mass protests against Isarel over its war with Hamas. The monarchy banned the Muslim Brotherhood a decade ago but officially licensed a splinter group and continued to tolerate the Islamic Action Front while restricting some of its activities. It was not immediately clear how far the latest ban would go. Police surrounded and searched the Islamic Action Front's headquarters after Wednesday's announcement and seized several boxes of Interior Ministry said the Muslim Brotherhood is now considered an illegal organization and announced a ban on any political activities related to the group and the closure of its said efforts to confiscate the group's assets would be accelerated."It has been proven that members of the group operate in the dark and engage in activities that could destabilize the country," the ministry said."Members of the dissolved Muslim Brotherhood have tampered with security and national unity and disrupted security and public order."The ministry also said that a son of one of the group's leaders had joined others in trying to manufacture and test explosives to be used against security forces, without providing names or further week, Jordan said it had arrested 16 people accused of manufacturing short-range missiles, possessing explosives and automatic weapons, concealing a ready-to-use missile, and illegally recruiting and training government said the accused belong to what it called "unlicensed groups," referring to the Muslim Brotherhood denied the allegations and said it was committed to Jordan's Al-Saqqa, Secretary-General of the Islamic Action Front, distanced the party from the Muslim Brotherhood, saying it had "no relationship with any other organizational body, whatever it may be."He insisted the party has acted according to the law."We always declare that we are committed to order, the law, and the provisions of the constitution," he said, adding that he was surprised by the security services' search of the group's is a close Western ally that has long been seen as a bastion of stability in the often volatile Middle borders Israel, the occupied West Bank, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, and is hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees from multiple Muslim Brotherhood was established in Egypt nearly a century ago and has branches across the leaders say it renounced violence decades ago and seeks to set up Islamic rule through elections and other peaceful including governments across the region, view it as a threat. — Euronews
