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HT Archives: Kapil's heroic 175 helps keep World Cup dream alive
HT Archives: Kapil's heroic 175 helps keep World Cup dream alive

Hindustan Times

time3 hours ago

  • Sport
  • Hindustan Times

HT Archives: Kapil's heroic 175 helps keep World Cup dream alive

Indian captain Kapil Dev lashed a record-breaking unbeaten 175 to lead his team out of a crisis and beat Zimbabwe by 32 runs in an exciting World Cup Group B match in Tunbridge Wells on Saturday. India batsman Kapil Dev hits out during his innings of 175 not out during the 1983 Cricket World Cup finals Match between India and Zimbabwe at Tunbridge Wells on June 18th, 1983 in Tunbridge Wells, England. (Hulton Archive) India collapsed to 17 for five in the first 13 overs against pacers Peter Rawson and Kevin Curran, and were later reduced to 78 for seven, before Kapil Dev's breathtaking rescue lifted the score to 266 for eight in the 60 overs. Zimbabwe, struggling at one time at 113 for six, made a late burst through Kevin Curran, who hit a brilliant 71, to total 234 in 57 overs. Kevin at one stage raised his side's hopes of another victory by the sheer nature of his aggression. Of his eight boundaries six came in the last 45 runs. He was caught brilliantly by Shastri on his second attempt off Madan Lal, who had come in for a heavy battering in the previous over. All-rounder Kapil Dev's hundred was the first by an Indian in the competition and beat the previous Cup highest of 171 not out by New Zealand's Glenn Turner against East Africa in the inaugural 1975 tournament. India's skipper dominated with key partnerships, putting on 60 for the sixth wicket with Roger Binny, who made 22 and 62 for the eight-wicket with Madan Lal, who contributed 17. The revival reached its peak in Kapil Dev's unfinished ninth wicket partnership of 123 with Syed Kirmani, who scored 24. Kapil hit 17 fours and six soaring sixes. India made a disastrous start, losing five wickets for 17 runs in 12.5 overs. Peter Rawson, the Zimbabwe paceman, snapped up two of the wickets and Kevin Curran got the third, with the aid of a brilliant catch by Ian Butchart. With the last ball of the first over Rawson trapped Gavaskar LBW without a run on the board. Gavaskar had returned to the side after missing the previous two games. In the fifth over Rawson struck again with a fine delivery which came back at Amarnath, caught the inside edge and was snapped up by wicketkeeper Houghton. There was obviously movement in the wicket for the bowlers and in the sixth over Srikkanth drove at Curran, skied the ball and Butchart ran from mid-off to extra cover to take a brilliant catch. India lost her fourth wicket at nine off the last ball of the tenth over when Patil, trying to turn Curran down the leg side, became Houghton's second victim. Yashpal turned Rawson to the square leg boundary and then on-drove Curran for three, but in the 13th over he edged one to Houghton. India's hopes flicked for the first time as skipper Kapil Dev and Roger Binny survived to take them to 77 in the 27th over, when Binny swept at Traicos and was lbw. One run later, in the next over, Shastri drove at Fletcher and was caught at cover by Pycroft. From 106 for seven at lunch Madan Lal and Kapil took the score to 144 before Madan was caught behind off Curran at 17. However, nobody outside the stadium watched the innings, with the BBC prioritising other games.

Will we ever be free of Brexit?
Will we ever be free of Brexit?

New Statesman​

time05-06-2025

  • Politics
  • New Statesman​

Will we ever be free of Brexit?

Photo by P. Floyd / Daily Express / Hulton Archive / Getty Images On 5 June 1975 – 50 years ago today – voters went to the polls in Britain's first national referendum. Just two years after joining the European Community, they were voting on whether to leave, a decision that would shape the UK's economic, political and diplomatic strategy for decades to come. For the first time in British history, a front-rank political question had been taken out of the hands of Parliament and passed directly to the electorate. The Sun thought this 'a constitutional monstrosity'. The new Conservative leader, Margaret Thatcher, called the referendum 'a device of dictators and demagogues', and refused to confirm that she would accept the result. As the first election of the modern era to be fought outside the established party system, the referendum carried the debate into the most unlikely places. In the churches, bishops preached sermons on the religious arguments for membership. In Northern Ireland, terrorist organisations published earnest articles on the implications for the port of Belfast. Tesco issued carrier bags saying 'Yes to Europe', while campaigners mobilised sports-stars and celebrities ranging from Agatha Christie and Barbara Cartland to Captain Mainwaring and Paul McCartney. Looking back on that referendum after the 2016 vote offers both eerie similarities and clanging dissonances. As in 2016, the vote was triggered by a crisis in the governing party; in this case, a Labour government led by Harold Wilson. Like David Cameron, Wilson was a reluctant European, convinced with his head rather than his heart of the case for membership. Like Cameron, he led a party that was bitterly divided on Europe, with a wafer-thin majority, at a time of growing Euroscepticism in the country. And like Cameron, his solution was to renegotiate the terms of membership and put them to the country in a referendum. If the recipe looks familiar, the ingredients could hardly have been more different. In 1975, the most pro-European party was the Conservatives. Ted Heath, its former leader, blazed across the campaign trail like a meteor, arguing for membership with a drive and charisma that had entirely evaded him in office. His successor, Margaret Thatcher, stumped the country demanding a 'massive Yes' to Europe, resplendent in a jumper knitted from the flags of all the member-states. Labour was more divided, with figures like Tony Benn and Michael Foot excoriating the Community as a capitalist project. Papers like the Sun, the Daily Mail and the Daily Telegraph all backed staying in, while only the Spectator and the Communist Morning Star endorsed withdrawal. Opinion in the constituencies was also very different. The young were more Eurosceptic than the old, women more hostile than men, and the most pro-European nation of the United Kingdom was unquestionably England. Places like Essex and Lincolnshire – bastions of the Leave vote in 2016 – registered votes for membership of 68% and 75% respectively. The nightmare for Unionists was that England would vote to stay in, while Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to Leave – a direct reversal of the situation decades later. If voting patterns were very different, so too were the issues on which they were founded. Immigration, which loomed so large in 2016, was barely mentioned. There were only nine member-states in 1975, and no one thought West Germans or Belgians would be hurrying to the United Kingdom in search of work. Food prices, by contrast, were central to the campaign, at a time of serious anxiety about Britain's ability to feed itself. Memories of war hung heavy across the campaign, for 1975 was closer to the end of the First World War than 2016 to the Second. Poppies and doves of peace featured prominently in campaign literature, while posters reminded voters: 'Forty million people died in two European wars this century. Better lose a little national sovereignty than a son or daughter.' Another war – the Cold War – also loomed large. Heath claimed that a vote to withdraw 'could lead to a Soviet invasion of Europe', while Out campaigners warned of Communist influence in France and Italy. In the aftermath of Watergate, Vietnam and the impeachment of Richard Nixon, there were doubts about whether the United States could or would defend Europe. Harold Wilson told the cabinet in 1974 that 'American leadership had gone'; Europe would now have to do more for its own defence. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe If one issue dominated over all others, it was a mood of economic crisis. Inflation was above 20 per cent, unemployment was rising and an oil shock in the Middle East had seen power-cuts and shortages across industry. The Chancellor, Denis Healey, thought the economic situation in 1974 'the worst which had ever been faced in peacetime', while the Industry Secretary, Tony Benn, wrote optimistically that 'the final collapse of capitalism might be a matter of weeks away'. No democracy had ever survived such sustained levels of inflation, fuelling concerns that spiralling prices might destroy democratic institutions in the 1970s as surely as in Germany in the 1930s. Not surprisingly, the 'In' campaign focused heavily on economic risk, warning of total economic collapse if Britain voted to Leave. Yet it paired that message with more positive arguments, centring on peace, prosperity and patriotism. Pamphlets and leaflets were peppered with Saltires, Union Jacks and Welsh dragons, while posters featured the England cricket captain Colin Cowdrey, the racing driver Jackie Stewart, and the heavyweight boxer Henry Cooper. There were pro-European messages from football managers like Sir Matt Busby and Jock Stein, who had won the European Cup with Manchester United and Celtic. Crucially, these were not just celebrities: they were national champions who had competed in Europe and won. By contrast, the 'Out' campaign was underfunded, poorly led and bitterly divided, staffed by people, in the words of one official, 'who would not want to be seen dead in the same coffin'. They included some of the most talented figures in British politics – Tony Benn, Enoch Powell, Ian Paisley and Barbara Castle – but these were all quite polarising figures who found it impossible to work together. Benn had called Powell's 'Rivers of Blood' speech 'evil, filthy and obscene', accusing him of raising the flag 'that fluttered… over Dachau and Belsen'. Powell labelled Benn 'the enemy within', one of those 'who hate Britain and wish to destroy it'. It was not particularly helpful to the 'Out' campaign that the IRA, the National Front, the Communist Party of Great Britain and the Democratic Unionist Party all backed leaving, in a striking demonstration of the unlikely alliances that emerged across the campaign. With lavish donations from business and finance, the 'In' campaign had more money left over at the end of the referendum than the total spend of 'Get Britain Out'. It used that to build a multi-vocal campaign that targeted different messages to different audiences. There were idealistic messages for the young, commitments to women's rights for feminists, talk of jobs and investment for industrial workers and an emphasis on peace for the wartime generation. Groups like 'Actors for Europe', 'Christians for Europe', 'Lawyers for Europe' – even, for one glorious moment before the leadership intervened, 'Wombles for Europe' – built a kaleidoscopic case for Europe that could speak to different ideologies and interests. The contrast with the mono-vocal campaign of 2016, with its solitary emphasis on risk, is stark. The result was a landslide for the 'In' campaign. At the start of the year, polls had shown strong majorities in favour of withdrawal; yet when the votes were counted, there was a two-to-one majority for staying in. Every part of the UK had voted for membership, with the exception only of Shetland and the Western Isles. On the morning of the result, Harold Wilson told reporters that the European debate was now closed. 'Fourteen years of national argument,' he declared, 'are over.' Like most prophets in the wake of extraordinary political events, Wilson was mistaken. His own party would go to the country in 1983 promising to leave the European Community, without a further referendum. Pro-Europeans like Roy Jenkins and Shirley Williams would spin out of the Labour Party and into the SDP, while Margaret Thatcher would take a flame-thrower to the 'Yes to Europe' jumper she had worn in 1975. In 2016, the decision reached four decades earlier would be dramatically reversed, vindicating Powell's prophecy that a judgement to stay in could only be 'provisional'. Yet the 1975 vote mattered. It secured UK membership for more than 40 years, with profound consequences for how Britain's laws were made, who it traded with, what food Britons ate and where they went on holiday. From 1975 to 2016, membership of the European Community/Union was perhaps the most important fact about British history and the central pillar of Britain's economic, diplomatic and geopolitical strategy. As 2016 demonstrates, the results of referendums – like general elections – are not irreversible. Half a century after that first vote, the UK finds itself again in an age when European security is under threat, when the US alliance is in doubt, when the world is fracturing into trade blocs, and amid a pervasive sense of economic decline. In such a context, the arguments of the 1970s seem more relevant today than they did a decade earlier. Where that might lead is impossible to predict. As Harold Wilson knew, and Keir Starmer is surely finding out, the past and the present are full of surprises. [See also: The warning of VE Day] Related

The Memorial: Jack Nicklaus Details Epic Hole Out with President Ford
The Memorial: Jack Nicklaus Details Epic Hole Out with President Ford

Newsweek

time29-05-2025

  • Sport
  • Newsweek

The Memorial: Jack Nicklaus Details Epic Hole Out with President Ford

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Muirfield Village Golf Club is one of Jack Nicklaus's greatest designs. Its prestige has been solidified by hosting 50 editions of the Memorial Tournament, as well as other premier events, including the 1987 Ryder Cup and the 1998 Solheim Cup. Naturally, Nicklaus knows the course like the back of his hand, having designed it and played it countless times. The Golden Bear even has a favorite hole among the course's 18, where he had the opportunity to show off in front of a former U.S. president. "I suppose if there's one hole on the golf course you ask me about, I would probably say 14," Nicklaus said. "Yeah, I think 14 is a really challenging hole, it's an easy hole, it's a dangerous hole, it's a pretty hole. It's got all the elements there that you could want. I made three 3s on that hole -- or three 2s on that hole." "And I don't know any other hole that I've holed three shots from off the green to make 2s anywhere in the world. But, you know, none of 'em during the tournament, of course." "One in a pro-am playing with Gerald thought it was a good shot. [Laughing]." American golfer Jack Nicklaus and former US president Gerald Ford at the Bob Hope Classic Golf Tournament on Pebble Beach, California. American golfer Jack Nicklaus and former US president Gerald Ford at the Bob Hope Classic Golf Tournament on Pebble Beach, California. Getty Images/Hulton Archive The 14th hole at Muirfield is currently a par 4 and measures 368 yards. The main difficulty lies in a creek that bisects the fairway and continues to the right of the green. Like most occupants of the Oval Office, President Gerald Ford was an avid golfer. There are no records of his handicap during his youth, but it reached 12 after the end of his presidential term. Ford was also the first former president to join the United States Golf Association (USGA). He is said to have once outdriven Arnold Palmer and Gary Player, which is no small feat. Nicklaus played in 33 editions of the Memorial Tournament at Muirfield. He made 25 cuts, won twice, and had four other top-10 finishes. His best round at this course was a 66, which he shot on the first day of the 1986 tournament, when he finished tied for fifth place. At 57 years old in 1997, Nicklaus still managed to card two 69s, which helped him to secure a tie for eighth place. More Golf: Collin Morikawa Refutes PGA Tou Pro's Claim of Players Cheating

Why we should remember Scotland's first civilian casualties of WWII
Why we should remember Scotland's first civilian casualties of WWII

Scotsman

time12-05-2025

  • General
  • Scotsman

Why we should remember Scotland's first civilian casualties of WWII

Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... As we mark the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War, we should not forget that, in the East of Scotland, perhaps our greatest trial came years earlier. For, at the start of the war, Edinburgh and Leith found themselves on the front line. The notion that Britain was totally unprepared for war is a myth. In fact, planning for the defence of the civilian population had been ongoing since the mid-1930s. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad It was believed, with some justification, that the oncoming war would not be fought by vast armies but by bombing the population into submission. The Spanish Civil War and the use of gas in Abyssinia, modern-day Ethiopia, had provided a horrific template. From 1937, everyone was equipped with a gas mask – even tiny babies had respirators. The Forth Bridge and Royal Navy ships in the Firth were targets for German bombers during the Second World War (Picture: Keystone/Hulton Archive) | Getty Images Air defence preparations At the outbreak of war, anyone who could read a map could see the east of Scotland was a juicy target with the wide Forth Estuary leading to the naval base at Rosyth, the Forth Bridge and the busy Leith Docks all within range of German bombers flying from their bases on the Frisian Islands. But if the threat was great, the preparations for our defence were also extensive. Led and coordinated by the young Edinburgh Assistant Chief Constable Robert Thomson, the police, special constabulary, fire service, ambulance, air-raid wardens, and salvage squads were integrated into a civil defence system. An elaborate system of air-raid warnings was introduced and a blackout regime rigorously enforced. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Dozens of new anti-aircraft guns were also positioned around the Forth, with two squadrons of brand new Spitfires stationed nearby. A tragic death Even now, looking back, it was an impressive system of defence but ACC Thomson did not live to see his plan come to fruition. Tragically, this brilliant young officer was fatally wounded in a mistaken identity shooting by a drunken sentry in the summer of 1940, the most senior British police officer killed during the war. But by the time of his death, he would have known that all his work had been necessary, for the war came early to Edinburgh. On October 16, 1939, a daytime German attack on naval ships in the Forth saw shrapnel and machine gun bullets peppering the streets of Edinburgh, leading to the first civilian casualties of the war. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The air defences proved effective and, after losing three aircraft, the German Luftwaffe never returned to bomb Edinburgh during the day, instead coming intermittently by night. Stood the test Edinburgh was not blitzed like London or Clydebank but, over the next three years, 15 raids brought terror to ordinary folk. From Leith Docks to Holyrood Palace and the zoo to residential streets in Granton and Craigentinny, attacks killed men, women and children. In one raid alone in May 1940, 20 people died when Edinburgh and Leith were bombed. However, throughout it all, the people of the city simply carried on, with no discernible signs of panic or despair. There is no memorial to the victims of that deadly raid in May 1940 but, at this time of remembrance, we should still celebrate our fellow citizens who were tried but stood the test 85 years ago.

These 21 Celebrity Childhood Photos Are Pretty Much Impossible To Identify, Especially For Literally Anyone Under 30
These 21 Celebrity Childhood Photos Are Pretty Much Impossible To Identify, Especially For Literally Anyone Under 30

Buzz Feed

time24-02-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Buzz Feed

These 21 Celebrity Childhood Photos Are Pretty Much Impossible To Identify, Especially For Literally Anyone Under 30

This is gonna sound weird, but I love celebrity baby photos. Kids are adorable enough on their own, but when they're younger photos of my favourite actors? Sign me up, please!!! Plus, we all love a good "then and now" comparison. So I scoured the internet to find some photos of your fave celebs as kids — and we're about to see if you can identify them. 1. Let's start off with a cutie! Who is he? Click to reveal 2. Can you recognize who this legendary actor is? Click to reveal 3. This one's great. Who's this actor? Click to reveal 4. Another adorable one! Who is this actor? Click to reveal 5. What about this Oscar nominee? Click to reveal 6. We all know who this five-year-old is. But can you tell me her name? Click to reveal Hulton Archive / Getty Images 7. Also an icon from the 20th century, who is she? Click to reveal 8. And who is this adorable fella? Click to reveal 9. This one shocked me. Can you name this star? Click to reveal Variety / Getty Images 10. Another this? Dianna Whitley / Getty Images Click to reveal Taylor Hill / Getty Images 11. This one is obvious, but how could I exclude this gem of a photo? NBCUniversal / Getty Images Click to reveal Tommaso Boddi / Variety / Getty Images 12. You can tell who she is, can't you? Cbs Photo Archive / Getty Images 13. Click to reveal Taylor Hill / FilmMagic / Getty Images 14. His face hasn't changed, so this should be easy: ABC Photo Archives / Disney General Entertainment Content / Getty Images Click to reveal Jc Olivera / The Hollywood Reporter / Getty Images 15. She's one of the most well-known celebrities of all time. But can you tell me who she is from this baby photo? Hulton Archive / Getty Images Click to reveal Sunset Boulevard / Corbis / Getty Images 16. And what's her name? Kevin Winter / Getty Images Click to reveal Gilbert Carrasquillo / GC Images 17. Keep going! Can you name this actor? NBCUniversal / Getty Images Click to reveal Steve Granitz / Getty Images 18. I'm sure you know who this is, but can you tell me her name? Jean-Louis URLI / Gamma-Rapho / Getty Images Click to reveal Lisa O'connor / AFP via Getty Images 19. Now, tell me who this kid is: Ron Galella, Ltd. / Getty Images Click to reveal Taylor Hill / FilmMagic / Getty Images 20. This one should also be easy. Tell me who this fella is: Cbs Photo Archive / Getty Images Dominik Bindl / Getty Images 21. And finally, who's this adorable 11-year-old? Walt Disney Television Photo Arc / Getty Images Click to reveal Alberto Rodriguez / Variety / Getty Images Who's your fave celeb who started acting super young? Anyone we missed from this list? Tell me in the comments below! And check out BuzzFeed Canada on TikTok and Instagram for more celeb content!

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