Latest news with #HassanSheikhMohamud
Russia Today
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
The US is about to hit ‘Add to cart' on another forever war
In spring 2025, Somalia, the easternmost country in Africa, offered to give the US control over two crucial ports and two airbases. However, all four sites are located in two self-declared, unrecognized regions – Puntland and Somaliland – that remain effectively outside the control of the federal government in Mogadishu. In March, a letter from Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to US President Donald Trump was leaked to the press. In the letter, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud offered Washington exclusive control over the airbases in Balidogle and Berbera, as well as the ports of Berbera and Bosaso. The proposal is believed to enhance US military and logistical presence in the Horn of Africa, and aid in the fight against the jihadist group Al-Shabaab – an affiliate of Al-Qaeda – which has recently escalated its offensive operations against government forces. 'These strategically positioned assets provide an opportunity to bolster American engagement in the region, ensuring uninterrupted military and logistical access while preventing external competitors from establishing a presence in this critical corridor,' the letter states. The Somali government cited rumors of Al-Shabaab's growing ties with Yemen's Ansar Allah movement (Yemen's Houthis), against whom the US is engaged in a conflict in the Red Sea. At the end of April, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud accused the Houthis of supporting terrorist groups in Somalia, claiming that Somali intelligence had intercepted shipments of explosives and drones from Yemen. Mohamud's proposal was strongly opposed by Somaliland, which has operated as a de facto independent state since 1991, but has not been officially recognized by any other country. Somaliland's foreign minister, Abdirahman Dahir Aden, described the actions of the Somali federal authorities as a 'desperate' attempt to maintain relevance on the global stage. 'They can do nothing to prevent Somaliland's impending recognition,' Aden wrote on social media. Later, in an interview with Reuters, he said, 'The USA is not stupid. They know who they need to deal with when it comes to Berbera port.' Mohamud's offer came in response to reports concerning alleged negotiations between Washington and Somaliland's presidential administration regarding a potential deal to officially recognize the African state in exchange for establishing a military base near the port city of Berbera on the Red Sea coast. In mid-March, citing sources, the Financial Times reported that these discussions were part of Trump's plan to relocate Palestinians from war-torn Gaza to countries in East Africa and create what he called a 'Middle Eastern Riviera' in Gaza. 'These are very tentative, initial contacts,' the publication's source noted. The possibility of controlling the Berbera base puts the Trump administration in a difficult position: It could either strike a deal with Mogadishu, which would undoubtedly spark conflict between the Somali government and Somaliland, which effectively controls the port, or move toward recognizing the self-declared state, severing ties with the federal government of Somalia. Berbera is strategically located along the vital Gulf of Aden, one of the world's key shipping routes. The city hosts an international airport with one of Africa's longest runways – measuring 4,140 meters – which was built by the Soviet Union in the mid-1970s. At one point, NASA leased the airstrip as a backup landing site for its space shuttles. In recent years, DP World logistics company from the UAE renovated the port, but it currently remains unused. Somaliland, which effectively governs the Berbera port, is an enclave with a population of around 5 million people. During the colonial era, the region was a British protectorate. On June 26, 1960, it gained independence for just five days but then merged with the Trust Territory of Somaliland under Italian Administration to form the Somali Republic. However, Somaliland did not stop fighting for independence; on May 18, 1991, in the middle of the Somali Civil War, which continues to this day, it unilateraly declared independence. Since then, Somaliland has operated as a de facto state with its own government, army, and institutions. It has its own currency and passport and independent domestic and foreign policies. The region has held several presidential elections to date. Despite the lack of international recognition, Somaliland has managed to maintain internal stability and establish partnerships with foreign countries, including the UAE. In its capital, Hargeisa, consulates and diplomatic missions from Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Taiwan, the UK, and EU are present. In its foreign policy, the government of Somaliland pursues one primary goal: International recognition. It came closest to achieving this goal in early 2024 when it signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia, granting the latter access to the sea via the Berbera port in exchange for potential recognition of the self-proclaimed state. This rapprochement with Addis Ababa has brought the region to the brink of a renewed conflict, with neighboring countries like Egypt potentially getting involved. If the deal with Washington for leasing the port and runway in Berbera is concluded, Somaliland will finally have its long-awaited opportunity to attain statehood. Locals believe that support from a powerful global player like the US could attract significant foreign investment, enhance diplomatic and defense ties, and ultimately end the region's international isolation. On the flip side, recognizing Somaliland could further destabilize the region and upset allied countries such as Egypt and Türkiye, as well as the African Union (AU), creating a precedent for separatist movements across Africa. Mogadishu's proposal to the US also mentions the port of Bosaso, located in Puntland, a semi-autonomous region of Somalia. Bosaso is a rapidly growing city with a population of around 500,000. The city's seaport was built in the 1980s, and it boasts an international airport that has been modernized by the Dubai-based Lootah Group. The UAE maintains military and logistical facilities in both Berbera and Bosaso as part of agreements with the regional authorities. Puntland is also de facto an independent state that provides access to the Gulf of Aden. On March 31, 2024, amid a constitutional crisis in Somalia, Puntland's authorities announced they would no longer recognize the federal government based in Mogadishu and would withdraw from Somali federal institutions. They declared that Puntland would function as an independent state until a federal government is formed and a constitution is approved in a referendum in which Puntland would take part. While Puntland's leadership has not publicly commented on the potential deal between Washington and Mogadishu, it's easy to see how this move could exacerbate tensions with the Somali government, especially if it proceeds without consultation with the local authorities. Meanwhile, the militant group Al-Shabaab launched an offensive in the Middle Shabelle province of southern Somalia in February 2025 and has made significant territorial gains, threatening the capital region and pushing Mogadishu to seek increased support from the US, Türkiye, and the AU. The situation is worsened by ongoing attacks by Islamic State-Somalia, particularly in the northeastern region of Puntland. The unstable internal situation in the country is contributing to the success of these terrorist groups. In the Hiraan and Middle Shabelle regions, attacks by Al-Shabaab have surged by around 50% compared to last year. Militants have managed to capture several strategic towns and locations, while government forces are overstretched, battling terrorists on multiple fronts. On March 18, the groups unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in Mogadishu as his convoy headed to the capital's international airport to join troops on the front lines in Hirshabelle state. Since 2022, the government's counterterrorism strategy has relied on international support and forging alliances with clan militias operating in areas controlled by Al-Shabaab. However, this approach has proven unreliable due to the continuous recruitment of new militants and the involvement of allied clans in political struggles. Despite the tough international sanctions imposed against it, Al-Shabaab boasts a substantial military budget. Some analysts believe that the group generates a significant portion of its revenue through customs duties, forced taxation, extortion in the territories it controls, and illicit trade in livestock, sugar, charcoal, drugs, and other goods. The situation has been further complicated by clashes that erupted in December 2024 between federal forces and military factions from the semi-autonomous Jubaland region, sparked by the recent presidential elections. During these conflicts, hundreds of Somali soldiers, including members of the elite Gorgor special forces trained in Türkiye, either surrendered or fled toward the Kenyan border, while Jubaland fighters seized strategic locations in the region, including the port of Kamboni. Amid this precarious security environment, piracy off the coast of Somalia (which had been curbed by US, EU, and NATO naval patrols) has resurged since 2023. Over the past two years, Somali pirates have been involved in numerous incidents. Meanwhile, the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), which began its operations on January 1, 2025, aims to bolster the Somali Armed Forces in their fight against Al-Shabaab but, like its predecessors, faces significant financial challenges. In April 2025, the US openly rejected a UN proposal to fund AUSSOM, casting doubt on its future activities. The US argues that Somalia is not an appropriate testing ground for the proposed 'hybrid' funding model, which would allow UN assessments to cover up to 75% of AUSSOM's budget. Ethiopia's involvement in the mission is also uncertain due to tensions stemming from the Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland in 2024. While relations between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa have improved with Turkish assistance, they remain fragile. Since the start of Trump's second term, the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) has significantly ramped up airstrikes against both Al-Shabaab and local Islamic State affiliates. These attacks are typically coordinated with the Somali National Army and Puntland Security Forces. This trend highlights the inability of the US to assist the local authorities in addressing the terrorist threat, despite nearly two decades of military involvement in the region. In April, the New York Times reported that the territorial gains made by Al-Shabaab in central and southern Somalia prompted discussions within the US State Department about potentially closing the embassy in Mogadishu and withdrawing much of the American staff. Many officials in the US recalled Washington's foreign policy failures, particularly in Afghanistan. Nevertheless, an increase in airstrikes targeting militant strongholds indicates that the US still favors military solutions. The struggle to defeat terrorists has led the Somali government to strengthen its military cooperation with Türkiye. Shortly after a recent attack, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud traveled to Ankara to discuss bolstering their partnership in the fight against Al-Shabaab with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Türkiye has been an ally of Somalia since the early 2010s and is now seeking to position itself as a key regional power in the Horn of Africa. In Mogadishu, it operates its largest overseas military base, Camp TURKSOM, and a recent agreement with Somalia allows for the deployment of up to 5,000 personnel from the SADAT International Defense Company. In comparison, the US has only around 500-600 servicemen stationed in Somalia, as it aims to cut costs by limiting troop deployments and relying mainly on Somali and other African forces. In the past few years, the US has also trained, equipped, and funded an elite Somali unit known as Danab, which consists of 3,000-5,000 soldiers. In February 2024, it was announced that Mogadishu and Washington signed an agreement for the construction of military centers in five cities across the country to enhance the capabilities of the Somali Armed Forces. While the federal government struggles to contain the threat posed by Al-Shabaab, the regional governments of Somaliland and Puntland have been quite successful in combating terrorist groups. Unlike Mogadishu, Hargeisa has successfully resisted the infiltration of Islamists, preventing them from establishing a foothold in the region. As part of Operation Hilaac, since November 2024, Puntland's regional forces have regained control over several towns captured by Islamic State-Somalia. These types of achievements make the regions attractive partners for collaboration. The US currently operates the Camp Lemonnier base in Djibouti under a lease which is in effect until 2034 (and may be extended further). This is the largest US military base on the African continent. By accepting Mogadishu's proposal, Washington could expand its presence in the Gulf of Aden and strengthen its position against its main competitor – China, which established its own naval support facility in Djibouti in 2017. However, ongoing negotiations between Washington and Somaliland regarding its recognition as a sovereign state in exchange for establishing a military base suggest that the US may not be interested in collaboration with Mogadishu. Recognizing this, in December 2024, Somalia signed a contract with an American lobbying firm to bolster its relations with the US. Even if Washington agrees to Hargeisa's offer without officially recognizing Somaliland as an independent state, the region would still benefit significantly, as a deal with such a major power would de facto imply its recognition. However, this move could jeopardize the efforts of the central government in Somalia to combat extremist groups that rely on external support. Moreover, Mogadishu is currently grappling with increasing defiance from two federal regions – Puntland and Jubaland; the official recognition of Somaliland might encourage other countries to acknowledge its sovereignty, setting a precedent that could lead to further decentralization. Consequently, the fate of Somalia – a nation already torn apart by endless conflict, political strife, and social instability – will largely depend on America's decision.
Iraqi News
30-05-2025
- Business
- Iraqi News
Mogadishu refinery find triggers Iraq's hunt for $100B in lost global assets
Baghdad ( – A startling revelation at the Arab Summit in Baghdad this May has jolted Iraq into confronting a forgotten legacy: a sprawling international portfolio of properties and investments, potentially worth at least $100B, that has languished in neglect and obscurity for two decades. The unexpected news of a large, Iraqi-built oil refinery still standing in Mogadishu, Somalia, has served as a dramatic wake-up call, triggering a renewed effort to trace and potentially reclaim these vast, squandered national assets. The ghost refinery in Mogadishu, constructed in 1978 under a bilateral agreement and largely forgotten by Iraqi officialdom since 2003, was brought back to Baghdad's attention by Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. He informed Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani that the facility merely requires technical rehabilitation to become operational – a timely prospect as Somalia begins exploring offshore oil. This single revelation underscored a much larger, more complex issue: Iraq's dozens of lost properties scattered across three continents. During its oil-boom years in the 1970s and 1980s, Iraq strategically invested its wealth globally, acquiring an estimated 50 significant assets. These included luxury palaces and real estate in prime European locations like Cannes, France, Spain, the UK, and Italy; agricultural ventures such as tea, rice, rubber, and tobacco farms in Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and Vietnam; and diverse holdings in Africa, from tourist islands and agricultural factories in Mozambique and Nigeria to the aforementioned Somali refinery. This was a policy of extending economic and diplomatic influence. However, following the 2003 regime change, this global portfolio fell into disarray. Iraq's Parliamentary Integrity Committee previously revealed to news agencies that crucial ownership documents were stolen or destroyed. Some properties were illicitly transferred to individuals or shell companies linked to the former regime, while others simply vanished from official oversight, becoming a forgotten treasure. Early attempts at recovery highlighted the dangers. In 2012, an Iraqi Foreign Ministry delegation dispatched to Mozambique to inspect a state-owned asset, believed to be a palace on a tourist island, received direct threats from an armed group controlling the site, forcing their immediate withdrawal. The incident underscored the formidable challenges beyond mere legal claims. The Mogadishu refinery news has now spurred the Iraqi government into decisive action. Specialized legal and technical committees have been formed, and the Ministries of Oil, Foreign Affairs, and Justice are tasked with a coordinated global effort. This includes attempting to re-register properties, settle outstanding tax issues, and verify any remaining documentation. Legal experts suggest Iraq could pursue claims through the International Court of Justice (ICJ) or negotiate bilateral agreements with host nations. They also stress the necessity of pursuing individuals and entities involved in the illicit appropriation of these assets, potentially through international arrest warrants via INTERPOL if sufficient evidence is available. For a nation facing ongoing economic challenges and heavily reliant on oil exports, the potential recovery or proper investment of these assets, valued around $100B, represents a monumental financial opportunity. Economists believe even partial success could generate sustainable revenue streams, offering a vital diversification away from almost exclusive dependence on crude oil exports for its budget. However, the path to reclamation is fraught with obstacles. Experts caution that some assets may now be subject to statute of limitations in their host countries, or may have been legally acquired by other parties during Iraq's two-decade absence from active management. Furthermore, concerns exist about potential internal political interference derailing recovery efforts, especially if assets are now linked to influential figures or complex, decades-old contracts that would be difficult to unwind without triggering intricate legal disputes. Despite these challenges, the surprise rediscovery of the Mogadishu refinery has ignited a new sense of urgency and hope. The Iraqi government's renewed commitment, if pursued with transparency, international cooperation, and persistence, could potentially unlock billions in national wealth that has lain dormant across the globe for far too long, offering a much-needed boost to its economic future. 5. Image Alt Text Suggestions: * 'Archival photo of the Iraqi-built oil refinery in Mogadishu, Somalia' * 'Map highlighting locations of potential lost Iraqi assets across Europe, Asia, and Africa' * 'Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud' * 'Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani' * 'Graph or visual representing the estimated $90 billion value of Iraq's forgotten assets' * 'A dilapidated historic building representing a neglected Iraqi asset abroad'
Shafaq News
29-05-2025
- Business
- Shafaq News
From Mogadishu to Madrid: Iraq's forgotten global assets
Shafaq News/ From tea plantations in Vietnam to Mediterranean villas in France, and from the outskirts of Mogadishu to the coastlines of Mozambique, a vast trove of Iraqi-owned properties and investments—valued at no less than $90 billion—has slipped into obscurity. Once key instruments of influence and diplomacy, these assets now lie buried in unarchived files, undocumented contracts, and unnamed holdings. Forgotten Assets Senior diplomatic sources who spoke with Shafaq News reveal that Iraq holds more than 50 properties and foreign investments scattered across Europe, Asia, and Africa. Acquired over decades, this portfolio spans luxury real estate, farmland, banks, office buildings, and industrial facilities. Europe houses a significant portion of Iraq's footprint, with assets in Spain, France, the UK, and Italy. Some properties are situated in prestigious locations, such as Cannes on the French Riviera, a city synonymous with elite allure. Beyond residences, the holdings include financial institutions and commercial offices strategically placed across major cities, originally intended as economic diplomacy outposts. In Asia, the focus shifts to agricultural investments. Iraq's ventures include plantations producing tea, rice, rubber, and tobacco across Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and Vietnam. Africa presents yet another dimension. Iraqi assets comprise tourist islands, agro-processing factories, and agricultural estates in Somalia, Nigeria, and Mozambique. This expansive network of international holdings traces back to policies from the 1970s and 1980s when surging oil revenues fueled Iraq's global investment ambitions. Under the Foreign Investment Law of 1981, the state secured the authority to acquire and manage overseas properties through embassies, commercial attachés, and sovereign investment vehicles. The goal was clear: establish Iraq as a player in global trade and leverage its economic presence abroad. Yet, that vision lost momentum over the years. The 1990s sanctions, the 2003 regime change, and prolonged instability severely disrupted oversight. Some assets fell into undocumented limbo, others became caught in legal grey zones, and several were absorbed into local markets under circumstances still not fully understood. Dormant Oil Plant A vivid example of this forgotten legacy emerged at the recent Arab League summit in Baghdad. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud brought to light an Iraqi-built oil refinery on the outskirts of Mogadishu that had vanished from official records. Constructed in 1978 through a formal agreement between Iraq and Somalia, the refinery disappeared from Iraq's inventories after Saddam Hussein's fall. For over two decades, its existence remained unacknowledged—absent from registries and erased from institutional memory. Somali officials informed Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani that the refinery remains structurally intact and could resume operations with technical rehabilitation. This revelation arrives as Somalia prepares to explore its offshore oil reserves, positioning the plant as a potential regional energy hub. Originally designed to refine imported crude and store petroleum products for domestic and regional use, the facility once processed over 10,000 barrels per day. Beyond its practical function, it symbolized Iraq's Cold War-era economic diplomacy—a strategic energy foothold anchoring Baghdad's influence in the Horn of Africa. In response, Baghdad swiftly organized specialized legal and technical committees to probe Iraq's overseas asset landscape, beginning with Somalia and expanding to other countries hosting similar projects. The Ministries of Oil, Foreign Affairs, and Justice joined efforts to verify ownership, review documentation, and regularize the legal and tax status of each facility. Diplomacy Meets Armed Threat These recovery efforts are not new. In 2012, Iraq initiated one of its earliest serious missions to reclaim overseas properties, sending a delegation to Mozambique to inspect a state-owned asset—reportedly a former palace on a tourist island. What was intended as a routine diplomatic inspection quickly turned precarious. According to a diplomatic source briefing Shafaq News, the delegation encountered no official representatives but instead faced armed threats. An armed group controlling the site forced the Iraqi team to abort their mission and leave the country immediately. This incident epitomizes the broader, intricate challenge Iraq faces in reclaiming its scattered global properties. Similar attempts in Sudan, Chad, and parts of Eastern Europe have met comparable resistance. In many cases, local militias, privatized entities, or reorganized state bodies invoke laws on adverse possession or post-conflict redistribution to justify retaining control over assets Iraq insists are rightfully theirs. A Complex Recovery Preliminary valuations place these foreign holdings between $80 billion and $90 billion—an amount economists view as a vital resource for diversifying Iraq's income. With the 2024 federal budget totaling approximately $152 billion and crude oil exports accounting for 93% of revenues, recovering even 10% of these assets could contribute nearly 6% of the annual budget. Such a boost would provide a critical cushion against oil market volatility. Nonetheless, reclaiming these assets remains a complex endeavor. Legal experts highlight numerous obstacles, including statutes of limitations and protective court rulings that recognize new ownership, given Iraq's prolonged absence from these jurisdictions. Years of neglect have compounded the difficulty. Complicating matters further, Iraq's Parliamentary Integrity Committee acknowledges that a significant portion of ownership records was lost, stolen, or destroyed following the 2003 invasion. During the ensuing chaos, some properties transferred quietly to individuals or front companies linked to the former regime, while others vanished into legal limbo—abandoned, seized without challenge, or entangled in unclear ownership. The situation grows more complicated in countries like Italy and Nigeria, where inheritance claims, local investment restrictions, and debates over whether assets were held directly by the Iraqi state or through now-defunct shell companies create additional hurdles. In weaker judicial systems, forged documents have surfaced, supporting false ownership claims, while legitimate Iraqi cases face bureaucratic delays, political interference, and corruption. Faced with these challenges, Iraq's Anti-Corruption Commission warns that without a centralized, publicly accessible registry of foreign holdings, future recovery attempts risk repeating past failures. To bridge this gap, the Iraqi Foreign Ministry has launched a historical mapping initiative aimed at reconstructing records of foreign assets. This project taps into embassy archives, decades-old trade agreements, and files from the United Nations oil-for-food program. Retired diplomats and senior officials who managed these holdings during the 1980s and 1990s have also been called upon to help unravel the complex ownership puzzle. Legal specialists interviewed by Shafaq News emphasize the need for Iraq to move beyond initial inquiries and behind-the-scenes discussions. They recommend initiating formal legal proceedings before the International Court of Justice, alongside negotiating bilateral treaties with host countries to reaffirm Iraq's ownership claims. Equally important, they note, is the creation of accountability mechanisms to identify and address those who have benefited from or hidden these assets over the years.
Fox News
27-05-2025
- General
- Fox News
US conducts airstrike against Al Qaeda-linked militants in Somalia
U.S. forces conducted an airstrike against the al Qaeda-linked al-Shabab over the weekend in Somalia. The airstrike by U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) targeted an area nearly 40 miles northwest of Kismayo, Somalia, where al-Shabab was reportedly located. According to a press release from AFRICOM, al-Shabab "has proven both its will and capability to attack U.S. forces." "AFRICOM, alongside the Federal Government of Somalia and Somali Armed Forces, continues to take action to degrade al-Shabab's ability to plan and conduct attacks that threaten the U.S. homeland, our forces, and our citizens abroad," the press release read. No further details about units and assets were released to ensure continued security of operations. The East African country of Somalia has been wracked for decades by attacks and insurgency from Islamist terrorists, both from ISIS and al-Shabab. U.S. Africa Command reported in April that it had carried out four airstrikes: three against ISIS terrorists and one against al-Shabab. At least one of these strikes, the command stated, was against multiple targets. For years, the U.S. has helped Somali forces with airstrikes and other support against the al-Shabab extremist group. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, in March, drafted a letter to Trump offering the U.S. exclusive access to air bases and seaports, which reignited tensions between the government of Somalia and the breakaway region of Somaliland, the Associated Press reported. In the letter, Somalia offered "exclusive operational control" over the Berbera and Baledogle air bases and the ports of Berbera and Bosaso to "bolster American engagement in the region." One of the ports, Berbera, is in a key city located in Somaliland, whose long assertion as an independent state has not received international recognition. Somaliland, a former British protectorate, declared independence from Somalia in 1991 after the collapse of the central government. It maintains its own government, security forces and currency and has held elections.
Egypt Today
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Egypt Today
Egypt condemns deadly terrorist attack at Somalia's Damanyo base
Somali people walk down the street in Mogadishu's Hamar Weyne market – FILE/AMISOM CAIRO – 18 May 2025: Egypt strongly condemned a terrorist bombing that took place in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, on Sunday, killing and injuring dozens of people at the Somali army's Damanyo base. In a foreign ministry statement, Egypt reaffirmed its continued support for Somali national institutions and their security and military capabilities. Egypt stressed the necessity of empowering Somali state institutions to combat all forms of violence, terrorism, and extremism, and to establish control over the entire Somali territory. Egypt expressed its full solidarity with Somalia during this painful ordeal and extended its condolences to the Somali government and people, including the families of the victims, wishing a swift recovery to the injured. A suicide bomber ran into a queue of young recruits lining up at the military base, claiming the lives of at least 10 people, witnesses told Reuters. The attack comes a day after the assassination of battalion commander Colonel Abdirahmaan Hujaale in Somalia's Hiran region on Saturday. The government forces have been fighting Islamist militants of Al-Shabaab over the past two decades with the group conducting many attacks that especially targeted government officials and military personnel. Somalia's President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud narrowly survived an assassination attempt by Al-Shabaab in March.
