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King delivers address at European Parliament
King delivers address at European Parliament

Ammon

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Ammon

King delivers address at European Parliament

Ammon News - His Majesty King Abdullah II delivered an address at the European Parliament's headquarters in Strasbourg, France on Tuesday. In the address, His Majesty noted that with Israel expanding its offensive to include Iran, it is now impossible to know where the boundaries of this battle will end, threatening people everywhere. The King said that what is happening in Gaza is contrary to international law, moral standards and shared values, especially as violations continue in the West Bank, and the situation is worsening by the day. His Majesty noted that Palestinians deserve the rights to freedom and sovereignty, and to establish their own independent state. The King said the world is experiencing wave after wave of turmoil, becoming 'untethered—like it has lost its moral gravity', noting that these junctures of history are critical moments that require the world to cling to its values and not abandon them. His Majesty added that true security lies not in the power of armies, but in the power of shared values, and peace imposed by force or fear will never last. The King touched on the founding of the European Union, when Europe's choices helped shape a more stable, principled world, highlighting that Jordan's firm belief in the shared values of the three monotheistic religions is rooted in its history and heritage, which drives the Kingdom's national principles of tolerance and mutual respect. His Majesty added that these values are at the heart of the Hashemite Custodianship of Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem, whose historical and multi-religious identity Jordan has vowed to protect from any attack. To read the full speech here.

Germany: We Support the Hashemite Custodianship of the Holy Sites in Jerusalem and Continue Pursuing a Two-State Solution
Germany: We Support the Hashemite Custodianship of the Holy Sites in Jerusalem and Continue Pursuing a Two-State Solution

Jordan News

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • Jordan News

Germany: We Support the Hashemite Custodianship of the Holy Sites in Jerusalem and Continue Pursuing a Two-State Solution

Germany: We Support the Hashemite Custodianship of the Holy Sites in Jerusalem and Continue Pursuing a Two-State Solution On Wednesday, German Foreign Minister Johann David Wadephul emphasized that it is unacceptable for people to die while trying to obtain humanitarian aid for themselves and their families in the Gaza Strip. اضافة اعلان During a joint press conference in Berlin with Jordanian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates Ayman Safadi, he highlighted the necessity of not turning a blind eye to the catastrophic situation in Gaza and the unbearable humanitarian conditions. The German minister praised Jordan's significant efforts to support the humanitarian situation in Gaza. He stressed that a relief system is ready to operate in Gaza and that humanitarian workers must be allowed to carry out their work. Regarding Israeli attacks on Iran, Wadephul stated that Israel's decision to confront the nuclear weapons threat is 'understandable' to him, adding that the Iranian regime must not possess nuclear weapons. 'I condemn the Iranian bombing of Israeli cities and the falling of missiles on them; we are also shocked by the killing of civilians in Tehran,' said the German minister. He added that neighboring countries suffer from Iranian influence through militias supported by the Iranian regime. The minister also spoke about ongoing European contacts—led by Germany, France, and the United Kingdom—with the Iranian foreign minister, during which a clear proposal was presented for a negotiated solution regarding Iran's nuclear program. The German minister explained that the European proposal requires confidence-building measures and clarification from the Iranian leadership that it is not pursuing nuclear weapons. He confirmed his country's support for the Hashemite custodianship of the holy sites in Jerusalem, stressing that it is in Jordan's interest to stabilize the situation in the occupied West Bank. He underscored that the German government's position is clear: Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem constitute the cornerstone of the Palestinian state. Finally, he affirmed that Germany continues to pursue the two-state solution.

King delivers address at European Parliament - Jordan News
King delivers address at European Parliament - Jordan News

Jordan News

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • Jordan News

King delivers address at European Parliament - Jordan News

His Majesty King Abdullah II delivered an address at the European Parliament's headquarters in Strasbourg, France on Tuesday. In the address, His Majesty noted that with Israel expanding its offensive to include Iran, it is now impossible to know where the boundaries of this battle will end, threatening people everywhere. اضافة اعلان The King said that what is happening in Gaza is contrary to international law, moral standards and shared values, especially as violations continue in the West Bank, and the situation is worsening by the day. His Majesty noted that Palestinians deserve the rights to freedom and sovereignty, and to establish their own independent state. The King said the world is experiencing wave after wave of turmoil, becoming "untethered like it has lost its moral gravity", noting that these junctures of history are critical moments that require the world to cling to its values and not abandon them. His Majesty added that true security lies not in the power of armies, but in the power of shared values, and peace imposed by force or fear will never last. The King touched on the founding of the European Union, when Europe's choices helped shape a more stable, principled world, highlighting that Jordan's firm belief in the shared values of the three monotheistic religions is rooted in its history and heritage, which drives the Kingdom's national principles of tolerance and mutual respect. His Majesty added that these values are at the heart of the Hashemite Custodianship of Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem, whose historical and multi-religious identity Jordan has vowed to protect from any attack. Following is the full text of the King's speech: "In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful Madam President, Honourable Members, Your Excellencies, Thank you, all. And it is an honour, as always, to be here to address the European Parliament. My friends: Five years ago, I stood at this podium and spoke of the urgent need to find political solutions to conflicts, to restore confidence in global justice, and help people, especially young people, find hope and opportunity. Since then, multiple political, technological, and economic upheavals have tested our international community. A global pandemic, new security threats, unprecedented technological acceleration, rampant, hyper-charged misinformation, and a raging war in Ukraine, and a cruel one on Gaza, and now, the attacks on Iran, which threaten a dangerous escalation of tensions, in my region and beyond. We are living through wave after wave of disruption, without pause. It is no wonder our world feels untethered like it has lost its moral gravity. Rules are unravelling; truth shifts by the hour, hatred and division thrive, and moderation and universal values are losing ground to ideological extremes. In the chaos, we risk forgetting who we are, and what we stand for. But it is precisely at these junctures of history that we must recommit to our values. Because when the world loses its moral bearings, we lose our shared sense of right and wrong of what is just, and what is cruel. And when that happens, conflict is never far behind. History teaches us that wars are rarely just about territory. They are battles over worldviews over which ideas and ideals will shape our future. And Europe understands that. After World War II, it made a choice: to rebuild not just its cities, but its founding pillars. The people of Europe were determined to leave the past in the past, and build a new era of peace. They chose human dignity over domination, values over vengeance, law over might, cooperation over conflict. In the wake of war, Europe realised that real security does not lie in the strength of armies, but in the strength of shared values, and that peace imposed by force or fear would never last. Equally, you chose to recognise that what you had in common was far greater than what set you apart. Today, so must our global community. We know that disputes and differences are a human reality, that the challenges we face will only get more complex, and that disruptions are the hallmark of our age. But it's how we handle them, and the values we anchor ourselves to that count. Throughout Arab and European history, respect, responsibility, goodwill, and good faith have guided collaborations that led to our mutual good. And they can guide our response to today's challenges as well. Speaking from this podium, and many others in the last two decades, I have sought to shed light on the values we share many rooted in our different faiths, Islam, Christianity, Judaism. The values of compassion, justice, and equality. The moral teachings passed to us over generations that call on us to love our neighbours, to protect children and the innocent, to aid the poor and injured, to care for God's earth, and more. In Jordan, our firm belief in these common values, grounded in our history and heritage, drives our national principles of tolerance and mutual respect. And we are proud to be home to the Baptism Site of Jesus Christ, peace be upon him, at Bethany Beyond the Jordan. Our Muslim country is home to a historic Christian community, and all our citizens share in building our nation. The same call to goodwill lies behind the Hashemite Custodianship of Muslim and Christian Holy Sites in Jerusalem, whose historical and multi-religious identity we have vowed to protect from attack. Indeed, our commitment echoes a promise to the people of Jerusalem made many centuries ago the Pact of Omar ordered Muslims to respect and protect the city's churches and not to harm a priest, nor kill a child, woman, or elder. And a thousand years later, the Geneva Conventions made these tenets universal. Recent events have called them into question. But we must ensure that these values and principles stand the test of time and turmoil. My friends, When I was last in this hall, I shared my conviction that: "There is always a better version of us around every corner." Eighty years ago, you turned that corner, you chose a better Europe, and, for the longest time, the choices you made helped shape a more stable, principled world. Today, that world is in moral decline. A shameful version of our humanity is unfolding before our eyes in real time, and our global values are unravelling at a shocking pace, with devastating consequences. Nowhere is that clearer than in Gaza, a place where the world has stood at countless corners, each an opportunity to become something better, and time after time, it failed to do so. Think back to 2023 the first Israeli attacks and raids on a hospital in Gaza sparked global shock and outrage. Since then, the World Health Organisation has documented nearly 700 attacks on Gaza's healthcare facilities. How is it that what was considered an atrocity just 20 months ago, is now so commonplace it barely registers? What version of our humanity allows the unthinkable to become routine? Permits weaponising famine against children? Normalises the targeting of health workers, journalists, and civilians seeking refuge in camps? Twenty months. That should alarm us all. But not surprise us. Because when our global community fails to bridge the gap between principle and action, when values are not practiced, they become performative, abstract, and expendable. We are at another defining crossroad in our history, one that demands a choice power or principle, the rule of law or the rule of force, decline or renewal. Because that is what's at stake, for everyone. This is not just about Gaza. And it is not just another political moment. It is a struggle over who we are as a global community, and who we will become. This year is likely to be a time of pivotal decisions for our entire world. Europe's leadership will be vital in choosing the right course. And you can count on Jordan as your staunch partner. There are two essential areas for action. First, is supporting development, because a thriving Middle East creates opportunities that benefit us all. But as we have seen time and again, that reality cuts both ways. When hope is diminished, the consequences ripple across borders. Second, is strong, coordinated action to ensure global security. Our mutual security won't be assured until our global community acts, not only to end the three-year war in Ukraine, but also the world's longest and most destructive flashpoint, the eight-decade-long Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Because, my friends, Palestinians, like all people, deserve the rights to freedom, sovereignty, and, yes, statehood. What is happening in Gaza today defies international law, moral standards, and our common values. And we are witnessing transgression after transgression in the West Bank, with the situation worsening by the day. If our global community fails to act decisively, we become complicit in rewriting what it means to be human. Because if Israeli bulldozers continue to illegally demolish Palestinian homes, olive groves, and infrastructure, so too will they flatten the guardrails that define moral conduct. And now with Israel's expansion of its offensive to include Iran, there is no telling where the boundaries of this battleground will end. That, my friends, is a threat to people everywhere. Ultimately, this conflict must end. And the only viable solution is one grounded in a just peace, international law, and mutual recognition. My friends, The path to our better selves cannot be paved by technological advancements, scientific breakthroughs, or political triumphs alone. It is forged by the choices we make, each day, as individuals and as leaders. The path to peace has been walked before. It can be again, if we have the courage to choose it, and the will to walk it together. Thank you." The Jordanian delegation included Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi, Director of the Office of His Majesty Alaa Batayneh, and Jordan's Ambassador to Belgium and Head of Jordan's Mission to the EU Yousef Bataineh.

Opinion - A federal solution: The United States of Palestine
Opinion - A federal solution: The United States of Palestine

Yahoo

time12-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Opinion - A federal solution: The United States of Palestine

As French President Emmanuel Macron tries to revive the same solution that has failed time and time again, the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues. With with no lasting solution in sight, it may be time to revisit a concept both deeply historical and radically pragmatic: the idea that Jordan — long tied to the Palestinian people by geography, identity, governance and religion — should take the lead in shaping a new federal solution for Palestinian self-determination. Few remember today that Jordan was, and in many ways still is, part of historic Palestine. Before the 1921 creation of Transjordan under British supervision, the territory we now call Jordan was understood as part of the larger Palestinian entity — the land between the Mediterranean and the Iraqi desert. Though carved out and handed to a Hashemite emir from the Saudi Hejaz, Jordan has always remained tethered to the Palestinian cause, demographically and spiritually. Today, more than 70 percent of Jordan's population is of Palestinian origin. These Jordanian-Palestinians see themselves not as outsiders but as integrated citizens of the Hashemite state. Their presence has not weakened Jordan's identity — it has enriched it. From Nablus merchants to Jerusalem-born educators, the Palestinian community in Jordan is a cornerstone of the kingdom's civic and economic life. Jordan also has a unique religious and political legitimacy in the region. From 1948 to 1967, it ruled the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and continues to serve as custodian of the Muslim holy sites there, by international agreement. No other government — not the Palestinian Authority, nor Hamas, nor any regional actor — holds that trust. Unlike the divided and often dysfunctional Palestinian political bodies in Gaza and the West Bank, the Hashemite Kingdom has maintained 100 years of strong, stable governance. It has proven its ability to rule justly, suppress extremism and maintain strategic alignment with Western interests. Amman is a loyal U.S. and NATO partner. It has withstood the storms of Arab nationalism, Islamist extremism, regional war and refugee crises — all while keeping its institutions intact and its society relatively moderate and open. In contrast, every attempt at Palestinian self-rule — from the Palestine Liberation Organization's early years through the current Hamas-Fatah split — has ended in disappointment. Palestinian leadership has, at various times, aligned with morally and strategically disastrous actors: the Nazis during World War II, the Soviet bloc during the Cold War, and Saddam Hussein in the 1990s. Internal corruption, repression and a reckless embrace of violence have robbed generations of Palestinians of the chance to live in peace and dignity. It is time to imagine something better: a federal model in which Jordan assumes sovereign oversight of the United States of Palestine. Under this model, Jordan would recognize and integrate several Palestinian states or provinces into a federated structure. Inside current Jordanian borders, three to four states would be formed, each with local state control and democratic representation. The Palestinian-ruled areas in the West Bank would become another state. Gaza, currently caught between Hamas and the Israeli Defence Forces, would form yet another. All of these would retain autonomy over education, internal policing and local governance, while reporting back to a federal authority in Amman — itself restructured to reflect shared governance between the different states. This model may sound unprecedented in the Middle East, but it is not so different from the federal system of the United Arab Emirates or that of the United States. Just as Alaska and Hawaii — non-contiguous and culturally distinct — are integral parts of the American union, so too could a Palestinian West Bank and Gaza remain part of a wider Jordanian federation. Amman would act as the political capital, whilst managing Jerusalem's Islamic holy sites on behalf of all Muslims — a responsibility it already holds with international consent. The Hashemite family would remain the ruling monarchy but the prime minister would be chosen by popular vote by the states. This is almost identical to the United Kingdom, in which the Windsor family are the ruling monarchy but the prime minister is chosen by popular vote by the citizens of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Island. The benefits could be profound. First, dissent within Jordan would be channeled into structured political representation. Palestinian-Jordanians would no longer be torn between their heritage and their passports — they would be empowered stakeholders in a shared, sovereign future. Second, Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza would gain credible, experienced governance. Jordan's bureaucracy, civil service and military are among the most respected in the Arab world. Corruption would fall; investor confidence would rise. With Jordanian oversight, Palestinian autonomy would no longer mean instability and isolation. Third, Israel would gain a reliable partner on its eastern and southern borders — one that has a proven record of rejecting terrorism, maintaining peace agreements, and safeguarding regional stability. This would allow Israel to manage its borders securely while supporting genuine Palestinian self-rule under a legitimate and moderate umbrella. Finally, the broader region and the West — especially the United States — would benefit from an end to one of the world's most polarizing and destabilizing conflicts. Domestic political pressures would ease. Radical groups would lose their most powerful propaganda tool. And a long-elusive dream — a real solution for the Palestinians — would finally emerge. Of course, such a vision would require bold diplomacy, careful constitutional design, and broad popular buy-in from Palestinians, Jordanians and Israelis alike. But the alternative — endless stalemate, fractured governance and cycles of violence — is far worse. A century after the fall of Ottoman rule, the time has come for an old-new vision of federal statehood — one rooted not in slogans or fantasies but in history, practicality and hope. Terry Newman is an entrepreneur and investor who works throughout the Middle East. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

A federal solution: The United States of Palestine
A federal solution: The United States of Palestine

The Hill

time12-06-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hill

A federal solution: The United States of Palestine

As French President Emmanuel Macron tries to revive the same solution that has failed time and time again, the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues. With with no lasting solution in sight, it may be time to revisit a concept both deeply historical and radically pragmatic: the idea that Jordan — long tied to the Palestinian people by geography, identity, governance and religion — should take the lead in shaping a new federal solution for Palestinian self-determination. Few remember today that Jordan was, and in many ways still is, part of historic Palestine. Before the 1921 creation of Transjordan under British supervision, the territory we now call Jordan was understood as part of the larger Palestinian entity — the land between the Mediterranean and the Iraqi desert. Though carved out and handed to a Hashemite emir from the Saudi Hejaz, Jordan has always remained tethered to the Palestinian cause, demographically and spiritually. Today, more than 70 percent of Jordan's population is of Palestinian origin. These Jordanian-Palestinians see themselves not as outsiders but as integrated citizens of the Hashemite state. Their presence has not weakened Jordan's identity — it has enriched it. From Nablus merchants to Jerusalem-born educators, the Palestinian community in Jordan is a cornerstone of the kingdom's civic and economic life. Jordan also has a unique religious and political legitimacy in the region. From 1948 to 1967, it ruled the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and continues to serve as custodian of the Muslim holy sites there, by international agreement. No other government — not the Palestinian Authority, nor Hamas, nor any regional actor — holds that trust. Unlike the divided and often dysfunctional Palestinian political bodies in Gaza and the West Bank, the Hashemite Kingdom has maintained 100 years of strong, stable governance. It has proven its ability to rule justly, suppress extremism and maintain strategic alignment with Western interests. Amman is a loyal U.S. and NATO partner. It has withstood the storms of Arab nationalism, Islamist extremism, regional war and refugee crises — all while keeping its institutions intact and its society relatively moderate and open. In contrast, every attempt at Palestinian self-rule — from the Palestine Liberation Organization's early years through the current Hamas-Fatah split — has ended in disappointment. Palestinian leadership has, at various times, aligned with morally and strategically disastrous actors: the Nazis during World War II, the Soviet bloc during the Cold War, and Saddam Hussein in the 1990s. Internal corruption, repression and a reckless embrace of violence have robbed generations of Palestinians of the chance to live in peace and dignity. It is time to imagine something better: a federal model in which Jordan assumes sovereign oversight of the United States of Palestine. Under this model, Jordan would recognize and integrate several Palestinian states or provinces into a federated structure. Inside current Jordanian borders, three to four states would be formed, each with local state control and democratic representation. The Palestinian-ruled areas in the West Bank would become another state. Gaza, currently caught between Hamas and the Israeli Defence Forces, would form yet another. All of these would retain autonomy over education, internal policing and local governance, while reporting back to a federal authority in Amman — itself restructured to reflect shared governance between the different states. This model may sound unprecedented in the Middle East, but it is not so different from the federal system of the United Arab Emirates or that of the United States. Just as Alaska and Hawaii — non-contiguous and culturally distinct — are integral parts of the American union, so too could a Palestinian West Bank and Gaza remain part of a wider Jordanian federation. Amman would act as the political capital, whilst managing Jerusalem's Islamic holy sites on behalf of all Muslims — a responsibility it already holds with international consent. The Hashemite family would remain the ruling monarchy but the prime minister would be chosen by popular vote by the states. This is almost identical to the United Kingdom, in which the Windsor family are the ruling monarchy but the prime minister is chosen by popular vote by the citizens of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Island. The benefits could be profound. First, dissent within Jordan would be channeled into structured political representation. Palestinian-Jordanians would no longer be torn between their heritage and their passports — they would be empowered stakeholders in a shared, sovereign future. Second, Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza would gain credible, experienced governance. Jordan's bureaucracy, civil service and military are among the most respected in the Arab world. Corruption would fall; investor confidence would rise. With Jordanian oversight, Palestinian autonomy would no longer mean instability and isolation. Third, Israel would gain a reliable partner on its eastern and southern borders — one that has a proven record of rejecting terrorism, maintaining peace agreements, and safeguarding regional stability. This would allow Israel to manage its borders securely while supporting genuine Palestinian self-rule under a legitimate and moderate umbrella. Finally, the broader region and the West — especially the United States — would benefit from an end to one of the world's most polarizing and destabilizing conflicts. Domestic political pressures would ease. Radical groups would lose their most powerful propaganda tool. And a long-elusive dream — a real solution for the Palestinians — would finally emerge. Of course, such a vision would require bold diplomacy, careful constitutional design, and broad popular buy-in from Palestinians, Jordanians and Israelis alike. But the alternative — endless stalemate, fractured governance and cycles of violence — is far worse. A century after the fall of Ottoman rule, the time has come for an old-new vision of federal statehood — one rooted not in slogans or fantasies but in history, practicality and hope. Terry Newman is an entrepreneur and investor who works throughout the Middle East.

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