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Hindustan Times
9 hours ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
Fortress America: India's gateway to global innovation
Donald Trump's return to the White House has reignited familiar fires: nationalist trade wars, stricter immigration, and a cold shoulder to international students and tech collaboration. But beneath the surface of this hardline resurgence lies a quiet irony—by closing its doors, America may be opening new ones elsewhere. For India, this is not just an economic opportunity. It's a strategic moment to step into the vacuum and shape the next wave of global innovation. President Trump's administration has wasted no time reviving key pillars of his earlier term. America First has been rebranded with more teeth; targeted tariffs, especially against Chinese goods, are rising again. Restrictions on H-1B and student visas have returned with greater stringency. And a more aggressive tech decoupling policy is cutting Chinese companies out of critical supply chains, export channels, and research collaborations. The implications are profound. The US, long considered the epicentre of global talent and innovation, now seems poised to push some of that talent away. Already, we are seeing signals of a shift. Canada, Europe, Australia, and even Southeast Asian nations are wooing researchers, startups, and students displaced by the US's policies. The idea of a multipolar innovation ecosystem—where talent circulates more freely between regional hubs—is gaining momentum. Could this shift be a setback for America? Certainly. But for countries willing to build infrastructure, offer opportunity, and remain open, it is a moment of rare global realignment. India finds itself at the right place, with the right potential and if it plays wisely, with the right timing. First, consider talent. Tighter US visa policies could slow the brain drain. Thousands of engineers, researchers, and students who would have flocked to American universities or Silicon Valley may now look for alternatives. If India can offer a stable, aspirational home for research and entrepreneurship, many may choose to stay or return. Second, consider higher education. American universities are becoming less accessible for international students. India, already one of the largest sources of global student migration, has an opportunity to strengthen its domestic institutions and build international collaborations. NEP 2020's push to allow foreign universities in India and encourage global partnerships is suddenly more relevant than ever. Third, technology. The decoupling from China has created demand for trustworthy, democratic partners in semiconductors, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and electronics. India's production-linked incentive (PLI) schemes, partnerships with Taiwan and Japan, and its growing digital public infrastructure can position it as a serious alternative manufacturing and innovation hub. Fourth, investment. Global capital is seeking new homes away from the geopolitical crossfire. India, especially with its demographic dividend, maturing startup ecosystem, and digital scale, could attract investors once bound for the US-China corridor. If India is to seize this moment, it must focus strategically. Areas with the highest potential include: None of this will happen by default. India must act decisively and deliberately. That means: This is a moment to reform not just policy but mindset. It is about treating innovation as a national security and development imperative, not just a private enterprise playground. Trump's America may be looking inward, but the world is still looking for partners, collaborators, and leaders. India—young, ambitious, and increasingly digitally integrated—has the chance to answer that call. If we miss it, we may not get another chance like this in decades. If we rise to it, we won't just benefit from America's retreat. We will lead where others step back. This article is authored by Ananya Raj Kakoti, scholar, international relations, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
The Hindu
12 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Indian students and the death of the American Dream
Kabir has spent the past few months running. Every morning, before the California sun begins to glare on the cracked sidewalks, he slips on his shoes and bolts out the door. The run, he says, is what keeps him sane. 'It's the only time I can make a plan. What to say to the lawyer. Which papers to organise. Who to call for help.' How not to fall apart. Kabir (name changed on request), who had arrived from Pune to study at the University of California, had his student visa revoked along with thousands of others across the country. The email had come without warning. It had given him no time to prepare. Just a sudden vanishing of the ground beneath his feet. He hasn't stopped running since. 'I got this news on April 2, just a day after Eid. I had wanted to go home, but couldn't in these circumstances,' he says. And now, it may be a long while before he can. His Eid kurta and suit are still on the hanger, waiting to be worn. His apartment still carries the remnants of a celebration that didn't last. A few half-deflated balloons cling to the ceiling — a bittersweet memory, as just a few days before his visa revocation, he had won the H-1B lottery (a random selection process by which a limited number of H-1B visas are allotted every year). In the weeks that followed, Kabir's days became a blur — mornings on the pavement, afternoons in legal and immigration offices, evenings in community centres where other students like him sat huddled on plastic chairs, comparing legal notes, wondering what they had done wrong. Each time, the same questions, the same uncertainty, hung like static in the air. 'I run, I walk, I travel. Anything to escape my thoughts,' says Kabir. And yet, they are everywhere. In the faces of the other students who are caught in the same dragnet. In a mural stretched across a wall in Los Angeles that says, 'My brother and I are my parents' American Dream.' In the eye of the storm Kabir's story is not his alone. Thousands like Kabir have been left in limbo, their futures upended by the shifting tides of immigration law and political mood in the United States. In March, the Trump administration announced that it was cancelling $400 million in federal funding for Columbia University 'due to the school's continued inaction in the face of persistent harassment of Jewish students' and other alleged violations. Similar action was also directed against other Ivy League institutions such as Cornell, UPenn, Harvard, Brown, and Princeton. More than 1,800 students from nearly 250 colleges in the U.S. have had their visas revoked and their SEVIS records terminated without notice or due process. The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates that 50% of those affected are from India. 'We are seeing many Indian students being targeted: Megha Vemuri and Prahlad Iyengar of MIT, Ranjani Srinivasan of Columbia, Badar Khan Suri of Georgetown University. This has had a chilling effect on the psyche of Indian students. They are carrying passports from the dorm to the classroom, which is not something typical. They are having conversations around what to do if ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] shows up on campus,' says Akil Kasubhai, an alumnus of the University of Michigan and co-president of SAATH, a community that empowers South Asian youth to drive political change. What began as visa revocations of students who participated in or supported pro-Palestine protests had metastasised by April. Suddenly, hundreds of international students had their visas revoked. Denying student visas based on social media vetting is the latest step in this quickly unravelling saga. Rohan Soni, an alumnus of Columbia University and co-president of SAATH, says it is unfortunate that Indian students are targeted when they really just want to focus on their education. 'Most Indian students are quite reserved when it comes to politics. They keep a low profile so that they can get their degrees, join the workforce, and make a better life for themselves,' he says. 'We are seeing many Indian students being targeted. This has had a chilling effect on their psyche. They are going from dorm to classroom carrying their passports.'Akil KasubhaiUniversity of Michigan alumnus and co-president of SAATH A larger ideological campaign The Trump administration's move to ban international students has been unfolding alongside a systematic rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programmes across the country. In January 2025, an executive order directed all federally funded institutions to terminate all race- or gender-based diversity programmes, claiming they were in violation of meritocratic ideals and civil rights law. Soon after the order, the Department of Education launched investigations into 45 colleges for 'race-exclusionary practices'. The Department of Homeland Security also imposed stricter limitations on student visas: narrower Optional Practical Training (OPT) eligibility, intensive background checks, and increased scrutiny of STEM graduates, most of whom are from countries like India and China. Solidarity with Harvard The cloudy skies on Harvard's graduation day on May 29 were not new for Boston summer. But the bright blue globes held against the darkening sky were. These globes belonged to Harvard graduates who had raised them as a sign of solidarity with the international student body at the institution. Alan Garber, president of Harvard, echoed the sentiment as he opened his speech: 'To the class of 2025, from down the street, across the country, and around the world. Around the world — just as it should be.' As his words drew a standing ovation, just eight kilometres away, a judge was working to extend a court order allowing Harvard to enrol international students. Only a week earlier, on May 22, the Department of Homeland Security had revoked that ability. This had come on the heels of billions frozen in funding by the government and threats to strip Harvard of accreditation and tax-exempt status. The administration cited concerns over campus activism and alleged antisemitism. Even as Harvard fought back, arguing that these were retaliatory moves undermining institutional autonomy and academic freedom, Trump issued another proclamation on June 4 barring Harvard-bound international students for six months. This time, when the federal judge granted a temporary restraining order to halt enforcement, she also acknowledged 'immediate and irreparable injury' — a phrase that is more than just legalese for the thousands of international students caught in the dragnet. According to the Community Explainer by the South Asian American Policy Working Group, a network of organisations that address policy issues affecting South Asian communities, 'More than 1,800 students from nearly 250 colleges have had their visas revoked and their SEVIS records terminated without notice or due process. Only about half of them received actual notice of their visa revocations, so many might not even be aware of their visa termination.' SEVIS, or the Student and Exchange Visitor Information System, maintained by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, keeps an electronic record of the immigration status of international students and exchange visitors. 'A lot of students got nervous and self-deported. Who knows when they will be able to come back now. At the same time, there are others who are not leaving the U.S. for that very reason. It is a double-edged sword. They are afraid to go, they are afraid to stay.'Sonjui KumarChair of Board, Asian Americans Advancing Justice (one of the organisations advocating for students' rights in Georgia) Indian students have been hit the hardest All these changes in the past few months, however, have not impacted all international students equally. Indian students, the largest single group of foreign students in the United States, have been hit especially hard. The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates that 50% of those affected are from India. In this climate of uncertainty, international students find themselves in the crosshairs. Kabir says there was no explanation given when his visa was revoked. 'We were left to guess what the issue could be.' In some cases, visas were revoked because of a late fee payment, a long-forgotten speeding ticket, or an old address not updated in time. He remembers one Indian student who had his visa revoked because of a fine for catching the wrong-sized fish. 'The most serious infraction by an Indian student that I came across was a DUI [driving under the influence],' says Kabir. Normally, minor infractions don't result in visa revocation, according to Atlanta-based Sarah Hawk, Partner & Chair of Immigration and Global Mobility at Barnes & Thornburg, a business law firm. In the case of these students, often the infractions happened a long time ago and were never proven. 'South Asians, of whom Indians are the largest number, tend to be more racially profiled,' says Kalpana V. Peddibhotla, Executive Director of California-based South Asian American Justice Collaborative. 'One of my clients, an Indian student, was once arrested on false allegations by a security officer at the mall. The police officer who arrested him found no evidence of wrongdoing. Yet, this student, who went on to graduate and do his OPT training, suddenly had his visa revoked after all these years. It has cost him his entire career, just as it is costing so many other students the same way,' she adds. These crackdowns have also raised concerns about surveillance and due process. Suneeta Dewan, a New York-based immigration lawyer, says that social media vetting has left most students confused. 'It's very random, very arbitrary. Students are worried and are asking if they should self-deport. They don't know what could get them into trouble.' Kabir says he has not met any of the students whose visas were revoked because of social media posts. 'People say they have gone underground.' In this atmosphere, for Kabir and other Indian students, even running everyday errands has turned into an act of vigilance. Every time they are outside and see a police car, someone always jokes, 'Hey, is that ICE?' And then they all go quiet. 'This is being used not necessarily to vet out security threats, but to enforce an agenda of reducing the number of international students from India,' says Peddibhotla. Susan Kerley, therapist and Clinical Director at Marietta Counseling for Children and Adults, Georgia, warns of life-altering trauma to students. 'Imagine going through this as a young adult in a foreign country where you no longer know whom or what you can trust. The changing rules have created uncertainty, stress, and anxiety. The students haven't changed; the rules have. It is disempowering,' she says. 'I would encourage students to think of the history of visa — who is included and who is excluded in these parameters. I think of this as an opportunity to understand our relationship to history and to the civil rights movement .'Swati BakreMentor, The Family Institute at Northwestern University Legal battlegrounds Some students are actively resisting civil rights rollbacks. Nationwide, they have filed over 65 lawsuits, of which they have secured temporary relief in 35. In Georgia, for instance, 133 students had their visas reinstated. Kabir is one of the students who got his visa reinstated in California. 'It happened out of the blue. They said there had been a mistake.' He is still reeling from the impact of what had happened. 'I was getting ready to leave the country. I had discussed who would take on my house sublease, who would get my furniture, who would take care of my plants. It was just a matter of boarding a flight,' he says. But the struggle is far from over. 'I can't leave the U.S. for now,' says Kabir. Once a visa is revoked, even reinstatement does not guarantee re-entry. 'Even though the courts have addressed the issue in some cases where the visas were revoked, if you have a student visa that was cancelled, you can't leave and then come back,' says Nisha Karnani, Partner at Georgia-based Antonini & Cohen Immigration Law Group. Kabir says there are many who did not get their visa reinstated. They packed in a hurry, booked the cheapest flight home, and were gone, leaving behind their hard work, their dreams, their investment. Hawk's business client had someone on a student visa who had his status revoked and had to leave for India. Later, he received a notification that they had made a mistake. But the damage had already been done. 'Now he has to get another visa appointment and a visa stamp for F-1 to enter,' she says. 'South Asians, of whom Indians are the largest number, tend to be more racially profiled. This (the crackdown) is being used not necessarily to vet out security threats, but to enforce an agenda of reducing the number of international students from India.'Kalpana V. PeddibhotlaExecutive Director of California-based South Asian American Justice Collaborative American Dream no more? At over 27% — 4.2 lakh in total — Indians form the largest group of international students in the U.S., as per a 2024 report by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Following the upheavals in the system, however, the picture seems to be changing dramatically. 'I ran an analysis that compares SEVIS data from March 2024 and March 2025. The most dramatic shift is the 27.9% decline in Indian students,' writes Chris R. Glass, Professor of Practice in the Department of Educational Leadership and Higher Education at Boston College, on his Substack. That's almost one lakh fewer Indian students who have chosen the U.S. as their education destination in 2025. 'There is a massive shift in the mentality of international students; they feel less comfortable coming to the U.S.,' says Soni of SAATH. As Indians look to other countries for higher education opportunities, it's not just a loss for students but also for the United States. 'International students boost the U.S. economy,' reminds immigration attorney Karnani. According to College Board, a 120-year-old U.S.-based non-profit that pioneered the SAT and AP tests, the average tuition and fees for an undergraduate student are $30,780 in public institutions and $43,350 in private institutions, not including the standard cost of living of $10,000-$25,000 per year. During the 2023-24 school year, 1.1 million international students contributed nearly $44 billion to the U.S. economy, as per NAFSA: Association of International Educators. At 27%, Indian students contributed almost $12 billion to that amount. Not only do the students bring in money, they also produce some of their best work here. 'International students are a huge part of industry and innovation in the country,' says Kesubhai. Emerging as new favourites among Indian students are France, New Zealand, Germany, Bangladesh, Russia, Ireland, and Uzbekistan, according to a report by Arpan Tulsyan, Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation. She writes, 'For Indian middle-class families, sending a child to the U.S. involves several years of savings — with costs ranging between ₹3.5 million and ₹5 million annually. Any uncertainty for visa approval or the work authorisation process turns U.S. education into a high-risk investment, significantly altering the family's cost-benefit analysis.' Learnings from a crisis The visa ban may be legally contested, but the intent behind it lingers as the aftershock of a political earthquake. Swati Bakre is a trauma-informed clinician. She is also an educator and mentor at The Family Institute of Northwestern University. She says, 'I would encourage students to think of the history of visa — who is included and who is excluded in these parameters. I think of this as an opportunity to understand our relationship to history and to the civil rights movement because the present moment does not stand in isolation from the past.' For international students, their futures are held hostage to an ideological war they did not start. A war that is no longer just about policy. It is about who gets to belong. Who gets to learn. Who gets to dream in a language not their own. It is also about the purpose of education in America and whether institutions like Harvard can continue to be spaces for freedom, debate, and plurality in a time when those very ideals are being recast as threats. Bakre says, 'I would like to validate the anxiety that these students are feeling. But I would also ask them to take perspective, realign, and think of the best way to make an impact in this world. This crisis could be an opportunity for them to be really conscious of what they want to do and why, what they are looking for from an education in the U.S., and whether their goals are being met in this environment.' Kabir says his mother breaks down on every phone call. 'My family background is in the Indian Navy. I get support from my brother and father. But it's hard for my mother. My nephews and nieces also tell me, 'Come home, Chachu'.' But it will be a while before Kabir can come home to his family. In this environment, the waiting room has shifted. It is no longer outside the U.S. embassy in Delhi or beneath the blinking screens at JFK International Airport. It now resides inside the body. Indian students in the United States know this space well. It follows them from campus hallways to summer sublets. They wait. For visa reinstatements. For legal appointments. For someone in the administration to see them not as a number but as a name. They wait to be home as they dream of an Indian summer while being stuck on American soil. They wait for mango season and for a world that will let them taste it. The writer is a USC Annenberg Fellow for Writing and Community Storytelling, and deputy editor of the U.S.-based Khabar magazine.
The Hindu
2 days ago
- Business
- The Hindu
Resetting the India-U.S. partnership in uncertain times
Just a few months ago, India and the United States appeared poised to deepen what had been described as the defining partnership of the 21st century. Prime Minister Modi had met President Donald Trump early in his second term. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was present at the inauguration. There was bipartisan goodwill in Washington and strategic optimism in New Delhi. The relationship seemed to rest not on convenience, but on a grander wager: shared democratic values, converging geopolitical interests, and a mutual ambition to shape the emerging world order. A drift that is serious Today, however, there is growing unease in New Delhi. Not a rupture, but a perceptible drift; subtle yet serious. A series of tactical and rhetorical signals from Washington suggest a partnership at risk of being undermined by volatility, policy incoherence, and a disconcerting return to older habits of mind. The sense of strategic convergence is dimming. In this context, Mr. Trump's decision to host a lunch on June 18 for Field Marshal Asim Munir, the chief architect of Pakistan's praetorian politics and sectarian rhetoric, has sent a disquieting signal to India, not least because it blurs the line between counter-terrorism partnership and political expediency. This drift, however, is not irreversible. The structural logic of the partnership remains robust. What is required now is a reset, not of fundamentals, but of tone, clarity, and mutual commitment. Several recent developments have triggered India's discomfort. Perhaps most jarring has been the return of outdated 'hyphenation': treating India and Pakistan as equivalent strategic concerns. In the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, Mr. Trump spoke of India and Pakistan in the same breath, offered mediation on Kashmir, and warned of nuclear escalation. For Indian policymakers who have invested years in decoupling India's rise from the India-Pakistan binary, such language was diplomatically regressive. On the economic front, signals have been equally disconcerting. Even as Mr. Trump announced that 'our deal with China is done', he reportedly discouraged Apple's CEO from expanding manufacturing in India; warning that companies that 'go to India' may face difficulties in accessing the U.S. market. For Indian officials advancing a 'China-plus-one' strategy and projecting India as a manufacturing hub, the message was undermining. Immigration policy, too, has become a point of friction. The H-1B visa regime, long a cornerstone of India-U.S. technological cooperation, now appears vulnerable to political posturing and protectionist rhetoric. The consequences risk fraying the connective tissue that binds Silicon Valley to Indian innovation ecosystems. Most concerning is the apparent warming in Washington's approach toward Pakistan. When the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) Commander, General Michael Kurilla, described Pakistan as a 'phenomenal partner' in counterterrorism, it represented an extraordinary characterisation of an institution long associated with nurturing cross-border terrorism. Why is this drift occurring? First, the Trump administration's transactional approach places short-term gain over long-term alignment. India's strategic culture — patient, layered, and civilisational — sits uncomfortably with Washington's preference for the quick deal. The American impulse to monetise diplomacy can often jar with India's more strategic-based lens on geopolitics. In addition, Mr. Trump's diplomatic style remains as intriguing as ever: part showman, part salesman, and unpredictable. He may dazzle one moment and denounce the next, making it difficult for partners, even the closest, to navigate the terrain of trust and expectation. Second, a segment of the U.S. national security establishment continues to view Pakistan as a familiar, if flawed, partner, especially in the context of Afghanistan and counterterrorism. Despite a history of duplicity, there remains a deep-seated nostalgia for the 'known devil', whose strategic utility, however diminished, is still overstated. Meanwhile, India's strategic autonomy is often misconstrued as fence-sitting rather than a principled assertion of sovereignty. Third, structural asymmetries in influence and communication persist. India's rise is real, but its institutional footprint in Washington lags behind its ambitions. This is reflected in a troubling misunderstanding of India's strategic intentions. Critics such as Ashley Tellis argue that India suffers from 'great-power delusions' and that the relationship falters because India's ambitions outstrip its capabilities. This diagnosis is flawed. India does not suffer from delusions of grandeur; it suffers from the patient weight of becoming. Its desire to chart an independent course reflects not confusion but strategic clarity shaped by history and sovereignty. The real risk lies not in India's aspirations but in Washington's impatience with partners who do not mirror American methods or priorities. India must take the lead What then must be done? Both countries must act decisively to prevent further drift. India should not overreact. Tactical irritants must not obscure deeper strategic alignment. Defence cooperation, Quad initiatives, intelligence sharing, and convergent interests from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific remain strong foundations. But dramatic responses will only exacerbate misunderstanding. Quiet, persistent, and calibrated diplomacy must remain the preferred method. India should broaden and deepen its engagement in Washington beyond traditional diplomacy, leveraging Congress, policy think tanks, and Indian American diaspora as vectors of strategic advocacy. Domestically, India must accelerate internal economic reforms, not to satisfy any foreign expectations but to reinforce the logic of investment, manufacturing, and long-term confidence. Regulatory clarity and infrastructure modernisation remain the best arguments for India as a global production hub. On the trade front, officials on both sides are cautiously exploring a modest but meaningful bilateral arrangement before the July 9 deadline. Immigration concerns must be reframed as shared opportunities. The H-1B regime is not a concession to India, but an instrument of mutual innovation. The movement of skilled talent, the collaborative ecosystems of tech entrepreneurship, and the potential for co-creating the next generation of frontier technologies should be at the centre of the India-U.S. conversation. The need to rediscover the basis of ties For the U.S., the burden is equally significant. Washington must abandon Cold War framings and recognise that treating Indian manufacturing and talent mobility as threats is self-defeating. If the Indo-Pacific strategy is to endure, it must be matched by concrete investments in India's regional capacity-building initiatives. More fundamentally, both countries must rediscover the moral purpose of their partnership. This is not merely about balancing China or accessing markets. At its best, the India-U.S. relationship is about shaping a democratic, pluralist, and rules-based world order. The arc of India-U.S. relations has never been linear. In 1998, after the Pokhran tests, who could have imagined the level of alignment achieved just a decade later? By 2005, the two countries had stunned the world with the landmark civil nuclear agreement: an audacious act of strategic trust that rewrote the rules of global diplomacy. That moment reminds us of what is possible when political courage meets mutual respect. As U.S. President Bush once said, 'The world will see what two great democracies can do when they trust each other.' It is precisely that spirit we must summon again today. As this writer wrote in the introduction to Engaged Democracies (co-edited, more than two decades ago), the 'real test of the partnership is not how it behaves in moments of celebration, but how it endures in times of stress'. The question then is not, as Walter Russell Mead provocatively asked recently, will Trump lose India? The better question is: will both countries squander a generational opportunity to build a democratic concert in Asia? The answer must be no. This turbulence should serve not as an epitaph, but as a summons to renewal. If clarity, commitment, and candour return to the conversation, the arc of the India-U.S. relationship can still bend — not just toward engagement, but toward enduring partnership and, perhaps once again, toward history-making trust. Amitabh Mattoo is Professor and Dean, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. He has served on India's National Security Council Advisory Board
Time of India
2 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
Republican political strategist Gavin Wax wants Silicon Valley jobs to be legally reserved for Americans; says: it's a matter of ….
Republican political strategist Gavin Wax has sparked fierce online debate after declaring that Silicon Valley jobs should be "legally reserved for US citizens," calling the tech hub a "strategic national asset" whose workforce poses potential national security risks when dominated by foreign workers. Wax, former president of the New York Young Republicans and recently appointed chief of staff to FCC Commissioner Nathan Simington, made the controversial statement amid ongoing tensions over the H-1B visa program that allows skilled foreign workers to take American jobs . The debate reflects broader tensions within conservative circles over immigration policy . While national-security-focused conservatives like Wax advocate for restricting foreign workers, tech advocates including Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy have defended H-1B visas as essential for maintaining America's competitive edge. Critics question Wax's understanding of Silicon Valley demographics Social media users quickly challenged Wax's proposal, pointing out that foreign-born workers comprise 60-70% of Silicon Valley's tech workforce . "Tell me you've never stepped foot in the valley without telling me you've never stepped foot in the valley," one user commented. Another quipped, "If that would be the case, Silicon Valley would be called a Stupid Valley." Users countered Wax's argument by listing prominent immigrant entrepreneurs: "Steve Jobs: son of a Syrian immigrant. Jeff Bezos: father is a Cuban immigrant. Sergey Brin: Soviet immigrant, born in Moscow. Jensen Huang: Taiwanese immigrant. Elon Musk: South African immigrant." One commenter noted the irony that such a policy "would have kept Canadian Elon Musk out," adding that "American policy is to hire the best." One critic drew parallels to diversity policies, arguing, "If you're only allowing US citizens, that's no better than DEI and fast tracking mediocrity," suggesting that merit-based hiring regardless of origin should be the priority. Another user questioned whether limiting talent pools would "cripple your strategic assets," noting that America appeared "currently good at that." Elon Musk came in support of H-1B visa earlier, said its important for the US Musk, who himself migrated from South Africa on an H-1B visa, recently called the system "broken" but argued it could be "easily fixed" by raising minimum salaries and adding yearly costs to make overseas hiring more expensive than domestic recruitment. Ramaswamy echoed support for elite talent importation, arguing that American culture has celebrated "mediocrity over excellence." The internal MAGA dispute escalated when Musk warned of a " MAGA civil war " and vowed to "go to war" on the H-1B issue, while Trump ultimately sided with the tech leaders, telling The New York Post he was "a believer in H-1B" and had "used it many times." Recent USCIS data shows 2026 H-1B applications at their lowest levels, though MAGA activists remain disappointed that the Trump administration hasn't completely halted the program. Trump himself has recently expressed support for allowing foreign students to work in America after graduation, including those from China. Wax's appointment to the FCC earlier this year marked a significant shift toward more aggressive conservative policy positions within the commission, aligning with Chairman Brendan Carr's combative approach to tech regulation and content moderation issues. AI Masterclass for Students. Upskill Young Ones Today!– Join Now
Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
Fired from your job? Here's what thousands of H-1B workers can do
The immigrant employee post-termination guide has been shifted to the digital archives of the United States Citizenship and Immigration Service (USCIS) which suggests that even though it may no longer be applicable in the same manner, it's still available to refer to those recently fired from their jobs. When a non-immigrant worker's employment ends, either by choice or force, they typically either become beneficiaries of a nonfrivolous petition to change employer or file an application for change of nonimmigrant status, adjustment of status, or a 'compelling circumstances' employment authorization document. ALSO READ| What is USCIS's new policy for green card applicants starting from 11 June? Here's a rundown One of these actions is required to be taken during the 60-day grace period extended to recently unemployed nonimmigrants and is usually calculated based on the last day a salary or wage is paid. Failure to take any action during this period can result in a person being forced to leave the country either once the period ends or on their authorization date, whichever option is closer. The grace period is usually provided to help beneficiaries look for suitable alternative employment or allow their spouses to continue their job roles if they carry an Employment Authorization Document or are employment-authorized incident to status. H-1B visa holders caught up in such a situation can start their new job role as soon as their employer files Form I-129, rather than waiting for it to be approved. However, those filing for jobs in different classifications need to wait for approval which takes less than 15 business days to come through. Those under the grace period are not permitted to leave the country. Failure to comply may require them to seek a new immigration status for re-entry. In the circumstance of a non-immigrant worker being outside the country at a time when the notice period has ended, the grace period is no longer applicable. If the person returns before the lapse of their notice period, a discretionary grace period may be provided. Students in the US on a 24-month Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) OPT cannot acquire more than 150 days of unemployment during this period, including the post-completion phase and 24-month extension. Those on an F-1 visa cannot acquire more than 90 days of unemployment during post-completion of OPT since their visa status is attached to their employment. ALSO READ| Demand for H1-B visa continues, USCIS receives over 3.5 lakh registrations in FY26 The 60-day grace period is only applicable to those holding E-1, E-2, E-3, H-1B, H-1B1, L-1, O-1, or TN classifications (and their dependents).
