Latest news with #Greek
Toronto Star
29 minutes ago
- Toronto Star
10 years after Europe's migration crisis, the fallout reverberates in Greece and beyond
LESBOS, Greece (AP) — Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies. Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, ''I'm Greek.''
Winnipeg Free Press
31 minutes ago
- Politics
- Winnipeg Free Press
10 years after Europe's migration crisis, the fallout reverberates in Greece and beyond
LESBOS, Greece (AP) — Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies. Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, ''I'm Greek.'' 'Greece is close to my culture, and I feel good here,' Namjoyan said. 'I am proud of myself.' In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Turkey. The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond. For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens. Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union. For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are needed. Critics say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values. 'Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn't use to be before 2015,' said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. 'We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.' A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations. 'You would look at them and think of them as your own children,' said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes. From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one. Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces. EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc's unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder. Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes. Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex. That hasn't stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party's ministers over migration policy. In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time. A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people. Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges. Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind. 'We don't believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,' said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos' capital, Mytilene. 'We're against it, and I believe that's the prevailing sentiment in our community.' A focus on border security For most of Europe, migration efforts focus on border security and surveillance. The European Commission this year greenlighted the creation of 'return' hubs — a euphemism for deportation centers — for rejected asylum seekers. Italy has sent unwanted migrants to its centers in Albania, even as that faces legal challenges. Governments have resumed building walls and boosting surveillance in ways unseen since the Cold War. In 2015, Frontex was a small administrative office in Warsaw. Now, it's the EU's biggest agency, with 10,000 armed border guards, helicopters, drones and an annual budget of over 1 billion euros. On other issues of migration — reception, asylum and integration, for example — EU nations are largely divided. The legacy of Lesbos Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things. 'The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy,' Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP. He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise. 'We didn't have a system,' Schinas said. 'Europe's gates had been crashed.' The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to hardliners. Human rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum. Some organizations also criticize the 'externalization' of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance. The deals have expanded, from Turkey to the Middle East and across Africa. Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions. Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings. Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore. 'What's changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,' he said. 'What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.' Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as 'unknown.' Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria, a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children's drawings remain on gutted building walls. Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die, on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers. Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos' tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies. 'The way things are developing, it's not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,' Latsoudi said. 'We need to do something. … I believe there is hope.' ____ Brito reported from Barcelona, Spain. AP journalists Petros Giannakouris in Lesbos and Theodora Tongas in Athens contributed.
Libya Observer
3 hours ago
- Business
- Libya Observer
Libya's Foreign Ministry protests Greek bid round for hydrocarbon exploration south of Crete
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Libya's Government of National Unity has expressed deep concern over a report in the European Journal stating that Greek authorities have launched an international bidding round for hydrocarbon exploration and exploitation permits in maritime areas south of Crete—some of which lie within contested zones with Libya. In a statement issued Thursday, the ministry condemned the move as a clear violation of Libya's sovereign rights, stressing its full reservation and outright objection to any exploratory or drilling activities in these areas without prior legal understanding that respects international law. The ministry emphasized that Libya has always sought to make the Mediterranean Basin a space for cooperation, peace, and shared development among all coastal states, warning that unilateral actions will only lead to greater tension and complications. The statement concluded by urging Greek authorities to act responsibly, take into account the deep historical ties between the two nations, and prioritize constructive dialogue and negotiation as the only viable path toward fair and lawful solutions that safeguard the interests of all parties involved. Tags: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Greece
eNCA
3 hours ago
- General
- eNCA
2,000-year-old Roman wall paintings unearthed in London
Archaeologists have unearthed one of the largest collections of painted Roman wall plaster ever found in London and painstakingly pieced the fragments together, they said Thursday. The plaster, which was discovered on a construction site in 2021, once decorated around 20 internal walls of a high-status early Roman (AD 43-150) building in Southwark, south of the River Thames, the Museum of London Archaeology (MOLA) said. The plaster was found dumped in a large pit, having been smashed into thousands of pieces during Roman demolition works that took place some time before AD 200. MOLA Senior Building Material Specialist Han Li has spent the last three months laying out the fragments and reconstructing the designs. "This has been a once in a lifetime moment, so I felt a mix of excitement and nervousness when I started to lay the plaster out," he explained. "Many of the fragments were very delicate and pieces from different walls had been jumbled together when the building was demolished, so it was like assembling the world's most difficult jigsaw puzzle. a "The result was seeing wall paintings that even individuals of the late Roman period in London would not have seen," he added. The reconstruction revealed bright yellow panel designs decorated with images of birds, fruit, flowers, and lyres not seen for 1800 years. Among the fragments is evidence of a painter's signature, although their name is not among the pieces, as well as unusual graffiti of the ancient Greek alphabet. Another fragment features the face of a crying woman with a Flavian period (AD 69-96) hairstyle.
Sydney Morning Herald
3 hours ago
- Business
- Sydney Morning Herald
The downfall of a drug racket: An underworld drama
Soon it was obvious that Hafner was a bigger fish than first thought. Hafner had form, not so much in his criminal records but in his associates, including the notorious Tony Mokbel. Act One, Scene Two: A bizarre claim in the County Court In 2007, Hafner went to the County Court to argue that a house in Bulleen that had been seized as part of Tony's impressive real estate portfolio was, in fact, his. He explained that the house had been given to him by his generous grandmother and had somehow been scooped up as part of Mokbel's $55 million asset portfolio. An honest (well dishonest) mistake, he told the County Court. Hafner, you see, was going through a difficult divorce, and he wanted to make sure his partner could not get her hands on half the title. 'My words were that basically I was having domestics with my missus and, basically, I don't know what to do with my grandmother's house, and we ... came to the conclusion that I'd sign it over to him,' he said. The ever-helpful Tony was happy to oblige. Of course, Mokbel was not in a position to corroborate his mate because at that time he was sitting in a Greek cell having sailed away from Australia on the yacht, Edwena. Unfortunately, an argumentative lawyer for the prosecution suggested Hafner had handed over the house because he owed Mokbel $360,000 and the property was a square-off. The house was valued about $500,000 at the time, and on June 15, 2001, National Australia Bank records show the house was transferred to Tony, who forgave a $320,000 debt and in return transferred $50,000 to Hafner. Mokbel even paid the $17,000 stamp duty to make it all above board. A detective who worked on the Mokbel case said: 'Tony was the biggest dealer in town, and Darren owed him money from a drug debt. When he couldn't pay, Tony said, 'What have you got?' and that's why he signed over his grandmother's house.' But every cloud has a silver lining, and when the seized house was sold on July 12, 2008, it fetched $625,000, which went to the State Revenue Office. Hafner's story, unlike the Edwena, sank without trace. County Court judge Michael McInerney dismissed the case, adding: 'I do not accept [Hafner] as a credible or reliable witness.' Mokbel could afford to be generous because the Hafner debt was chump change. The suburban pizza shop owner, who police described on his file as 'lacking financial acumen', was now flying. By 2000, he was planning to build an $18 million, 10-storey 'winged keel' apartment tower over Sydney Road. The plan was to build 120 apartments and townhouses, offices, restaurants, a gym with pool and a four-storey car park on the old Whelan the Wrecker site. No one seemed to wonder how he could generate that sort of money. He was also developing 10 units in Templestowe, which he planned to sell for $300,000 each. In 2000, he owned the Brunswick market site and claimed to make $500,000 a year in rent money. His business portfolio was admirably diverse, including investments in shops, cafes, fashion houses, fragrances, restaurants, hotels, nightclubs and land in regional Victoria. He and his companies owned two white vans, two Commodores, a red Audi, a 2000 silver Mercedes, a Nissan Skyline and a red Ferrari Roadster, which he bought in September 1999. He even managed to give his wife a Kilmore pub as part of the family businesses. One of his fashion houses was appropriately named LSD – apparently an abbreviation for Love of Style and Design. His social network was also varied. It included an MP, a tame bank manager, a bent accountant, a newsagent who gratefully accepted $20,000 a week that Tony invested in Tattslotto, seven jockeys and trainers, and a handful of bookies. One jockey, who was in Mokbel's car when the drug dealer had a fender-bender with a tradie near the State Library, showed his athletic prowess, opening the door and making a dash for the shadows while a contrite Tony apologised and exchanged details with the second driver. One bookie opened a ghost betting account allowing Mokbel to punt under another name. In one week during the 2002 spring racing carnival, the account turned over $445,000. To Tony, it was just pocket money. The bets were made just weeks after Mokbel was finally granted $1 million bail on the serious drugs charges. When one bookie came to collect $80,000 at Tony's Port Melbourne home, they walked to Mokbel's car, where he opened the glove box. While forward-thinking motorists might have a roll of coins for parking meters, the bookie estimated the wad of stashed cash was 'at least $300,000'. Loading You might think that having lost a house to Mokbel, Hafner would have sought an alternative income stream. But he was nothing if not persistent. He did branch out, receiving workers' compensation for several years, doing cash jobs on the side (despite a bad back), then going on the dole for 10 years while selling drugs and using stolen credit cards in a fraud ring. In 10 court hearings he collected 36 convictions. Act Two, Scene One: The Fawkner cops get the green light The Fawkner detectives built up a case and went to their bosses, and it was at that point Operation Manic was established. Hafner was followed around the state, and soon a case was built that he was the middleman in an international syndicate. Federal police tracked three shipments of pure pseudoephedrine, the key ingredient in speed, flown into Australia from Malaysia, India and Dubai, and identified two other key members, Sarah Baines and Abdul Diallo. At one point, police tracked the crew to a Thomastown service station, where they were to buy a kilogram of speed for $165,000. But, in a familiar story in a drug business that is riddled with rip-offs and no-shows, after the initial meeting, the deal fell through. By September, police had enough to move in and arrest the three. The finale: Courtroom justice If everyone has 15 minutes of fame, Baines, 33, must be truly annoyed at how she used hers. When she appeared in court as part of Hafner's syndicate, the Herald Sun wrote: 'A Melbourne party girl who peddled dildos for a living is down on her luck after she was accused of running a high-end drug-trafficking racket.' At court, it was found she had worked in a retail sex shop and ran a cleaning service, and in prison had become an unofficial carer for a disabled inmate. She had been using drugs from her early 20s, and when police raided her Southbank apartment they found evidence of drug transactions, and of the drug, 1,4-butanedoil. Diallo, the court was told, was an African leader in the community, having arrived in Australia as a young refugee from Sierra Leone after his father was murdered. Hafner had been examined in prison. Quoting the psychological report, the judge said: 'You looked and sounded despondent and depressed. You presented as being at least moderately depressed and mildly anxious.' Little wonder when you are looking at a long stretch and could well die in jail When it came to sentencing, no one was spared. County Court judge Richard Maidment gave Diallo 12 years with a minimum of eight years and eight months, while Hafner was sentenced to 12 years with a minimum of eight years and four months. Baines received 11 years with a minimum of seven.
