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Japan Today
7 hours ago
- Business
- Japan Today
Joint venture for Japan-Britain-Italy fighter jet project launched
Companies from Japan, Britain and Italy have announced the official launch of a joint venture to develop a next-generation fighter jet by 2035, appointing its first CEO from major Italian defense firm Leonardo S.p.A. Japan Aircraft Industrial Enhancement Co -- set up by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd and an aerospace industry group -- along with Britain's BAE Systems plc and Leonardo each holds a 33.3 percent share in the joint venture named Edgewing. Headquartered in Britain, Edgewing will design and develop the combat aircraft. It will play a central role in achieving the program's goals, including having the fighter in service by 2035, the companies said. "We are not only delivering the next-generation combat air system -- we aim to set a new global standard for partnership, innovation and trust," Edgewing CEO Marco Zoff, formerly managing director of Leonardo Aircraft Division, said in a statement on Friday. The Global Combat Air Program was announced in 2022 as Japan and the European countries moved to strengthen security cooperation in response to China's increasing military activities in the Indo-Pacific region and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. An international body to manage the program on behalf of the participating nations, the GCAP International Government Organization, was launched in December last year, also in Britain. Masami Oka, head of the organization and formerly a senior Japanese Defense Ministry official, said in the statement that he welcomed the launch of Edgewing, adding that "effective and empowered collaboration" between his organization and Edgewing will be critical to the success of GCAP. © KYODO
Japan Times
12-06-2025
- Business
- Japan Times
India should join the Global Combat Air Program — but not just yet
As the world learns to navigate an era of volatile American politics, global defense partnerships are being reshaped. Donald Trump's chaotic return to the White House has called into question America' reliability as a security guarantor and U.S. allies are seeking new forms of international cooperation. An ambitious expression of this shift is the Global Combat Air Program, a joint effort between Japan, the United Kingdom and Italy to develop a next-generation fighter jet by 2035. GCAP is more than just a weapons platform. It is a statement of strategic autonomy, industrial innovation and trilateral cooperation among democracies that are, each in their own way, redefining their role on the global stage. And now, as reports emerge that Japan and India have discussed possible Indian participation in GCAP, the project stands at a potential inflection point. The idea of including India — one of the world's fastest-growing economies and an increasingly assertive geopolitical actor — makes strategic sense. But it also presents diplomatic and practical challenges that cannot be ignored. As with many promising international endeavors, timing is everything. Opening for Japan-India ties India's inclusion in GCAP could offer a breakthrough in Japan-India relations. Over the past two decades, the Asian nations have built a robust security partnership. From the 2008 Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation to more recent agreements on defense-equipment acquisitions and the sharing of sensitive security information, Tokyo and New Delhi have grown comfortable with each other in the defense realm. Joint military exercises are now routine and there is a shared interest in counterbalancing China's growing influence in the Indo-Pacific. Yet this bilateral relationship has stalled in recent years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's failure to visit Japan in 2024 broke an established pattern, and with India now positioning itself as the de facto leader of the Global South, Japan may be losing relative importance in New Delhi's strategic calculus. Including India in GCAP could re-energize this relationship by offering a high-stakes, high-visibility partnership that aligns with India's long-term security and technological ambitions. For Japan, whose defense industry has long struggled under strict export controls, GCAP represents a rare opportunity to lead in a collaborative international project. Since Japan revised its arms transfer policy in 2014, and especially after its 2024 decision to allow exports of finished defense products under GCAP, it has cautiously moved toward becoming a more active player in global defense markets. Including India could bring financial investment, manufacturing capacity and political clout to the initiative. Lessons of the past However, the road to integrating India into such a high-technology, multinational defense program is strewn with potential pitfalls. Japan — and its British and Italian partners — must approach the issue with cautious optimism rather than uncritical enthusiasm. India's track record in defense negotiations is complex, often fraught with delays, policy reversals and insistent demands for domestic production and technology transfer. A previous fighter-jet purchase by New Delhi stands as a cautionary tale. After years of negotiations, India abandoned its Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft tender competition, which intended to supply its air force with 126 fighters. It ultimately settled for 36 jets under new terms with the winner, Dassault of France — hardly a model of streamlined procurement. Japan has its own bitter experience. Talks over the amphibious U.S.-2 search and rescue aircraft, once hailed as a landmark opportunity for Japanese defense exports, fizzled after years of talks due to cost concerns. And in the economic sphere, skeptics can point to India's withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in 2019 — despite Tokyo's encouragement — citing unresolved trade imbalances and geopolitical concerns. These cases point to a broader reality: India negotiates hard, takes its time and rarely yields on its demands for strategic autonomy. This negotiating culture, while entirely within India's rights as a sovereign nation, may be fundamentally at odds with the pace and structure of GCAP, which is already a delicate balancing act among three countries with differing defense needs and industrial capacities. A future invitation The GCAP's schedule is ambitious. Japan aims to replace its aging F-2 fighters by 2035 and any delay in production or development could leave a gap in national defense readiness. Integrating a new partner like India at this stage — especially one likely to demand significant changes to project structure, technology-sharing agreements and production timelines — could threaten that schedule. Moreover, the three current partners are still ironing out key elements, including industrial roles and manufacturing bases. The recently created GCAP International Government Organisation (GIGO), headquartered in the U.K. but headed by former Japanese Vice Defense Minister Masami Oka, is just beginning to establish the governance structure for this complex collaboration. To bring India into the project now would almost certainly add complications. A protracted negotiation could not only jeopardize the project timeline but also fray relations among the current trio. Worse still, if talks were to collapse — as happened with RCEP or the U.S.-2 — the diplomatic fallout could damage the Japan-India relationship rather than enhance it. That's why timing is key. While India should be considered a prospective partner, this should be done at a later, more stable stage in the GCAP's development. Once the project has passed the foundational design and industrial division phases — perhaps around 2027 or 2028 — it may be more feasible to expand the partnership. At that point, India's involvement could be structured in a modular way, perhaps focusing on production, systems integration or joint exports to third countries rather than full-scale co-development from the ground up. The broader strategic picture Inviting India to join GCAP — eventually — would send a powerful message about the resilience and adaptability of democratic defense partnerships. It would align with the growing convergence between India and the West, particularly as China's influence looms large and the United States vacillates between engagement and retrenchment. That said, this must be done with the clarity that strategic alignment cannot come at the cost of operational failure. GCAP is too important and too delicate to risk being overwhelmed by difficult negotiations or mismatched expectations. The priority now must be maintaining GCAP's momentum and cohesion. Tokyo, London and Rome should continue quiet consultations with New Delhi, keeping the option open and signaling a willingness to explore future cooperation. India, with its ambition, industrial potential and rising global stature is a natural candidate for eventual participation in a program like GCAP — but not just yet. Tomoko Kiyota is an associate professor at Nagasaki University.
Asia Times
26-05-2025
- Business
- Asia Times
Europe-Japan GCAP fighter racing against China's rising air power
The UK, Japan and Italy are turbocharging their sixth-generation Global Combat Air Program (GCAP) stealth fighter ambitions in a race to outpace China's fast-rising and now battle-proven airpower. The South China Morning Post (SCMP) recently reported that GCAP's acceleration reflects growing concern over China's growing edge in military technology. That was on display in the recent India-Pakistan skirmishes, where Pakistan's Chinese-made fighters reportedly downed at least one of India's French-made Rafales. Brigadier General Edoardo de Santo of Italy's Leonardo SpA, the lead Italian partner in the tri-national venture, defended the decade-long project at the Defence and Security Equipment International conference held this month near Tokyo, stating it was essential for confronting future threats. Formalized in 2023, GCAP is set to deliver a fighter by 2035 that surpasses fifth-generation aircraft like the F-35 in stealth, sensor integration and battlefield coordination, effectively serving as an airborne command hub for drones and networked assets. With each partner, Leonardo, BAE Systems (UK), and Japan's JAIEC (Japan Aircraft Industrial Enhancement Co.), holding equal stakes in a new UK-based joint firm, the program is positioned to replace both the Eurofighter Typhoon and Japan's F-2 jets. While specific costs remain undisclosed, the UK has already committed 14 billion pounds (US$19 billion). Recent reports indicate Saudi Arabia may join the program, with Australia and India viewed as potential export markets. De Santo emphasized the dual-use nature of the fighter's advanced technologies, underscoring its strategic and economic significance. To outpace China and remain relevant in the Indo-Pacific, the GCAP must deliver a survivable, long-range sixth-generation fighter without falling prey to past procurement failures, export pitfalls and geopolitical risks. As to why sixth-generation aircraft would be essential in the Indo-Pacific, Justin Bronk mentions in a March 2025 article for the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) that such aircraft are essential in the theater due to the vast operational distances and the vulnerability of aerial refueling assets. Bronk emphasizes that such aircraft need to operate securely beyond missile threats, thereby reducing reliance on susceptible tankers. He says that their significant fuel capacity and weapons bays enable longer missions and sophisticated munitions use. Additionally, he says their robust electronic warfare suites are built to counter network disruptions, ensuring effectiveness in contested environments. Adding urgency to GCAP's timeline, some reports speculate that China may already be testing sixth-generation designs, such as the three-engine J-36 and tailless lambda-wing J-50. However, much remains unknown about these aircraft. GCAP still faces significant hurdles. A January 2025 UK House of Commons report warns that the program must avoid pitfalls that plagued past efforts, particularly the Eurofighter Typhoon, and that expanding international participation must not jeopardize the ambitious 2035 timeline. The report highlights that exportability would be the key to GCAP's success while acknowledging the need to transition the Eurofighter Typhoon workforce and prevent the cost-death spiral and delays associated with previous multilateral defense projects. In an April 2023 RUSI article, Bronk argues that if GCAP's financial support proves inadequate, the UK should scale down its ambitions and instead pursue a smaller, more affordable fleet of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs). In terms of exportability, Bronk points out that the GCAP program is unlikely to produce a viable competitor to the F-35 for export markets, considering US defense giant Lockheed Martin's vastly larger funding and successful stealth aircraft programs such as the F-22 and F-117. Bronk argues that despite its flaws, the F-35 still holds a significant edge in capability. He contends that even if GCAP succeeds, it will likely face competition from upgraded 'fifth-generation-plus' variants of the F-35. While GCAP is firmly rooted in UK-Japan-Italy cooperation, the consortium has explored opportunities to broaden its base. Countries like Saudi Arabia, Australia and India have emerged as potential partners or future customers, each with different motivations, strategic priorities and integration challenges. As for letting Saudi Arabia into the GCAP program, Bilal Saab argues in a January 2025 Breaking Defense article that access to Saudi capital could cover costs, shorten export timelines, generate revenue through sales and ease the financial burden on the UK, Italy and Japan. In line with that, Shigeto Kondo writes in a September 2023 Afkar article that Saudi Arabia, given its large defense budget, is sure to place a large order for the GCAP if the project pushes through. Such sales, Kondo notes, would secure the fighter market in the Middle East and prevent competitors like China and Russia from gaining a foothold in the region through fighter sales. However, Alessandro Marrone warns in a March 2025 article for the Institute of International Affairs (IAI) that allowing Saudi Arabia to join GCAP poses several risks that could undermine the delicate trilateral balance between the UK, Italy and Japan. Marrone notes that as the program's current governance structure relies on equal footing and shared sovereignty over core technologies, Saudi Arabia's inclusion, even as a junior partner, could strain decision-making and dilute existing industrial and strategic equities. He observes that politically, Saudi Arabia's controversial human rights record and unpredictable strategic behavior could raise reputational concerns and complicate export controls, especially for Japan, which recently revised its restrictive arms export laws with great caution. In addition, he says the integration of Saudi-specific requirements could complicate GCAP's design and delay its already ambitious 2035 deadline. Beyond Saudi Arabia, other countries have expressed varying degrees of interest in GCAP. For instance, National Defense Magazine reported in March 2025 that senior Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) officers requested information about the aircraft as its F/A-18 Super Hornets and EA-18G Growler fleet ages and next-generation capabilities mature. However, the report notes that there are still too many unknowns about the GCAP, and it wouldn't be possible to present the Australian government with a list of options at this time. Also, Australia is already heavily integrated with the US defense industrial base, with a fifth-generation-plus F-35 being a feasible option over the GCAP. Meanwhile, Japan has also reached out to India about potential participation in GCAP. According to an April 2025 The Mainichi report, Japanese officials proposed India's involvement in GCAP during a February visit. The report notes that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's administration expressed interest, viewing the proposal as consistent with its 'Make in India' policy aimed at strengthening domestic arms production. However, India's longstanding weapons dependency on Russia would likely hinder its participation in the GCAP program. India operates Su-30MKI fighter jets and S-400 air defense systems, which pose a threat to the GCAP's classified technologies, especially if Russian-origin systems must interoperate within a shared architecture, an issue that could risk inadvertent technology leakage. Ultimately, GCAP's success will hinge not only on technical breakthroughs but also on lessons learned from past failures, political will and the strength of its partnerships. In an increasingly contested Indo-Pacific, the GCAP's success and relevance may prove to be less about technology and more about alignment.
Mint
23-05-2025
- Business
- Mint
Europe-Japan Fighter Jet Races Against China's Military Progress
A senior figure involved in the development of an advanced European-Japanese fighter jet justified the amount of resources earmarked for the project over the next decade based on the need to keep pace with China even as the military also faces the near-term risk of more Russian aggression in Europe. 'The immediate threat can be managed with current weapons systems. The evolution of the threat also has to be managed,' Brig. Gen. Edoardo de Santo, Senior Commanding Engineer at Leonardo SpA., said in an interview. Leonardo is the main Italian partner in the Global Combat Air Program, a project with the UK and Japan formalized last year to develop a sixth-generation stealth fighter aircraft with a goal of having it enter service in 2035. The countries are aiming for the GC fighter to exceed the capabilities of current fifth-generation fighters such as the F-35 in areas such as target location and avoiding detection. Plans call for the fighter to serve as a flying control center for drones and other military assets in addition to operating its own weapons systems. The design of the aircraft isn't scheduled to be confirmed until next year as the nations involved rethink the role of the stealth fighter to try and retain an edge over rivals such as China. A rare indication of the progress of China's military technology came recently when Pakistan said it used Chinese-made fighter jets to shoot down French-made Indian fighters during the recent escalation in military tensions. While the claim hasn't been confirmed, it heightened speculation that China's focus on modernizing its military is making significant progress. Speaking on Thursday at the Defense and Security Equipment International conference being held just outside Tokyo, de Santo said the decade-long timeline for the GC project was very short given its complexity. He also denied that funds could be better spent to deal with more immediate threats. Overall spending figures for GC haven't been released, but the UK has so far earmarked £14 billion for the program. 'Jumping to the sixth generation will not be easy because a lot of things will be new, such as the aircraft sensors and communications,' de Santo said, adding that technologies developed for the aircraft will have military and non-military applications outside the GC project. 'This is how we will deal with the future threat,' he said. Potential financial support for the GC program may come from Saudi Arabia, which is discussing joining the project. De Santo also said that the partner countries remain open to others joining if they can bring specific contributions and make it more efficient. The partner countries also aim to export the aircraft, with Australia and India possible destinations, according to Japanese media reports. Leonardo, BAE Systems Plc of the UK and Japan Aircraft Industrial Enhancement Co. each own a 33.3% stake in a new company headquartered in the UK that will develop and manufacture jets under the GC program. The new aircraft are intended to replace the Eurofighter Typhoon jets in the Royal Air Force's fleet and Japan's fleet of F-2 fighters. This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
Japan Today
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Japan Today
Japan, India agree on deeper defense ties, eye new dialogue body
Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh, left, shakes hand with his Japanese counterpart Gen Nakatani, in New Delhi, India, on Monday. The defense ministers of Japan and India have agreed to deepen cooperation between their forces, including starting discussions toward establishing a senior officer-level dialogue body, as China continues to expand its military presence in the Indo-Pacific region. Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani and his Indian counterpart Rajnath Singh also affirmed that the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Indian military will increase their joint exercises, Nakatani told reporters after their talks in New Delhi. The envisaged dialogue body will be in charge of coordinating the overall collaborative work between their forces, according to Japanese government officials. At the outset of the meeting, which was open to the media, Nakatani said stronger ties between the two countries have become "more important" with the situation surrounding them becoming "growingly complicated and uncertain" at a time U.S. President Donald Trump's commitment to the Indo-Pacific region remains unclear. Singh told Nakatani that he hopes to continue bilateral defense equipment and technology collaboration with Japan. Japan has been stepping up security ties with India by increasing joint drills in recent years and reinforcing defense capabilities in the space and cyber domains. Japan and India have also been discussing a plan to transfer Unicorn communication antennas similar to those installed on a new Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force destroyer. The meeting came after Tokyo approached New Delhi about participating in the Global Combat Air Program, an initiative involving Japan, Britain and Italy to jointly develop a next-generation fighter jet by 2035, according to government sources. Japan and India are members of the Quad grouping of Indo-Pacific democracies that also includes the United States and Australia. The framework is widely seen as a counterweight to China. Nakatani is on a four-day trip from Saturday that has also taken him to Sri Lanka. © KYODO
