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Time of India
2 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
Meeting reviews progress of Naksha Pilot Programme
Chandigarh: A review meeting of the Naksha Pilot Programme was held on Wednesday under the chairmanship of Manoj Joshi , secretary to the GOI, department of land resources. The meeting was attended by senior officers of the Chandigarh administration, including representatives from the department of urban planning, estate office, MC, department of information technology, and National Informatics Centre (NIC). The Naksha Pilot Programme, which is being implemented in Chandigarh as a model initiative, aims to digitise and streamline the building plan approval process through an integrated online platform. During the meeting, a detailed presentation was given on the current status, achievements, and challenges faced in the implementation of the pilot project. It was apprised that five villages and 15 sectors in Chandigarh have been selected under the programme. In the first phase of the project, the aerial survey was successfully completed. The meeting also discussed the progress of subsequent deliverables. For the second phase, the state level committee (SLC), the state project management unit (SPMU), and dedicated field survey teams have been constituted. Additionally, the status of the digitisation of registration records was presented for review and further planning. The meeting concluded with a roadmap for the next phase of implementation and a follow-up review scheduled in the coming weeks.
News18
6 days ago
- Politics
- News18
The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It
Last Updated: The 'Joy Bangla' Deception is divided into four clearly defined sections, with a logically progressive narrative that unfolds before you, presenting a highly disturbing picture The complete title of the book under consideration is The 'Joy Bangla' Deception—Bangladeshi Islamism Under the Façade of Bengali Nationalism. I generally do not begin a book review with criticism. But this time I make an exception. The cover does not do justice to the book and its content. It does not capture the intensity of the work done by the two authors, Kausik Gangopadhyay and Devavrata. So, my first request to the readers is not to go by the dull, uninspiring cover; just grab a copy and study it, not just read it. The book shook me up, like none other in recent times. I must confess that I, too, was going by the generally accepted narrative of Bangladeshi nationalism, the secular nature of Mujibur Rehman's politics. I was not so much aware of the bloody trail of the history of Bengal, divided into East Pakistan and West Bengal, and the new avatar of the Muslim League's two-nation theory—Bangladesh. Abdul Mansur Ahmad, a Muslim Bengali leader, notes, after Bangladesh was created, 'Neither Pakistan is broken by the liberation or Bangladesh, nor 'Two Nation Theory' was proven false. Instead of one Pakistan, two Pakistans have happened as per Lahore Resolution. The GOI has assisted us to realise the Lahore Resolution and we are grateful to them. The Lahore Resolution does not mention the word Pakistan, only 'Muslim Majority state'." If a person like me, who has done research on the northeast region of Bharat, which means I also had to study West Bengal and a little about East Pakistan (later Bangladesh), had only a limited idea about the ideology behind Awami League and the level of violent persecution of Hindus, I can imagine what an ordinary Indian knows. I was aware of Bouddh Chakmas but not to the extent that this book exposes. Hindu Bengalis of West Bengal may be aware, but they have chosen to gulp down the tablet called Amnesia to sleep well and forget about what their own families went through and what their unfortunate brethren are facing in Bangladesh even today. Tathagata Roy explains this mentality in his book. The dedication of the book gives you a hint that you are getting into uncharted territories. It is dedicated to the Bengali humanist bloggers, writers, and activists, of whom 11 are dead; of these, only one is Hindu. And survivors, all of whom are Muslims, have been exiled from their country. You also realise that there are still some Muslims out there who believe in humanity, coexistence, and truth. The introduction of the book makes you uneasy. You feel lost because you have no clue of the context, about which you are ignorant. Ideally, read the introduction after reading a few chapters; it will make more sense. The 'Joy Bangla' Deception is divided into four clearly defined sections, with a logically progressive narrative that unfolds before you, presenting a highly disturbing picture. There are 14 chapters and a very elaborate section of endnotes, not found in many books. As a critic, I can only say that it is too academic because it is written by academicians. But on the positive side, this academic approach saves the book from falling into the trap of emotional storytelling or raising tempers. It is a harsh story, told calmly, as it is. The first section, The Propaganda of 'Joy Bangla', destroys many images of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman that we hold dear, and opens your mind with evidence based on the true political character of Mujib and his friends. One is surprised that our people never went beyond the disappointment of Jogendra Nath Mandal, who returned to Bharat and died an unsung, unhappy soul. Even this story was seen as a footnote in the history of partition, about which hardly anyone talked until recently. Maulana Bhashani, the guiding light of the Muslim Awami League, later renamed as Awami League, time and again asserts that he may be called a socialist or a communist, but he remains a Muslim to the core. He says, 'Indians are the greatest enemy of Bengali Muslims." He notes that Mujib once assured him, 'I remained a lifelong Muslim Leaguer." He proved it when he did not give permission for the rebuilding of the huge Ramna Kali temple, destroyed by the Pakistani army in 1971 after the liberation of Bangladesh. He, in fact, bulldozed the remaining temple and built a garden, naming it in memory of Suhrawardy, the butcher of Bengal. Leaders of Bangladesh were and are clear all through that Bangladesh may not be an Islamic state, but it is a Muslim state nonetheless. Bengali nationalism was invented to overcome the Hindu resistance against the Muslim Awami League. The oft-repeated theory that neglect of the Bengali language was the cause of the rise of Bengali nationalist sentiment is also stripped of its validity by the writers with evidence that Bengali had become the second national language in 1956 and was given equal space in the government. The fact is, the bold voice that called for the Bengali language was not a Muslim but a Hindu leader, Dhirendranath Datta. Once a powerful elected leader from East Pakistan days, he died a lonely man, and his property has since been taken over by the Muslims, like so many other properties of Hindus. The real issue was the exploitation of East Pakistan's economy by West Pakistan and the division of political power between the two wings. Since a separate Hindu electorate with a sizable number of seats was dissolved, Hindus were left with a choice between a radical Muslim party or the Awami League, which succeeded in projecting a moderate face. The book discloses that right after partition, isolation and weakening of Hindus had begun. There was sustained economic deprivation that impoverished most of the Hindus. Their properties were taken away under the Enemy Properties Act. This Act was never removed by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, only renamed. The desecration of Hindu homes of great Bengali leaders of the current West Bengal and Bangladeshi Hindus is a who's who list. Academic research papers have been written on this topic by independent Bangladeshi scholars, most of whom are Muslims. So, the news of the desecration of Rabindranath Tagore's home is not a surprise for the observers of Bangladesh's history. It is a continuity of the same process. Do not be surprised if, under Muhammad Yunus, you find Amar Sonar Bangla removed as the national anthem. Islamists are waiting for the right time. The churn in Bengali society and its Islamist element is brought out well by Humayun Azad, a noted intellectual, in 1990: 'Muslims of this country after some time, became Muslim Bengali, then Bengali Muslims, and then Bengali. Now again, they are reverting, from Bengali to Bengali Muslim, from Bengali Muslim to Muslim Bengali and from Muslim Bengali to Muslim." This intriguing line explains the tragedy of Bangladesh succinctly, and more particularly of Bangladeshi Hindus. The current designs of Bangladesh Islamists were laid before the world by Maulana Bhashani in 1972: 'Assam is mine, West Bengal is mine, and Tripura is mine too. Until those regions are liberated back from India, neither the liberation of Bangladesh nor its map is complete." The book is full of such surprising and disturbing quotes that you may not have read so far in any book on Bengal or Bangladesh. They answer many of the questions that one faces while reading or hearing about disturbances in Bangladesh and the misfortune of Bengali Hindus. The writers assert that the only solution is to reclaim Bengaliness from the Islamic appropriation. As you move through the book, you are taken through the brutal persecution of Hindus, sustained killing and deprivation of Hindus, the fake history of Bengali nationalism of Bangladesh Muslim leaders, and the ambitious Islamist dreams of Bangladesh leaders. I can only say that sedatives are not a cure for a sickness. One needs to take a strong dose of bitter medicines or maybe undergo an operation to get cured of the cancer that is eating away at the core of the sacred land of Bharat, which inspired countless people to struggle for the renaissance of Hindu dharma and fight for freedom. The reviewer is a well-known author and political commentator. He has written several books on RSS, like RSS 360, Sangh & Swaraj, RSS: Evolution from an Organisation to a Movement, Conflict Resolution: The RSS Way, and done a PhD on RSS. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : bangladesh bengali Muslim pakistan West Bengal Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 14, 2025, 19:39 IST News opinion Book Review | The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It
Indian Express
10-06-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
‘My true factual story is being heard': Fugitive Vijay Mallya overwhelmed as podcast hits 20 million views in just 5 days
Five days after fugitive liquor baron Vijay Mallya, who has been criticised for alleged fraud and loan defaults, created a buzz through a video podcast with Raj Shamani, the founder of the now-defunct Kingfisher Airlines, on Tuesday, expressed gratitude for the 'overwhelming' response to the video. The podcast aired on June 5 had garnered over 20 million views. 'To say that I am humbled and overwhelmed is well short of what I truly feel. A big heartfelt thank you to all those who took the time to watch my 4-hour-plus podcast with @rajshamani 20 million views on YouTube alone in 4 days, and god knows how many more reposts on Instagram and Facebook fills my heart with joy that my true factual story is being heard. May god bless you all,' he wrote on X. See the post here: To say that I am humbled and overwhelmed is well short of what I truly feel. A big heartfelt thank you to all those who took the time to watch my 4 hour plus podcast with @rajshamani 20 million views on YouTube alone in 4 days and god knows how many more reposts on Instagram and… — Vijay Mallya (@TheVijayMallya) June 9, 2025 Mallya, who has been living in the United Kingdom since March 2016, had said in the podcast that he would 'seriously consider' returning to India if he is assured of a fair trial and a dignified existence in his home country. With nearly a million views, Mallya's latest post quickly gained traction and prompted mixed reactions. 'You deserve justice. Let's see when GOI support you. Good luck,' a user wrote. 'If you are really innocent a toy claim, hire the best lawyer, approach SC, and get a clean chit. You can then come back proudly with your head held high,' another user commented. 'You will always be remembered as a clown. That podcast had zero impact on mature people, only underage RCB fans might have believed it,' a third user reacted. A key accused in a major bank loan default case involving over Rs 9,000 crore linked to the Kingfisher Airlines, Mallya fled from India in 2016. He faces serious allegations of cheating, criminal conspiracy, money laundering, and the misuse of loan funds provided by a union of Indian banks, led by the State Bank of India (SBI). His companies are under probe by multiple agencies in India, including the Enforcement Directorate (ED), Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Serious Fraud Investigation Office (SFIO), and the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).
Time of India
06-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
‘We've shown how to defeat terror'
'We've shown how to defeat terror' Rajnath Singh Jun 6, 2025, 20:32 IST IST Defence minister Rajnath Singh lays out GOI's new position of zero-tolerance of and assured retaliation against Pak-sponsored terrorism, also suggesting five ways the global community can fight terror Terrorism is a scourge on humanity. It thrives on misguided notions of revolution, martyrdom, and a romanticised view of violence. The assertion that 'one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter' is a dangerous misnomer — true freedom can never be built on fear and bloodshed. The currency of terrorism is fear. Yet, even in spreading fear, they have failed to instill any sense of pessimism. India is testimony to this fact. Whether it's 26/11 or the 2001 Parliament attack or the recent Pahalgam attack, India stands taller, stronger, and more resolute than ever. All peace-loving nations need to come together to eradicate this menace once and for all.
Time of India
05-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Northern crown
Times of India's Edit Page team comprises senior journalists with wide-ranging interests who debate and opine on the news and issues of the day. Govt did well to address some of Ladakh's concerns. Remaining issues must be resolved sensitively GOI did the right thing by introducing a new reservation and domicile policy for Ladakh. Guaranteeing 85% reservations for locals in govt jobs – excluding EWS category – will address local anxiety about high unemployment. It's important to recall that Ladakhis have been peacefully pressing for their demands, in the best traditions of democracy. This was best exemplified by activist Sonam Wangchuk's walk from Ladakh to Delhi and subsequent 16-day hunger strike last year. To its credit, govt did consult Ladakh's civil society organisations before working out the new policies. However, key demands remain unfulfilled. Ladakh's demands stem from the fact that following nullification of Article 370 in 2019 that abrogated special status for the erstwhile state of Jammu & Kashmir – of which Ladakh was a part – the region was hived off and converted to a UT without a legislature. While initially welcomed – because Ladhakis often felt govts in Srinagar were biased against the region – the new setup was soon seen as inadequate in addressing key issues like unemployment, preservation of local culture, and protection of a fragile ecosystem. Hence the demand for inclusion of Ladakh in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. It can't be stressed enough that ecological conservation is central to Ladakh's aspirations. The region is experiencing serious glacier retreat, with some glaciers like Parachik retreating by 12-20 metres per annum. Therefore, development here can't happen the same way as in other regions. We have already seen the adverse impact of non-ecologically compliant infra projects in mountainous states. Also, Ladakh's status as a border region with China and Pakistan brings additional security challenges. Ecology and security are joined at the hip here. Therefore, defence infra projects and people's aspirations must be in harmony. People of Ladakh are our shield. Listen to them. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email This piece appeared as an editorial opinion in the print edition of The Times of India.
