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First Post
2 days ago
- Business
- First Post
With a 2-hr closed-door meeting, Trump may have made it difficult for Asim Munir
While their meeting has been seen as a sign of US-Pakistan bonhomie, US President Donald Trump might have put Pakistani Army chief Asim Munir in a difficult position: Munir risks compromising ties with China with the turn to the United States and Trump's demands go against longstanding Pakistani foreign policy. read more Pakistan's Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir salutes after laying wreath on the martyrs' monument during a guard of honour ceremony at General Headquarters (GHQ) in Rawalpindi. AFP While their meeting is definitely a sign of the brewing US-Pakistan bonhomie, US President Donald Trump appears to have put Pakistani Army chief Field Marshall Asim Munir in a difficult spot: while Trump's offerings are generous, his demands are taxing and risk compromising longstanding Pakistani position. Trump held a two-hour-long meeting with Munir on Wednesday, which was seen as a breakthrough in the US-Pakistan relationship. For one, Trump wants Pakistan to distance itself from China and pivot to the United States. That is a non-starter for Pakistan as China is invested so much in the country economically, politically, and militarily that distancing is not just infeasible but unthinkable. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, Trump's outreach to Pakistan —and offers— don't come for free. The risks for Munir are also substantial. Trump puts Munir in difficult spot While Trump made generous offers to Munir, he also sought substantial returns on his investment. Trump sought Pakistan's military bases and seaports from Munir in exchange for fifth-generation fighter planes, significant financial aid, and new trade and security deals, according to CNN-News 18. Trump told Munir that the offer rests on the condition that Pakistan would curtain dealings with China and Russia. A source further said that Trump would want Pakistan to be on the US side if he would decide to join Israel in attacking Iran. ALSO READ: Trump wants military bases from Munir, offers security-trade deals in US-Pak reset: Report While Trump's offerings are great, they put Munir in a tough spot as accepting these offers would mean diluting yearslong relationship with Pakistan and undoing the longstanding policy regarding Israel. Consider these facts: China accounts for around 23 of all Pakistan's trade, China is the largest source of foreign investment in Pakistan with a share of around 40 per cent, and just one project, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), adds 2-2.5 per cent of Pakistan's economy. Moreover, while Pakistan has historically used Western weapons, the military has been increasingly armed by China in recent years . In the past five years, around 80 per cent of Pakistan's military imports have been from China. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD With such dependence, it is impractical —if not impossible— for Munir to curtail ties and engagement with China and replace it with the United States as the principal partner of the United States. But, once you have had an audience with Trump and received such offers, it is not easy to bluntly say no. That means that either Munir would lose face in front of Trump by refusing the offers or he would try to reach middle ground that could upset both Trump and Xi Jinping of China. Trump seeks reset in US-Pakistan ties With his meeting with Munir, Trump has made it clear that he is seeking a reset in US-Pakistan ties. In an unprecedented meeting that lays bare who truly runs Pakistan, Trump held a meeting at the White House with Munir on Wednesday. This was the first time a President of the United States held a direct, formal meeting with a Pakistani army chief. Three previous army chiefs, Ayub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq, and Pervez Musharraf, held meetings with the US president but only when they were heads of state while running a military regime after a coup — not in capacity as army chiefs. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The reset in US-Pakistan relationship has come at a time when Trump's policies and actions have soured times with India . He has not just continued to falsely claim mediation in the India-Pakistan conflict last month but has also hyphenated India and Pakistan, intervened in the Kashmir dispute, and made deals with jihadists from West Asia to South Asia that adversely affect India's security interests. ALSO READ: Beyond Pakistan: Trump's open embrace of jihadist forces across Asia a new headache for India However, as mentioned above, Trump is not making offers but also seeking substantial returns. South Asia analyst Michael Kugelman describes it as a 'classic Trump' give-and-take approach. 'There's been US-Pakistan engagement on crypto, minerals and counter-terrorism, and Trump takes a deep personal interest in all of these. This is classic Trump: 'What can you do for me? What can I get out of this?' Kugelman, a Senior Fellow at Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, told Guardian. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
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First Post
4 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
'Hope the food was good': Tharoor takes a jibe at Asim Munir's luncheon with Trump
Trump and Munir reportedly discussed a wide range of topics, including India and Pakistan, wherein the Pakistani general expressed his gratitude to the president for preventing a potential nuclear war following the Pahalgam terror attack read more (File) Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir (C) prays after laying wreath on the martyrs' monument during a guard of honor ceremony at General Headquarters (GHQ) in Rawalpindi on May 21, 2025. Photo by Handout/ Pakistan's Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR). AFP Congress MP and leader Shashi Tharoor has taken a dig at Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir's lunch meeting with US President Donald Trump. Commenting on the White House reporting that Munir nominated Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, Tharoor said, 'According to the White House, this general had said that the president should get the Nobel peace prize, and then he was rewarded with a lunch. I hope the food was good and he has also got some food for thought in the process.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump and Munir reportedly discussed a wide range of topics, including India and Pakistan, wherein the Pakistani general expressed his gratitude to the president for preventing a potential nuclear war following the Pahalgam terror attack. On Trump's mediation claims, Tharoor said, 'We welcome any pressure the US may have on Pakistan. But we did not ask for it. We did not request anyone's mediation.' Meanwhile, Prime Minister Narendra Modi held a phone call with Trump on Wednesday, where he rejected his claims of US mediation. 'Working on trade deals with India, Pak' After their luncheon meeting, Trump said, 'The reason I had him here was I wanted to thank him for not going into the war and ending the war. Prime Minister Modi just left a little while ago, and we are working on a trade deal with India.' The president further said that his administration is also working on reaching a trade deal with Pakistan, adding that he is 'very happy' that 'two very smart people decided not to keep going with the war.' The White House has confirmed that the meeting was arranged in response to Munir's public remarks praising Trump's role in de-escalating tensions between the two nuclear-armed countries. 'They know Iran better than most' The duo also discussed the ongoing situation in West Asia triggered by Israel's strikes against Iran and the following retaliatory attacks. 'They know Iran very well, better than most, and they're not happy about anything. They see what's going on. And he agreed with me,' Trump said.
Time of India
5 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
A White House lunch date has everyone talking amid an unfolding geopolitical game involving US, Pak, Iran, India
On Wednesday in the White House, the kitchen will emit not just aroma of food but strategic signals too. Field Marshal Asim Munir , Pakistan's army chief and de facto ruler, will sit down for lunch with President Donald Trump . This unusual meeting between a US president and the military commander of a nation with a patchy democratic record signals more than just routine bilateral engagement. It is the latest episode in an unfolding geopolitical game involving Washington, Islamabad, Tehran and New Delhi. Strategic compulsions, realpolitik and historic grievances will be the flavours at the luncheon. At first glance, a lunch between a US president and a foreign army chief might seem like a diplomatic footnote. But in the fraught landscape of South Asian geopolitics, nothing is merely symbolic. Trump's embrace of Munir is a calculated move, driven by strategic necessity, regional calculations and a personal preference for dealing with strong men. Pakistan has long been a nation where the real locus of power lies not in the prime minister's office, but within the General Headquarters (GHQ) in Rawalpindi. The army has ruled directly for nearly half of Pakistan's post-independence history, and indirectly for much of the rest. Munir is no exception in this long tradition of military supremacy. After playing a pivotal role in the ousting of Imran Khan's elected government, Munir now presides over Pakistan's political, economic and security set-up with an iron grip. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Okuliare, ktoré sa stávajú populárnymi po celom svete onepower Viac info Undo For Washington, however, this democratic deficit has historically taken a back seat to strategic calculations. Whether it was fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s or engaging in counterterrorism operations post-9/11, Pakistan's military has been a necessary, if often treacherous, ally. General Michael Kurilla, the head of US CENTCOM, recently called Pakistan a 'phenomenal partner in the counter-terrorism world', reflecting a continuity of thought that values Pakistan's geography and military assets over its democratic failings. Given the resurgence of militant groups like ISIS-K in the region and ongoing instability in Afghanistan following the US withdrawal, Pakistan's geography and intelligence apparatus make it a useful ally. Pakistan offers critical overflight access, potential staging areas and intelligence cooperation that could help prevent another large-scale terror threat to US interests. AP Asim Munir, Pak army chief Iran in the background However, Indian concerns about Munir's visit to Washington, and especially the optics of a personal lunch with Trump, may actually be unfounded as Trump could be courting the Pakistani military for his goals in the Middle East. Amid Iran-Israel conflict, there are reports of a possible US military operation against Iran after Trump said he was not looking for a ceasefire. If the US were to engage militarily with Iran, Pakistan's strategic location would be indispensable. Its airspace, logistical networks and surveillance capabilities could serve as vital support nodes. Pakistan's ability to influence Taliban behavior in Afghanistan adds yet another dimension of utility for Washington, especially as the US continues to recalibrate its regional presence. Live Events As a large Muslim-majority country with nuclear capabilities and deep ties in the Islamic world, Pakistan's position during a US strike on Iran would matter immensely. Additionally, Pakistan shares a border with Iran through Balochistan, where anti-Iran insurgent groups operate with alleged tacit support from Pakistan. If the Israel-Iran conflict escalates, Pakistan could serve as a quiet front for logistical or intelligence operations for the US military planners. In this light, Munir's warm reception appears less a nod to his domestic credentials and a blind eye to his anti-India stance but more an acknowledgment of Pakistan's potential role in any future regional escalation against Iran. Trump's known disdain for multilateralism and penchant for transactional diplomacy makes such a strategic alignment all the more plausible. India's strategic snub But Washington's embrace of Munir comes at a price, particularly in its relations with India. For India, the optics of a US president wining and dining Pakistan's army chief, who is personally committed to spread terror in India, are deeply unsettling. Pakistan's military has long been accused by India of sponsoring cross-border terrorism, particularly in Kashmir. Munir himself is regarded in Indian intelligence circles as one of the principal architects of Pakistan's covert operations against Indian interests. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made it unmistakably clear that India will not tolerate any attempt to resurrect the old Cold War hyphenation of 'India-Pakistan". Following the G7 Summit in Canada, Modi reportedly declined a face-to-face meeting with Trump on his return leg, citing a prior schedule. The symbolism becomes even more charged if reports are accurate that Trump had hoped to host both Modi and Munir in Washington concurrently, an overture that would have been perceived in New Delhi as equating a democratic partner with an authoritarian military chief and a spectacle that would have greatly diminished India's newly-acquired uncompromising stance on Pakistan's anti-India activities. Modi's refusal to play along underlines India's growing confidence on the world stage and its unwillingness to allow legacy US mindsets to dictate regional paradigms. Trump's affinity for strongmen is well-documented. From Vladimir Putin to Kim Jong-un, and now Asim Munir, his political instinct tends to favor personalities who project authority, regardless of their democratic credentials. In the case of Pakistan, this personal preference dovetails neatly with strategic exigencies. But the move risks alienating India at a time when New Delhi is being courted by the US as a counterweight to China in the Indo-Pacific. Joint military exercises, technology partnerships and shared concerns over Beijing have made India a cornerstone of Washington's Asia policy. A visible tilt toward Pakistan, especially its military, could jeopardize this fragile yet burgeoning partnership. Moreover, Pakistan's reliability as an ally remains under question. While CENTCOM may praise its cooperation in counterterrorism, on the ground Pakistan has often played both sides, sheltering militants with one hand while cracking down under US pressure with the other. Such duplicity can also undermine any potential military campaign involving Iran or elsewhere. Trump's embrace of Munir, if it's more than a brief transactional alliance due to the Iran angle, comes at the cost of alienating a more stable and democratic ally in India. Whether this is a temporary tactical maneuver or a deeper strategic recalibration remains to be seen. What is clear, though, is that this luncheon is not about food - it is a feast of interests, agendas and high-stakes diplomacy.
Asia Times
13-06-2025
- Politics
- Asia Times
Secret US agenda behind India-Pakistan ceasefire
The recent revelation aired by Pakistani security analyst Imtiaz Gul renewed attention to the Nur Khan air base near Islamabad. Gul alleges that this strategically significant facility is under de facto American operational control through a covert arrangement, with US aircraft regularly landing and taking off amid limited transparency. He further claims that even senior Pakistani military officials are restricted from accessing certain operations at the base. These assertions have gained traction in the aftermath of India's Operation Sindoor, which targeted terrorist sites and strategic military infrastructure in Pakistan, including the Nur Khan air base. The incident has reignited concerns over Pakistan's sovereignty, the extent and nature of America's military presence and Islamabad's evolving strategic alignments in the region. Noor Khan air base holds immense strategic value due to its location near Islamabad and Rawalpindi—Pakistan's political and military command hubs. Situated close to the Pakistan Army's General Headquarters (GHQ) and the Strategic Plans Division, which manages the country's nuclear arsenal, the base serves as the core command for Pakistan's air mobility operations. It houses key transport squadrons, including C-130s and CN-235s, and supports VVIP and strategic airlift missions. Its significance is further underscored by the regular presence of US military aircraft, particularly C-17 Globemasters and special operations units. Reports indicate that certain sections of the base may be designated for exclusive US use, with limited access even for senior Pakistani officials. This consistent American footprint, combined with restricted oversight, lends credibility to Gul's assertion that the air base could be operating under US oversight for select classified missions. The Noor Khan air base reportedly became a flashpoint during India's precision strike in Operation Sindoor, an event that dramatically escalated tensions between New Delhi and Islamabad. Just hours before the strike, US Vice President J.D. Vance, in an interview with Fox News on May 9, 2025, publicly distanced Washington from the crisis, stating: 'We're not going to get involved in the middle of a war that's fundamentally none of our business, and has nothing to do with America's ability to control it.' However, following India's targeting of the strategically sensitive Noor Khan air base, the United States acted swiftly behind the scenes to contain the fallout. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and senior US officials activated emergency diplomatic channels aimed at defusing the crisis. However, the ceasefire that eventually took hold occurred only after Pakistan's Director General of Military Operations (DGMO) directly contacted his Indian counterpart, prompting a mutual agreement to halt further escalation. This sequence of events, marked by Washington's initial public detachment and subsequent quiet intervention, likely underscores the concealed strategic importance the US attaches to military assets like Noor Khan air base. Pakistan's readiness to grant the United States access to its military bases is deeply rooted in a decades-long tradition of strategic cooperation. During the Cold War, Pakistan permitted the US to conduct U-2 reconnaissance missions from Peshawar's Badaber Airbase in 1958. This partnership deepened significantly during the War on Terror, when critical facilities—such as Shamsi, Shahbaz, Dalbandin, and Nur Khan air base—were used by US forces for drone strikes, intelligence gathering and logistical operations in Afghanistan. While less overt today, this military collaboration continues in more discreet and sophisticated forms. A strong indicator of sustained US strategic engagement is the consistent flow of financial and multilateral support to Pakistan—even during times of heightened geopolitical tension. In May 2025, amid escalating conflict with India following Operation Sindoor, Pakistan secured a crucial US$1 billion disbursement from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under its $7 billion Extended Fund Facility. The release, widely believed to have been facilitated by US influence, was met with disapproval in India due to its timing during active hostilities, reinforcing the perception in New Delhi about Washington's long-standing geostrategic interests in Pakistan. Since 1958, Pakistan has received 24 IMF loan packages totaling around $34 billion, including a $1.3 billion tranche earlier in March 2025. At the same time, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) approved an $800 million assistance package—comprising a $300 million program-based loan and a $500 million policy-based loan. This support came in addition to previous climate resilience financing, including a $500 million CDREP loan. Despite Indian concerns about potential military diversion of the funds, these disbursements proceeded, signaling strong external backing. Furthermore, continuous US support for the maintenance and upgrade of Pakistan's F-16 fighter fleet continues to reflect a long-standing defense partnership between Rawalpindi and the Pentagon. Despite its withdrawal from Afghanistan, the US continues to view Pakistan as a vital component of its broader regional strategy. Facilities like Noor Khan air base—and possibly others—are believed to serve as forward-operating locations for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) missions. These bases may also be positioned for potential pre-emptive strikes targeting Iranian nuclear sites or remnants of transnational terrorist groups such as the Islamic State–Khorasan Province (ISKP). Another key driver of US engagement is the strategic aim of preventing Pakistan from falling fully into China's orbit. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative, includes major infrastructure investments—such as highways, ports, and energy facilities—many of which have potential dual-use military applications. It is likely that US ISR capabilities are actively monitoring these developments from strategic locations such as Noor Khan air base. China's strategic partnership with Pakistan—embodied by flagship initiatives like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the prospective transfer of advanced platforms such as the J-35 fifth-generation stealth fighter jets—is driven primarily by Beijing's desire to counterbalance India's growing influence in South Asia. Chinese diplomatic and military support is not anchored in Pakistan's intrinsic value but in its instrumental role as a strategic bulwark against India. Yet, Beijing must tread carefully. The Pakistani military establishment has a well-documented history of hedging and duplicity in its external alignments. During the War on Terror, Pakistan secured billions in US assistance while simultaneously harboring elements of the Taliban and Haqqani terror network. Today, the same military apparatus may be covertly cooperating with US strategic objectives—potentially to the detriment of Chinese interests. For Beijing, these developments underscore the need to recognize the transactional instincts of Pakistan's military elite, who are adept at balancing rival patrons in pursuit of regime security and institutional gains. Even China's great strategist, Sun Tzu, might have cautioned against overreliance on such a volatile ally The continued US support for Pakistan—evident in sustained financial aid, favorable IMF policies and recent symbolic gestures such as inviting Pakistan's Army chief General Asim Munir to the 250th US Army Day celebrations in Washington—reinforces the perception of the long-standing transactional defense ties between Rawalpindi and the Pentagon. This support from the US strategic establishment remains strong despite Islamabad's role in fostering regional instability. Notably, Pakistan's 2025–26 federal budget included a nearly 20% increase in defense spending, raising the allocation to approximately 2.55 trillion rupees (~$9 billion), even as overall public expenditure was reduced by 7%. Analysts argue that such a move would not have been possible without continued external backing—particularly from the US—through financial assistance and favorable multilateral mechanisms, including IMF disbursements. For China, the lesson is clear: its strategic investment in Pakistan is conditional and instrumental. The possibility of betrayal exists, especially when dealing with a military establishment that has historically prioritized survival and advantage over ideological loyalty. The Noor Khan air base, in this context, is not just a military asset—it is a symbol of Pakistan's enduring relevance to US strategy and a warning sign for Beijing. Idress Aftab is a research analyst at the New Delhi-based Centre for Foreign Policy Research.
First Post
12-06-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Delegitimising Pakistan's two-nation theory: An imperative for India and the West
De-legitimising the Pakistani model of exclusivity would not be humiliating a neighbour, but would be about defending the universal standard that religion cannot be the standard of legitimacy for the state read more (File) Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir (C) prays after laying wreath on the martyrs' monument during a guard of honor ceremony at General Headquarters (GHQ) in Rawalpindi on May 21, 2025. Photo by Handout/ Pakistan's Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR). AFP Ever since it emerged in 1947, Pakistan has been an ideological 'outlier' in the international system—created not on the basis of language, ethnicity, or culture shared between the people, but on the exclusivist premise of religion as the sole basis for the nation. Pakistan's then Chief of Army Asim Munir, and now Field Marshal, made this clear in his now viral Address to Pakistan's diaspora on April 15 this year, though not the first by any leader of consequence since its birth. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The ostensibly Two-Nation Theory, which is the notion that Muslims and Hindus form two distinct peoples who cannot live together within one state, is the Pakistani state's myth of origin. This vision of exclusivity, problematic in the context of South Asia, has since 9/11 turned into a more immediate global danger, one that erodes the principles of pluralism, resists the values of liberal democracy, and sustains transnational Islamist radicalism and terrorism. India and the Western liberal democracies of the day, particularly the United States and Europe, have to acknowledge this ideological project as a long-term threat to global order today. Delegitimising the Two-Nation Theory is not merely a regional imperative for India anymore but is now a global imperative for upholding the values of peaceful coexistence, religious diversity, and democratic secularism. The very rationale of Pakistan's existence—a state for Muslims only—set the precedent for the acceptance of rejecting multi-ethnic, multi-religious coexistence. In contrast with India, which had adopted the notion of secular, pluralist democracy in spite of the multicultural diversity of its society, Pakistan canonised the perception that identity and statehood are determined along strict religious lines. This over time took the form of an apparatus of exclusion not only of religious minorities such as Hindus, Christians, and Ahmadis but of dissident ethnic groups such as the Baloch and Sindhis as well. Even within Muslims, only a narrow, Punjabi-centric, Sunni vision was hallowed. The turning moment for the global community, however, arrived after 9/11. The Taliban government of Afghanistan, supported by Pakistan's military-intelligence establishment, gave refuge to Al-Qaeda & Osama bin Laden, the perpetrators of the most horrific terrorist strike on American terrain. In spite of official partnerships with the US-led 'War on Terror', Pakistan went on providing strategic depth and logistical support for jihadist organisations. Pakistan's shenanigans stood fully exposed with the US killing of Osama bin Laden on May 2, 2011, in his hideout in Abbottabad, very close to Pakistan's elite military academy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The ideological origins of this duplicity reside in the same exclusivist worldview that delegitimises pluralism and espouses Islamic terrorism as an instrument of strategic depth and religious obligation rather than as a threat. Ever since, Pakistan's soil has spawned several internationally recognised terrorist groups- lending support includes Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and the Haqqani Network-whose attacks against Western interests and citizens add to their role in destabilising India and Afghanistan. The connection is no longer local: Pakistan's state ideology has global implications. For decades, the West has been equivocal in dealing with Pakistan- straddling strategic imperatives in Afghanistan, nuclear containment fears, and economic pressure, while willfully turning a blind eye to Pakistan's ideological roots that sow radicalism. This policy of ticklish engagement has proven counterproductive. Pakistan today is more than a willing host of extremism; it is an active ideological sponsor. Its military and clergy maintain an environment in which terror surrogates can operate, in which minorities are silenced through the force of their blasphemy laws, and where schools indoctrinate anti-Western, anti-India views. It is no coincidence that Europe has experienced an influx of radicalised youth, who drew their ideological roots from the Islamist networks of the Indian sub-continent. The West needs to realize that by legitimizing Pakistan's strategic value while turning a blind eye towards its ideological path, they empower the actor who undermines the liberal international order from its core. The time has arrived for a recalibration – an arrangement with India for calling out, challenging, and diplomatically isolating the main ideology that keeps Pakistan's perilous course intact. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India, being the main victim of Pakistani ideological enmity, has most stakes. India's response, however, is not only required to be reactive or securitised but has to be ideational and normative and initiate an international discourse bringing into the open the vitriocity of the Two-Nation Theory based on its actual impact: terrorism, sectarianism, and civilisational backwardness. There are several tangible diplomatic initiatives that India can take along with Western democracies: First, India needs to embark on focused public diplomacy targeted against Pakistan's ideology, portraying it as against the norms of the international community. Just as apartheid was diplomatically and morally besieged during the 1980s, so should Pakistan's founding exclusivity be challenged in international forums. Second, India needs to further bond with pluralism-oriented countries such as the US, France, Germany, and Australia based on common civilisational values instead of security interests only. Interfaith discussions, diaspora partnerships, and parliamentary friendship groups should be utilised for forging across-nation narratives against religion-based exclusivist nationalism. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Third, India and like-minded countries need to bring the question of ideological statehood and its linkage with terrorism on the agenda of organizations like the UN Human Rights Council, FATF, and the G20. Karachi's ideology export needs to be connected with international volatility from European radicalisation to Afghan Taliban resurgence. Fourthly, India needs to spend on international research institutes that study the threat of religious exclusivisms, bring out comparative studies of pluralistic and ideological states, and construct cultural centres overseas celebrating India's inclusive civilisational tradition vis-a-vis the sectarian intolerance of Pakistan. Fourth, diplomatic and economic pressure should be directed strategically against Pakistan's military and clergy elites who have emerged as chief custodians of the ideological state. Asset freezes, visa sanctions, and travel bans against key figures who assist with terrorism or for blasphemy-related persecution should be included in Western policy. The Pakistani state's ideological project is no longer peculiar to South Asia, it is now an international outlier. The Two-Nation Theory in its current sophisticated incarnation presents a danger directly threatening the moral and political structure of the international system. India and the West should now share a shared civilisational project: defending pluralism, safeguarding minorities, and reviving faith in the possibility of variegated societies coexisting harmoniously together. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD De-legitimising the Pakistani model of exclusivity would not be humiliating a neighbour, but would be about defending the universal standard that religion cannot be the standard of legitimacy for the state. Manish Dabhade is an Associate Professor of Diplomacy in the School of International Studies, JNU & Founder of The Indian Futures, an independent think tank based in New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
