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Democrats are in the polling dumps — fighting America on this key demand
Democrats are in the polling dumps — fighting America on this key demand

New York Post

time11-06-2025

  • Politics
  • New York Post

Democrats are in the polling dumps — fighting America on this key demand

The Democratic Party has never been more unpopular — yet no Democrat seems to understand why. Some say they're not fighting President Donald Trump hard enough. Others say they aren't messaging their agenda well enough. In reality, they're fighting too hard for an agenda that Americans reject, with a central demand of welfare for all. Thirty-two years after President Bill Clinton promised to 'end welfare as we know it,' no idea unifies the Democratic Party more than the belief that welfare should be never-ending. This vision of government dependency spurred their most notable policies of recent years, and explains their intransigent opposition to Republican reforms. While some Democrats show an increasing willingness to compromise on other leftist priorities, such as biological men in women's sports, the party brooks no dissent on welfare — even though Americans want to fix the system's many failures. Consider the ongoing federal budget battle. House Republicans have put together a reconciliation bill that would slow the rate of Medicaid growth — from a projected 59.6% increase to 40% — over the next decade. Democrats oppose even that, including GOP attempts to end waste, fraud and abuse. Yet the latest federal data show that 22% of Medicaid payments and 12% of food-stamp payments went to ineligible recipients. More than 70% of likely voters want to protect taxpayers from fraud and abuse, polls show, yet Democrats essentially deny there's a problem that needs to be solved. In fact, when the Trump administration proposed a rule in March to end $11 billion in improper ObamaCare subsidies — aiming solely to curtail fraud — Democrats immediately opposed it. Democrats are just as adamant when it comes to work requirements for welfare recipients. My organization, the Foundation for Government Accountability, recently found that six in 10 able-bodied adults on Medicaid don't work at all, hoovering up resources that would benefit the truly vulnerable. When voters in purple Wisconsin were asked two years ago if welfare recipients should work as a condition of receiving benefits, nearly 80% said yes — but national Democrats now say no. They also reject Republican attempts to block Medicaid payments for illegal immigrants, which would save billions of dollars over the next decade. More than 70% of voters don't want illegal immigrants to receive government benefits, yet Democrats bizarrely disagree. But it's not just Congress; Democrats are striking the same strange tune in state capitols. Over the past 10 years, virtually all Republican-led states have taken steps to purge waste, fraud and abuse from welfare programs. By contrast, Democrat-run states have expanded illegal immigrants' access to Medicaid and pushed able-bodied adults onto welfare programs. In recent months, Democratic governors in Kansas and Arizona have vetoed Republican bills that would ban food-stamp purchases of soda and junk food — a reform that could lower state and federal Medicaid spending and encourage healthier choices. Democrats have a long history of supporting restrictions on consumers' options, but as soon as welfare enters the picture, they oppose it. Apparently limiting freedom is fine by them, but limiting federal welfare is unthinkable. The left's unwillingness to support even modest welfare reforms reflects the reality that government dependency is the biggest thing Democrats now offer Americans — even beyond limitless immigration and the Green New Deal. The Affordable Care Act, the central achievement of Barack Obama's presidency, dramatically expanded Medicaid while creating a new welfare system for the individual health-insurance market. Joe Biden enacted a work-destroying child tax credit and sought perpetual expansions of Medicaid and food stamps under the guise of pandemic relief. A slew of Biden regulations made it easier for people to abuse the taxpayer's generosity, from Medicaid to food stamps to free school lunches for rich kids. Democrats' end goal is clear: Get every American on the dole. Yet insisting that government dependency is always the answer means Democrats can't publicly admit that seemingly infinite welfare has any shortcomings. In fact, the left's agenda of welfare-for-all is profoundly harmful, and voters know it. Democrats have built a welfare system that taxpayers can't afford while pushing millions of people out of the workforce — a dual assault on the economic growth. They've left fewer resources for disabled children and the elderly by prioritizing able-bodied adults and illegal immigrants. And they're corrupting the foundational American belief that welfare is temporary assistance whose recipients should work to get back on their feet. No wonder Democrats are so unpopular: They're fleecing taxpayers, crippling the economy, hurting the truly needy and giving handouts to those who don't deserve them — none of which has Americans' support. The first Democrat who wakes up on welfare will be the hero their party desperately needs. Hayden Dublois is data and analytics director at the Foundation for Government Accountability.

The ‘N' in SNAP Means Nutrition
The ‘N' in SNAP Means Nutrition

Epoch Times

time16-05-2025

  • Health
  • Epoch Times

The ‘N' in SNAP Means Nutrition

Commentary SNAP, or Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, also known as food stamps, is one of the nation's largest welfare programs. And, like all welfare programs, it is massive, it has grown prodigiously over the years and it is inefficient. One glaring issue, which is gaining attention as a result of new Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s Make America Healthy Again campaign, is the kinds of foods that recipients of SNAP funds can purchase. And here we have convergence of bodily health and fiscal health. The 'N' in SNAP stands for nutrition. The point of the whole program is to help poor Americans eat and not forgo nutrition as result of insufficient funds to buy food. So why should government funds be used to purchase foods that are not fundamental to meeting the requirements of basic nutrition? Related Stories 5/13/2025 5/5/2025 The program is funded by the federal government but administered by the states. Now three Republican governors—governors of Arkansas, Idaho and Indiana—are joining the governor of West Virginia in seeking waivers from the federal government to permit them to remove soda, candy, and other sweets from the foods that can be purchased with SNAP funds. SNAP funds flow from the Department of Agriculture, and new Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins showed her support for this move by appearing alongside of Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders when she announced that her state would seek a waiver to eliminate soda and candy. According to the Foundation for Government Accountability, 'Soda is the number one commodity purchased with food stamps. More food stamp money is spent on soda, candy, snacks, ice cream, and cakes than on fruit, vegetables, eggs, pasta, beans, and rice. Purchases of sweetened beverages, desserts, salty snacks, and candy exceed the program's combined sales of fruits and vegetables by $9.4 billion a year.' FGA goes on to point out that the incidence of obesity is higher among food stamp recipients than among those not on food stamps at similar income levels and that food stamp participants are 'more likely to be at very high or extremely high risk' of the many health problems that result from obesity. Per the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, in 1975, federal funding to the SNAP program was $4.6 billion. By 2000, it was $14.6 billion. In 2023, it was up to $111.2 billion. Per Pew Research, in 1974, there were 12.9 million Americans receiving SNAP funds. In 2023, it was up to 42.4 million. Most recipients are adults—63 percent are over the age of 18—and of adults receiving food stamps, 62 percent had not been employed at all during the year, 24 percent were employed over the year and 14 percent were employed part of the year. Among children receiving food stamp payments, 56 percent were in homes with one or no parent. Much discussion about reform of SNAP involves a more rigorous application of work requirements to receive funding. This points back to importance of health. If SNAP funds permit purchase of foods that are unhealthy, or damage health, so it seems SNAP funds contribute to undermining the ability of recipients to work. Needless to say, as this initiative gains momentum, as it should, and as more states seek waivers to streamline their SNAP funding to foods that clearly aim to fundamental nutritional needs, the beverage and candy industry can be expected to be all over Congress to block the change. The Wall Street Journal reported last December about ramped up lobbying by Coke, Pepsi and the American Beverage Association to leave their soft drinks in the purview of SNAP funding. Some concerns have been expressed by grocers that increased specificity regarding what can be purchased can make administration and monitoring difficult. But surely technology can deal with this. Removing non-nutritious foods and beverages from SNAP won't balance our federal budget. But it is a no-brainer for our fiscal and physical health. Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Meet the Florida group chipping away at public benefits one state at a time
Meet the Florida group chipping away at public benefits one state at a time

Miami Herald

time14-05-2025

  • Health
  • Miami Herald

Meet the Florida group chipping away at public benefits one state at a time

PHOENIX - As an Arizona bill to block people from using government aid to buy soda headed to the governor's desk in April, the nation's top health official joined Arizona lawmakers in the state Capitol to celebrate its passage. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said to applause that the legislation was just the start and that he wanted to prevent federal funding from paying for other unhealthy foods. "We're not going to do that overnight," Kennedy said. "We're going to do that in the next four years." Those words of caution proved prescient when Arizona's Democratic governor, Katie Hobbs, vetoed the bill a week later. Nevertheless, state legislation to restrict what low-income people can buy using Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits is gaining momentum, boosted by Kennedy's touting it as part of his "Make America Healthy Again" platform. At least 14 states have considered bills this year with similar SNAP restrictions on specific unhealthy foods such as candy, with Idaho and Utah passing such legislation as of mid-April. Healthy food itself isn't largely a partisan issue, and those who study nutrition tend to agree that reducing the amount of sugary food people eat is a good idea to avoid health consequences such as heart disease. But the question over the government's role in deciding who can buy what has become political. The organization largely behind SNAP restriction legislation is the Foundation for Government Accountability, a conservative policy think tank out of Florida, and its affiliated lobbying arm, which has used the name Opportunity Solutions Project. FGA has worked for more than a decade to reshape the nation's public assistance programs. That includes SNAP, which federal data shows helps an average of 42 million people afford food each month. It also advocates for ways to cut Medicaid, the federal-state program that connects 71 million people to subsidized health care, including efforts in Idaho and Montana this year. FGA's proposals often seek to limit who taps into that aid and the help they receive. Those backing the group's mission say the goal is to save tax dollars and help people lift themselves out of poverty. Critics argue that FGA's proposals are a backdoor way to cut off aid to people who need it and that making healthy food and health care more affordable is a better fix. Now, FGA sees more room for change under the Trump administration and the Kennedy-led health department, calling 2025 a "window of opportunity for major reform," according to its latest annual report. A Vision for Limiting Government Benefits Tarren Bragdon, a former Maine legislator, founded FGA in 2011 to promote policies to "free millions from government dependency and open the doors for them to chase their own American Dream," he said in a statement on FGA's website. The main foundation started out as a staff of three with about $60,000 in the bank. As of 2023, it had a budget of more than $15 million and a team of roughly 64, according to the latest available tax documents, and that's not counting the lobbying arm. The foundation got early funding from a grant from the State Policy Network, which has long backed right-leaning think tanks with ties to conservative activists including brothers Charles and David Koch. FGA declined several interview requests for this article. In recent years, the nonprofit helped draft a 2017 Mississippi law, the Jackson Free Press found, which intensified eligibility checks for public aid that made it more difficult for some applicants to qualify. It successfully pushed a 2023 effort in Idaho to impose work requirements for food benefits that health care advocates said led some recipients to lose access. The same year, the group helped pass SNAP restrictions affecting eligibility in Iowa. Since those restrictions have taken effect, the Food Bank of Iowa has seen a record number of people show up at its pantries amid rising grocery prices and a scaling back of covid pandemic-era federal support, said Annette Hacker, a vice president at the nonprofit. Part of the group's strategy is to pass legislation state by state, with the idea that the crush of new laws will increase pressure on the federal government. For example, states can't limit what food is purchased through SNAP without federal approval through a waiver process. And in the past, some of FGA's efforts have stalled because states never got that approval. Kennedy's agenda now echoes some of FGA's key messages, and he has said states can expect approval of their waivers. Meanwhile, congressional leaders are eyeing nationwide Medicaid cuts and work requirements, which FGA considers among its major issues. The foundation also has a connection working inside the administration: Its former policy director, Sam Adolphsen, was tapped to advise President Donald Trump on domestic matters. "We're excited to fight from Topeka to Washington, D.C., as opposed to Washington, D.C., to Topeka," Roy Lenardson, FGA's state government affairs director, told Kansas lawmakers in February when testifying in support of SNAP legislation there. Shaping State Policies In the states, FGA has become known as a conservative "thought leader," said Brian Colby, vice president of public policy for Missouri Budget Project, a progressive nonprofit that provides analysis of state policy issues. "Conservatives used to try to chop away at the federal budget," Colby said. "These guys are doing it at the state level." In its 14 years, FGA has created a playbook to shape state policy discussions around public benefits behind the scenes. In Montana, retired Republican legislator Cary Smith, who worked with FGA, said not all of the think tank's ideas split along party lines. "They offer a buffet of options," he said. "Their agenda is making government accountable; it's in the name." He said besides drafting legislation, FGA provides talking points and data to help policymakers support their arguments. "They would go in and would say, 'This is what Medicaid fraud is costing us,'" Smith said. "That would be the number you'd want to use in your bill." In January, FGA released a memo for states to "stop taxpayer-funded junk food." In February, Stateline reported that Wyoming Republican state Rep. Jacob Wasserburger said the group asked him to sponsor a SNAP restriction bill. The state sponsor of similar legislation in Missouri has repeated at least one of FGA's talking points, as reported by the Missouri Independent. In Arizona, Republican Rep. Leo Biasiucci, who sponsored the SNAP legislation there, told KFF Health News FGA was behind that bill as well. Opponents of such bills argue the proposals are not as simple as they sound. Amid debate on a SNAP bill in Montana, Kiera Condon, with the Montana Food Bank Network, testified the legislation would force grocery store workers to sort through what counts as soda or candy, "which could result in retailers not participating in SNAP at all." State lawmakers tabled the Montana bill in April. Montana legislators also easily passed a bill to extend the state's Medicaid expansion program even after FGA began publishing a series of papers that asserted the program was "breaking" Montana's budget. FGA had presented data saying most Montanans on the program don't work, which state data refutes. Ed Bolen, who leads food aid strategies at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities think tank, said FGA has a pattern of proposing technical changes to existing laws and "unworkable work requirements" that cause people to lose benefits. After working with policymakers in Kansas for a decade, FGA helped pass legislation that limited how long people can access cash assistance, added work requirements to SNAP, and banned the state from spending federal or state funds to promote public aid. Many of those changes came through 2015 legislation known as the "HOPE Act" drafted by FGA, The Washington Post reported. Analysis from Kansas Appleseed, an advocacy organization for low-income Kansans, found the SNAP caseload sharply declined after the bill was enacted because of the new hurdles, dropping from 140,000 households in January 2014 to 90,000 as of January 2020. "It's death by a thousand cuts," said Karen Siebert, an adviser for Harvesters, a community food bank network in Kansas and Missouri. "Some of these FGA proposals are such complex policies, it's hard to argue against and to explain the ripple effects." In 2024, the foundation produced more than two dozen videos featuring state politicians from across the nation touting the organization's goals and dozens of research papers arguing public benefits are wrecking state budgets. FGA also has its own polling team to produce data out of the states it's working to influence. The organization released a list of 14 states it labeled as "redder and better" places to exert more influence. That included Idaho, where the group has four registered lobbyists in the state Capitol. In 2023, FGA helped present and successfully lobby for legislation there to require people receiving food aid to work at least 80 hours a month. The organization called the resulting law "landmark welfare reform" years in the making. And this year, Idaho lawmakers passed more requirements for people enrolled in Medicaid who can work. FGA staffers worked with one of the co-sponsors of the legislation on a similar bill last year that failed, then again this year. A compromise bill passed with FGA's backing, marking another victory for the foundation. David Lehman, a lobbyist for the Idaho Association of Community Providers, which represents health organizations that have opposed FGA bills, said Idaho illustrates how FGA works with sympathetic lawmakers in conservative states to gain more ground. "They're pushing an already rolling rock downhill," he said. Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.

Florida group is chipping away at public food, health benefits a state at a time
Florida group is chipping away at public food, health benefits a state at a time

Miami Herald

time08-05-2025

  • Health
  • Miami Herald

Florida group is chipping away at public food, health benefits a state at a time

As an Arizona bill to block people from using government aid to buy soda headed to the governor's desk in April, the nation's top health official joined Arizona lawmakers in the state Capitol to celebrate its passage. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said to applause that the legislation was just the start and that he wanted to prevent federal funding from paying for other unhealthy foods. 'We're not going to do that overnight,' Kennedy said. 'We're going to do that in the next four years.' Those words of caution proved prescient when Arizona's Democratic governor, Katie Hobbs, vetoed the bill a week later. Nevertheless, state legislation to restrict what low-income people can buy using Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits is gaining momentum, boosted by Kennedy's touting it as part of his 'Make America Healthy Again' platform. At least 14 states have considered bills this year with similar SNAP restrictions on specific unhealthy foods such as candy, with Idaho and Utah passing such legislation as of mid-April. Healthy food itself isn't largely a partisan issue, and those who study nutrition tend to agree that reducing the amount of sugary food people eat is a good idea to avoid health consequences such as heart disease. But the question over the government's role in deciding who can buy what has become political. The organization largely behind SNAP restriction legislation is the Foundation for Government Accountability, a conservative policy think tank out of Florida, and its affiliated lobbying arm, which has used the name Opportunity Solutions Project. FGA has worked for more than a decade to reshape the nation's public assistance programs. That includes SNAP, which federal data shows helps an average of 42 million people afford food each month. It also advocates for ways to cut Medicaid, the federal-state program that connects 71 million people to subsidized healthcare, including efforts in Idaho and Montana this year. FGA's proposals often seek to limit who taps into that aid and the help they receive. Those backing the group's mission say the goal is to save tax dollars and help people lift themselves out of poverty. Critics argue that FGA's proposals are a backdoor way to cut off aid to people who need it and that making healthy food and healthcare more affordable is a better fix. Now, FGA sees more room for change under the Trump administration and the Kennedy-led health department, calling 2025 a 'window of opportunity for major reform,' according to its latest annual report. A vision for limiting government benefits Tarren Bragdon, a former Maine legislator, founded FGA in 2011 to promote policies to 'free millions from government dependency and open the doors for them to chase their own American Dream,' he said in a statement on FGA's website. The main foundation, based in Naples, Florida, started out as a staff of three with about $60,000 in the bank. As of 2023, it had a budget of more than $15 million and a team of roughly 64, according to the latest available tax documents, and that's not counting the lobbying arm. The foundation got early funding from a grant from the State Policy Network, which has long backed right-leaning think tanks with ties to conservative activists including brothers Charles and David Koch. FGA declined several interview requests for this article. In recent years, the nonprofit helped draft a 2017 Mississippi law, the Jackson Free Press found, which intensified eligibility checks for public aid that made it more difficult for some applicants to qualify. It successfully pushed a 2023 effort in Idaho to impose work requirements for food benefits that health care advocates said led some recipients to lose access. The same year, the group helped pass SNAP restrictions affecting eligibility in Iowa. Since those restrictions have taken effect, the Food Bank of Iowa has seen a record number of people show up at its pantries amid rising grocery prices and a scaling back of covid pandemic-era federal support, said Annette Hacker, a vice president at the nonprofit. Part of the group's strategy is to pass legislation state by state, with the idea that the crush of new laws will increase pressure on the federal government. For example, states can't limit what food is purchased through SNAP without federal approval through a waiver process. And in the past, some of FGA's efforts have stalled because states never got that approval. Kennedy's agenda now echoes some of FGA's key messages, and he has said states can expect approval of their waivers. Meanwhile, congressional leaders are eyeing nationwide Medicaid cuts and work requirements, which FGA considers among its major issues. The foundation also has a connection working inside the administration: Its former policy director, Sam Adolphsen, was tapped to advise President Donald Trump on domestic matters. 'We're excited to fight from Topeka to Washington, D.C., as opposed to Washington, D.C., to Topeka,' Roy Lenardson, FGA's state government affairs director, told Kansas lawmakers in February when testifying in support of SNAP legislation there. Shaping state policies In the states, FGA has become known as a conservative 'thought leader,' said Brian Colby, vice president of public policy for Missouri Budget Project, a progressive nonprofit that provides analysis of state policy issues. 'Conservatives used to try to chop away at the federal budget,' Colby said. 'These guys are doing it at the state level.' In its 14 years, FGA has created a playbook to shape state policy discussions around public benefits behind the scenes. In Montana, retired Republican legislator Cary Smith, who worked with FGA, said not all of the think tank's ideas split along party lines. 'They offer a buffet of options,' he said. 'Their agenda is making government accountable; it's in the name.' He said besides drafting legislation, FGA provides talking points and data to help policymakers support their arguments. 'They would go in and would say, 'This is what Medicaid fraud is costing us,'' Smith said. 'That would be the number you'd want to use in your bill.' In January, FGA released a memo for states to 'stop taxpayer-funded junk food.' In February, Stateline reported that Wyoming Republican state Rep. Jacob Wasserburger said the group asked him to sponsor a SNAP restriction bill. The state sponsor of similar legislation in Missouri has repeated at least one of FGA's talking points, as reported by the Missouri Independent. In Arizona, Republican Rep. Leo Biasiucci, who sponsored the SNAP legislation there, told KFF Health News FGA was behind that bill as well. Opponents of such bills argue the proposals are not as simple as they sound. Amid debate on a SNAP bill in Montana, Kiera Condon, with the Montana Food Bank Network, testified the legislation would force grocery store workers to sort through what counts as soda or candy, 'which could result in retailers not participating in SNAP at all.' State lawmakers tabled the Montana bill in April. Montana legislators also easily passed a bill to extend the state's Medicaid expansion program even after FGA began publishing a series of papers that asserted the program was 'breaking' Montana's budget. FGA had presented data saying most Montanans on the program don't work, which state data refutes. Ed Bolen, who leads food aid strategies at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities think tank, said FGA has a pattern of proposing technical changes to existing laws and 'unworkable work requirements' that cause people to lose benefits. After working with policymakers in Kansas for a decade, FGA helped pass legislation that limited how long people can access cash assistance, added work requirements to SNAP, and banned the state from spending federal or state funds to promote public aid. Many of those changes came through 2015 legislation known as the 'HOPE Act' drafted by FGA, The Washington Post reported. Analysis from Kansas Appleseed, an advocacy organization for low-income Kansans, found the SNAP caseload sharply declined after the bill was enacted because of the new hurdles, dropping from 140,000 households in January 2014 to 90,000 as of January 2020. 'It's death by a thousand cuts,' said Karen Siebert, an adviser for Harvesters, a community food bank network in Kansas and Missouri. 'Some of these FGA proposals are such complex policies, it's hard to argue against and to explain the ripple effects.' In 2024, the foundation produced more than two dozen videos featuring state politicians from across the nation touting the organization's goals and dozens of research papers arguing public benefits are wrecking state budgets. FGA also has its own polling team to produce data out of the states it's working to influence. The organization released a list of 14 states it labeled as 'redder and better' places to exert more influence. That included Idaho, where the group has four registered lobbyists in the state Capitol. In 2023, FGA helped present and successfully lobby for legislation there to require people receiving food aid to work at least 80 hours a month. The organization called the resulting law 'landmark welfare reform' years in the making. And this year, Idaho lawmakers passed more requirements for people enrolled in Medicaid who can work. FGA staffers worked with one of the co-sponsors of the legislation on a similar bill last year that failed, then again this year. A compromise bill passed with FGA's backing, marking another victory for the foundation. David Lehman, a lobbyist for the Idaho Association of Community Providers, which represents health organizations that have opposed FGA bills, said Idaho illustrates how FGA works with sympathetic lawmakers in conservative states to gain more ground. 'They're pushing an already rolling rock downhill,' he said. KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Florida's proposed solution for losing migrant workers: more teen labor
Florida's proposed solution for losing migrant workers: more teen labor

Axios

time25-03-2025

  • Business
  • Axios

Florida's proposed solution for losing migrant workers: more teen labor

Amid state and national immigration crackdowns that are narrowing the workforce, Florida lawmakers are exploring what Gov. Ron DeSantis considers a potential solution: more child labor. Why it matters: Allowing kids to work longer hours could cut into their education, hurting their academic prospects, and would likely disproportionately harm low-income youth who have to work because of their circumstances, advocates told the Tampa Bay Times. State of play: A Senate committee on Tuesday advanced Senate Bill 918, which would allow teenagers as young as 14 to work overnight shifts and remove time limitations and required meal breaks for 16- and 17-year-old workers. The vote comes a week after DeSantis suggested that young workers could help replace "dirt cheap" labor performed by undocumented workers. "Why do we say we need to import foreigners, even import them illegally, when you know, teenagers used to work at these resorts, college students should be able to do this stuff," DeSantis said at a panel discussion with President Trump's border czar, Tom Homan. Zoom in: The bill, sponsored by Sen. Jay Collins, R-Tampa, removes all time restrictions in Florida law for 16- and 17-year-old workers. Those regulations include bans on working before 6:30am or after 11pm on school days or for more than eight hours in one day or 30 hours in a week when school is in session. It would also remove those protections for 14- and 15-year-old workers under certain conditions, including if they've graduated high school or obtained their GED, are enrolled in virtual or home school, or work for their parents. Flashback: A similar proposal last year, pushed by the conservative Foundation for Government Accountability, was watered down by the end of the lawmaking session, the Times reported. What they're saying: At Tuesday's meeting, Collins said his bill fills a gap in teaching kids "executive function." "We want our kids to be academically prepared," he said, "but let's talk about soft skills. Let's talk about adult function. Let's talk about executive thought process and management. Where do they learn that? Do we teach them that in school?" Child labor is "fundamentally a parental rights issue," he added. "This is the free state of Florida. … We do what's right, no matter how difficult it is or how many people stand up against it." Yes, but: Even members of Collins' party expressed discomfort with some aspects of the bill and said it needed work. "I share many of the same concerns that my colleagues do up here," Sen. Nick DiCeglie, R-Indian Rocks Beach, told Collins. "We're talking about 14- and 15-year-olds." Between the lines: Federal child labor laws also place limits on work by kids younger than 16, including hours restrictions. Workers who are 16 or 17 don't face a federal hours limit for non-agricultural jobs. The bill passed the Senate Committee on Commerce and Tourism 5-4, with one Republican lawmaker, Sarasota Sen. Joe Gruters, joining Democrats in voting against it.

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