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Business Standard
3 days ago
- Politics
- Business Standard
As Munir meets Trump, a look at the past legacy of Pak's military chiefs
Since achieving independence in 1947, Pakistan's military leadership has seen a very close engagement with the political, economic, and foreign relations of the country. Army chiefs have not only led coups and managed wars, but they have also shaped and controlled the frameworks within which states operate. The evolution of power has transitioned through two key titles, Commander-in-Chief (1947-1972) and Chief of Army Staff (COAS) from 1972 onwards. This long arc of military dominance reached a new milestone on Wednesday (June 18), when General Asim Munir, Pakistan's current army chief, held a direct meeting with US President Donald Trump at the White House. This was the first time a sitting Pakistani Chief of Army Staff, who was not a politician or ruling under martial law, was formally received at such a high diplomatic level, which indicates the global weight of the military organisation. Over the years, each army chief stamps a different mark as the organisation transformed with coups, wars, diplomacy to commercialising itself. Here is an overview of how subsequent military leaders have shaped the civil-military relationship in Pakistan and extended the army's role in statecraft. Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan (1951–1958) This legacy began with Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan when he served as the Commander-in-Chief from 1951 to 1958 as the United States increased its military aid to Pakistan. A series of events led Ayub Khan to seize power in a military coup in 1958, cloaked as a necessary response to civilian mismanagement. He set up an operational "developmental dictatorship," consolidating economic and administrative power and dividing profits with military elites through the Fauji Foundation and massive parcels of land. His rule ended with a negotiated settlement that reestablished its international martial image when the 1965 war with India came to an end. His rule established a future pattern: seize power, entrench economically, and command diplomacy. General Muhammad Musa Khan (1958-1966) Following him, General Muhammad Musa Khan (1958-1966), a symbolic figure installed by Ayub, extended the same centralised authority and military privileges without initiating a new coup. He remained involved during the 1965 war and supported the Ayub-era political-economic framework. General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan (1966-1971) General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan (1966-1971) assumed power after Ayub's resignation, imposing martial law to address a growing crisis in East Pakistan. He disbanded the parliament and cracked down on dissent, centralising authority in West Pakistan. His tenure ended in catastrophe during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, as Pakistan faced military defeat and diplomatic isolation, ultimately leading to the creation of Pakistan. This marked a big rupture in the myth of Pakistan's military invincibility and exposed the limitations of authoritarian rule. Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan Khan (Dec 1971-Mar 1972) Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan Khan briefly served from December 1971 to March 1972 during a transitional phase. His role was largely ceremonial, presiding over a caretaker military command during national disintegration. General Tikka Khan (1972-1976) In the post-1971 period, General Tikka Khan (1972-1976) was appointed COAS under Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He initiated military restructuring and oversaw violent campaigns in Balochistan. While supporting Bhutto's nationalisation efforts, he ensured the military retained its institutional privileges. Diplomatically, he repositioned the military after the 1971 setback, marking the army's re-entry as a core power broker in civilian governance. General Zia??'ul??'Haq (1976-1988) General Zia??'ul??'Haq (1976-1988) executed a coup in 1977, Operation Fair Play, after fuelling political unrest. He imposed martial law, institutionalised Islamisation, and expanded military economic interests through the Defence Housing Authority, Fauji Foundation, and other welfare corporations. His foreign policy pivoted around alignment with the United States during the Soviet-Afghan War. While remaining neutral during the Iran-Iraq conflict, Zia actively supported Afghan Mujahideen. His rule left a legacy of ideological, political, and commercial militarisation. Weak generals in turbulent times After Zia's death in 1988, General Mirza Aslam Beg (1988-1991) facilitated a return to electoral democracy but ensured the National Security Council (NSC) retained supervisory authority. He maintained behind-the-scenes influence over fragile civilian administrations. General Asif Nawaz Janjua (1991-1993), selected on the basis of seniority, died unexpectedly in office. His brief tenure did not register any significant political or economic shift. General Abdul Waheed Kakar (1993-1996) took charge amid political unrest. He influenced the dismissal and restructuring of governments and continued to utilise the NSC as a policy advisory instrument. General Jehangir Karamat (1996-1998) assumed command under constitutional norms but was forced to resign after advocating parliamentary oversight of the NSC, an action that exposed military discomfort with civilian checks. General Pervez Musharraf (1998-2007) In 1998, General Pervez Musharraf seized power after the Kargil War in a coup against the Nawaz Sharif government, citing administrative failures. His regime restructured the Constitution, liberalised the economy, and significantly expanded military-led business ventures. Under Musharraf, Pakistan allied with the United States during the post-9/11 global war on terror and maintained strong ties with China and Gulf states. His controversial Kargil campaign attracted international condemnation and resulted in retreat under US pressure. Musharraf's leadership institutionalised the military's supremacy in politics and global diplomacy. The post-Musharraf era General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani (2007-2013), a Musharraf appointee, led during the post-coup normalisation period. Though he projected a reduced public military footprint, his tenure ensured continued control of the NSC and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Appointed in 2013 by Kayani, General Raheel Sharif (2013-2016) prioritised counter-terror operations, particularly Operation Zarb??'e??'Azb, and expanded the army's role in infrastructure under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). He largely avoided political entanglement while engaging internationally to secure infrastructure investment. General Qamar Javed Bajwa (2016-2022) assumed command over senior contenders and received two extensions from Parliament. His tenure deepened military involvement in electoral processes, most notably engineering the rise of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and orchestrating the 2022 regime change. Under him, the military strengthened its economic stakes in CPEC and intensified diplomatic alignment while tightening domestic political control. Field Marshal General Asim Munir (2022-present) General Asim Munir, the current Chief of Army Staff (COAS), assumed office in November 2022 amid political upheaval. In May 2025, he was elevated to the rank of Field Marshal, only the second in Pakistan's history after Ayub Khan. Munir's tenure has seen the reintroduction of military courts to prosecute civilian dissenters and a major expansion of 'milbus' (military-business) interests across mining, agriculture, and infrastructure. His leadership was tested during the April-May 2025 conflict with India, triggered by the Pahalgam terror attack. India responded with Operation Sindoor, targeting Pakistani military installations. Pakistan retaliated with Operation Bunyan??'um??'Marsoos. A ceasefire was reached on May 10. Munir emerged as a national hero, with a dramatic increase in public approval. On June 18, he attended a high-profile White House lunch hosted by U.S. President Donald Trump, where discussions focused on regional stability, Iran, and Indo-Pak relations. Munir has since broadened military diplomacy, finalising jet deals with China, strengthening ties with Gulf nations, and elevating Pakistan's engagement in the United Nations Security Council and the International Monetary Fund. So far, his legacy is marked by unprecedented consolidation of military power in both state and commercial spheres. However, critics warn of an authoritarian drift and an increasingly militarised political landscape. Over the course of seven decades, Pakistan's army chiefs have followed a familiar blueprint: seize control through coups or exploit crises, institutionalise their authority via the NSC and influence over the judiciary and bureaucracy, monetise power through sprawling military business empires and justify their hold through war and diplomacy.
Arab News
6 days ago
- Business
- Arab News
Military-linked Fauji Fertilizer to bid for stake in Pakistan's PIA
ISLAMABAD: Fauji Fertilizer Company Ltd. (FFC), a unit of the Pakistan army-run Fauji Foundation, said on Monday its board had approved submitting an expression of interest to acquire a stake in loss-making national carrier PIA, according to a filing with the Pakistan Stock Exchange (PSX). Islamabad is trying to offload a controlling stake of 51-100 percent in PIA under a $7 billion International Monetary Fund program aimed at overhauling state-owned firms. Authorities last month pushed back the deadline for expressions of interest to June 19. 'The board … has approved submission of an expression of interest and pre-qualification documents to the Privatization Commission … and undertaking a comprehensive due-diligence exercise,' FFC said in the filing. FFC is Pakistan's biggest fertilizer maker and has diversified interests in energy, food and finance. Any deal on PIA would expand the military group's footprint into aviation, though final terms will hinge on the government's privatization process and regulatory approvals. FFC's move marks Pakistan's second attempt to sell PIA. A 2024 auction drew only one offer – Rs10 billion ($36 million) for 60 percent of the airline from real-estate developer Blue World City – far below the government's Rs85 billion ($305 million) floor price and was rejected. Pakistan had offloaded nearly 80 percent of the airline's legacy debt and shifted it to government books ahead of the privatization attempt. The rest of the debt was also cleaned out of the airline's accounts after the failed sale attempt to make it more attractive to potential buyers, according to the country's privatization ministry. In April, PIA posted an operating profit of Rs9.3 billion ($33.1 million) for 2024, its first in 21 years. The airline has for years survived on government bailouts as its operational earnings were eaten up by debt servicing costs. Officials say offloading the debt burden and recent reforms like shedding staff, exiting unprofitable routes and other cost-cutting measures led to the profitable year. Ahead of the attempt to sell the airline last year, PIA had faced threats of being shut down, with planes impounded at international airports over its failure to pay bills and flights canceled due to a shortage of funds to pay for fuel or spare parts. The state carrier's 34-plane fleet commands only 23 percent of Pakistan's domestic market, while Middle Eastern rivals take about 60 percent of overall traffic, thanks to wider route networks and direct connections.
Business Recorder
03-06-2025
- Business
- Business Recorder
Fauji Foundation, KAPCO eye majority stake in ACPL
Fauji Foundation and Kot Addu Power Company Limited (KAPCO) have formally expressed their intention to jointly acquire a majority shareholding and joint control of Attock Cement Pakistan Limited (ACPL). KAPCO disclosed the development in a notice to the Pakistan Stock Exchange (PSX) on Tuesday. 'The Board of Directors of KAPCO has approved the acquisition of shares and joint control of Attock Cement Pakistan Limited (ACPL) by the company and Fauji Foundation (FF) under the Securities Act, 2015 (the Act) and Listed Companies Regulations, 2017,' read the notice. It added that the acquisition is subject to the completion of necessary corporate and regulatory formalities. The company has appointed Integrated Equities Limited as Manager to the Offer (MTO) and sanctioned the commencement of due diligence and negotiation of acquisition terms. As per the public announcement of intention (PAI) submitted to the bourse, the acquirers intend to purchase 84.06% shareholding (Fauji Foundation 42.03%, KAPCO 42.03%) of APCL. The development comes as Pharaon Investment Group Ltd., a Lebanon-based company, is exploring a strategic sale of its stake in Attock Cement Pakistan Ltd. (ACPL). The potential sale has attracted initial interest from several major players in the cement and energy sectors, including Cherat Cement, Bestway Group, KAPCO and Fauji Cement, reported Bloomberg, citing people familiar with the matter Earlier, Pharaon Investment Group informed its stakeholders that certain prospective investors had expressed interest in acquiring its shareholding in ACPL and also indicated their intention to submit binding offers. PIGL shared that Standard Chartered Bank has been appointed as a financial advisor for the divestment process. Attock Cement Pakistan Ltd was incorporated in Pakistan on October 14, 1981, as a public limited company. The company is a subsidiary of Pharaon Investment Group Limited Holding S.A.L, Lebanon. Its main business activity is the manufacturing and sale of cement.
Business Recorder
03-06-2025
- Business
- Business Recorder
Fauji Foundation, KAPCO eye majority stake in Attock Cement
Fauji Foundation and Kot Addu Power Company Limited (KAPCO) have formally expressed their intention to jointly acquire a majority shareholding and joint control of Attock Cement Pakistan Limited (ACPL). KAPCO disclosed the development in a notice to the Pakistan Stock Exchange (PSX) on Tuesday. 'The Board of Directors of KAPCO has approved the acquisition of shares and joint control of Attock Cement Pakistan Limited (ACPL) by the company and Fauji Foundation (FF) under the Securities Act, 2015 (the Act) and Listed Companies Regulations, 2017,' read the notice. It added that the acquisition is subject to the completion of necessary corporate and regulatory formalities. The company has appointed Integrated Equities Limited as Manager to the Offer (MTO) and sanctioned the commencement of due diligence and negotiation of acquisition terms. As per the public announcement of intention (PAI) submitted to the bourse, the acquirers intend to purchase 84.06% shareholding (Fauji Foundation 42.03%, KAPCO 42.03%) of APCL. The development comes as Pharaon Investment Group Ltd., a Lebanon-based company, explores a strategic sale of its stake in Attock Cement Pakistan Ltd. (ACPL), concerning its investment in the Pakistani cement business. The sale has attracted initial interest from several major players in the cement and energy sectors, including Cherat Cement, Bestway Group, KAPCO and Fauji Cement, reported Bloomberg, citing people familiar with the matter Earlier, Pharaon Investment Group informed its stakeholders that certain prospective investors had expressed interest in acquiring its shareholding in ACPL and also indicated their intention to submit binding offers. PIGL shared that Standard Chartered Bank has been appointed as a financial advisor for the divestment process. Attock Cement Pakistan Ltd was incorporated in Pakistan on October 14, 1981, as a public limited company. The company is a subsidiary of Pharaon Investment Group Limited Holding S.A.L, Lebanon. Its main business activity is the manufacturing and sale of cement.
Time of India
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Myth, military and militancy: Why Pakistan is incorrigible
Ceasefire, but no real peace Though on May 10, India and Pakistan reached a consensus for a 'full and immediate ceasefire' after four days of intense military engagements, the hostilities are not going to end in the near future. Pakistan cannot and should not be trusted. Pakistan sought non-conventional ways to challenge India's dominance—especially in Kashmir after losing wars to India in 1947, 1965, and 1971. Supporting insurgency and militant groups became a 'low-cost, high-impact' strategy to internationalise the Kashmir issue. Pakistan's involvement in supporting and enabling terrorism—particularly in the context of its regional policies—can be traced to a mix of historical, strategic, and ideological reasons. The ideological dilemma This foundation of Pakistan itself creates inherent contradictions. The very creation of Pakistan was driven by a religious identity. While the so-called 'Two Nation Theory' provided the ideological justification, the actual process was shaped by political negotiations, regional dynamics, and the realities of colonial rule. The result was a new nation-state, unique for being founded primarily on the basis of religion rather than ethnicity or language. The rise of Islam in the early 1950s was largely due to the efforts of political activists and religious scholars who had migrated to Pakistan. The notion of present Pakistan as an ideological state is often linked to the era of General Mohammed Zia -ul- Haq. However, its origins are much older and both Liaquat Ali Khan and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, for political reasons, created the groundwork for the subsequent institutionalization of Islamization under the General Zia regime. Distorted history, strategic blindness Since the 1980s, the early history of Pakistan has been largely omitted from the educational curriculum, with the national historical narrative predominantly centred on the arrival of Muhammad bin Qasim in Sindh in 711 CE. This focus led to the exclusion of significant historical elements such as the Indus Valley civilization and later sites like Taxila, Hakra-Gagger, and Kot Diji from the curriculum. The intertwining of Pakistan's history with that of Muslim rule in India has further strengthened the narrative. This historical context is believed to have played a role in the formulation of geo-political strategy of Pakistan. The military's iron grip Pakistan has been under direct military rule for nearly half of its existence and even during civilian rule, the military retained de facto power over defence, foreign policy, and internal security. The chief of the Pakistani Army possesses an unmatched level of power and influence, rendering the position one of the most formidable in the world. Having exerted influence over Pakistan both overtly and covertly, army often manipulates events from the shadows. It removes elected administrations, creates pressure groups, and instigates divisions within political parties. Through organizations like Fauji Foundation, Army Welfare Trust, and Defence Housing Authorities, the military controls vast economic assets in agriculture, real estate, and industry and this economic entrenchment provides both incentive and ability to shape politics. It provides financial support to opposition parties to destabilize elected governments, thereby preserving its grip on political authority. No surprise, the politicians seek to align themselves with the armed forces to share power. For this the term 'hybrid regime' has been introduced to describe the ongoing military influence over civilian governments. Terror as statecraft During General Zia's rule the military began to view its role as not only protecting Pakistan's territorial integrity but also upholding the state-endorsed ideology. Numerous mosque schools that proliferated during this period were characterized by a strong sectarian focus and a commitment to a transnational jihadist perspective. These advancements were significantly facilitated by the United States' requirement for Pakistan's assistance in the fight against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Most significantly, Zia's enduring influence fostered an environment conducive to the social acceptance of terrorism as a state policy. Subsequent leaders, whether civilian or military, followed the same policies. Political dynasties, such as the Bhuttos and Sharifs, dominate politics, often prioritizing personal power over national development. No end in sight So, over the years Pakistan has been harbouring and supporting terrorist groups, particularly those targeting India, Iran and Afghanistan. Pakistan's internal reliance on Islamist narratives and its long-standing military policy toward 'bleeding India by a thousand cuts' means it cannot easily abandon support for terrorism against India. In close coordination with the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Pakistani army groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), and the Haqqani Network have been operating from Pakistani soil. Recently Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif himself admitted on Sky News to Pakistan's history of 'supporting, training, and funding terrorist organizations.' The Army remains the true centre of power. The primary and essential prerequisite of peace in the region demands a thorough reform of the Army framework in Pakistan with a transition towards a governance system that is more civilian-oriented. Unfortunately, it's not happening in the near future. Peace on the Western Front will remain elusive. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
