Latest news with #DenisHealey
Daily Mail
16-06-2025
- Politics
- Daily Mail
Starmer's waging war against his own social class - and there's much more punishment to come: STEPHEN GLOVER
Shortly before he died in 2015, former Labour Chancellor Denis Healey declared that the 'class war is over'. He added that 'in my time it was the dominant element in politics, but now nobody gives a b***ery'. Healey hadn't bargained for Sir Keir Starmer, who had just been elected an MP. Nor had he factored in Angela Rayner, then also new to the Commons, and about to join forces with hard Left .
The Guardian
07-05-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
The Gang of Three review – inside an old boys' club of Labour intrigue
D enis Healey, Roy Jenkins and Anthony Crosland were all born between 1917 and 1920, then educated at Oxford before serving in Labour governments. This homogenous gang of three, as this play's title identifies them, fail to claim the highest political prizes because they believe the inevitable winner is one of them. Written by political faction specialists Robert Khan and Tom Salinsky – whose earlier works Coalition, Kingmaker and Brexit examined aspects of the Cameron and Johnson years – the play shows the self-chosen big three of the Labour centre-right debating which of them should become deputy party leader in 1972 and 1976, prime minister in 1976 and leader of the opposition in 1980. As with events in Rome, there's a sense of Labour conclaves, with the added problem that not all of the contenders were in the room; in each case, a pope of socialism was crowned elsewhere (Ted Short, Michael Foot, James Callaghan, Foot again). Still more daringly, another party, across Westminster, chose a female leader. The Tories having picked three more women (quality aside), while all Labour's non-interim leaders have been male, is one of the play's many subtle subtexts, alongside divisions between the trio including European membership and spending cuts. Subtle subtexts … Morgan, Tierney and Cox in The Gang of Three. Photograph: Tristram Kenton/the Guardian Just as the play seems to be following conventional bio-drama chronology, there's a flashback to Oxford in 1940 in an intriguing scene dramatising a more intimate relationship between Crosland and Jenkins that, in John Campbell's biography of Jenkins, is attributed only to 'private information'. Finally, the play becomes an unofficial prequel to Steve Waters' Limehouse, in which Jenkins, as part of the 'gang of four' (with David Owen, Shirley Williams and Bill Rodgers), founded the SDP, with the aim of supplanting Labour – although, like Jenkins' previous gambles, that failed, with Healey refusing to become the gang's fifth member. Eschewing a bald cap (as used by Roger Allam in Limehouse), Hywel Morgan captures Jenkins' delivery, rolling words around his mouth like the fine claret he carries in (a good in-joke about a political hero, this) a Gladstone bag. Colin Tierney as Healey nails the sudden French quotations and the habit, regardless of emotion, of speaking through gritted teeth. With the advantage or disadvantage of being the only character not impersonated by peak-time TV impressionists of the era, Alan Cox plays Crosland as a charmingly louche political chameleon – though, as the play shows, that wasn't enough. At the King's Head theatre, London, until 1 June
Times
07-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Times
The Gang of Three review — an uneven portrait of 1970s Labour
At its sharpest, this portrait of conspiratorial Labour politicians of the 1970s has a touch of Yes Minister. Cue lots of contented chortles among wonkish members of the audience on press night at the King's Head Theatre in London. For anyone who remembers the heyday of flying pickets, Weekend World and endless conference feuds, there's enough here to make an amiable evening. True, Robert Khan and Tom Salinsky's portrait of three heavyweights — Denis Healey, Roy Jenkins and Tony Crosland — does begin to run out of momentum before the end. If this were a ministerial speech, the last ten minutes would include a set of glowing statistics about the increased output of Austin Maxis on the British Leyland production line. But the actors
Yahoo
28-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
We are already halfway to Labour's 1970s nightmare
Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves should hark back to the 1970s and follow former Labour chancellor Denis Healey's lead by putting up the basic rate of income tax, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS). This would not be a jaunty 'back to the future' escapade, but more likely a bad trip going 'forward into the past'. The appetite of politicians for more taxes on earnings, pensions, savings, inheritances and transactions of any sort is insatiable and needs no encouragement from Paul Johnson, the IFS director. The 1970s were marked by rampant inflation (fed by high energy prices, war and lavish public spending), price controls (on bread, like we now have on gas) and often vicious labour disputes encouraged by militant trades unions (think railway disruption and rat-infested Birmingham refuse). We are already halfway to Labour's 1970s nightmare, there's no need to go the whole hog. Denis Healey increased the basic rate of tax from 33p to 35p in his 1975 Budget – but Johnson forgets to mention it did not prevent the shame of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) having to bail out Britain's public finances in return for some sanity over spending controls. Instead of urging Reeves to ape Healey's income tax rise, the IFS should be encouraging spending restraints like the IMF did. As Starmer's government gets deeper into unelectable territory (61pc think he is doing a bad job), there appears to be an irrational sense of nostalgia emerging in Labour circles for us to return to the 1970s. There are demands for re-nationalising more businesses, subsidising more utilities and adopting more collectivist policies that were proven failures. Bizarrely, it truly was the time when the UK was the sick man of Europe. As an adolescent of the 1970s, I formed many of my opinions about life from that wonderful, yet often desperate period. Yes I wore flares, loons in fact, but apart from the Ben Sherman shirts, the fashions were generally dreadful (smelly Afghan coats, shirts with tartan yolks?) and make me chuckle now. Fortunately, the music was glorious in all its diversity and depth, and British sport was adorned with many memorable achievements. Sadly the political economy of 1970s Britain was especially bad and not something we should wish to return to. A three-day-week caused by power blackouts? Ed Miliband's net zero zealotry could take us there by accident or design. Another winter of discontent, with the dead unburied and rubbish piling up? Look no further than Birmingham's bin strike to see what's possible. Only the rats are rejoicing. Labour is already in the process of nationalising the railways and British Steel – what's next? In the 1970s, the nationalised industries were costing British taxpayers a fortune and were riddled with strikes and poor productivity. Yet Reeves cannot afford to return to that formula. Few today recall in 1976, British Steel made a loss of £246m while British Rail lost £336m – equivalent to £2.5bn and £3.5bn respectively now. Over the whole decade, British Rail cost taxpayers more than £2.3bn then – worth £27bn now. Does that give Reeves nightmares? It should. In the 70s, apart from a few rebel voices, the Conservatives were corporatist in outlook and sought to maintain the structures inherited from Harold Wilson's Labour governments. Sound familiar? It took the arrival of Margaret Thatcher as the new party leader exactly 50 years ago for the adoption of a sharper free market analysis that deconstructed the socialist shibboleths and promised to control public spending and then cut taxes (importantly, in that order). After her election at the end of the decade – and the taking of brave pills by many of her 'wet' colleagues – Thatcher, Howe and Joseph turned Britain into the enterprising 1980s we should be recalling and learning from. By 1974, Healey increased the top-rate of income tax to 83pc, its highest rate since the war, on incomes equivalent to over £306,495 affecting 750,000 people. When combined with a 15pc surcharge on investments and dividends, it resulted in a 98pc marginal rate of personal income tax. Gary Stevenson, the financial trader turned high tax campaigner, wants our top rate of tax to go back to its 83pc rate of 50 years ago. But it was not just the rich who paid high taxes – the poorest did too, with the lowest rate being 35pc. If wealthy people like millionaire Mr Stevenson want to pay more tax, then people like him can already do it. Be our guest Gary, make the online transfer to HMRC without saddling the rest of us with the burden. He shouldn't fool himself the state will do anything other than swallow his donation whole – but still want more. What we need is for today's Chancellor to recognise the wrong turn Rishi Sunak's Conservatives took in growing spending, and to now pull back on the throttle. Instead, Reeves is turbocharging spending so we accelerate even faster to the point where our national debt will not be sustained by the markets. Britain's budget deficit, reflecting borrowing to fund state expenditure, has been estimated provisionally for 2025 at £74.6bn compared to the £60.7bn forecast by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) – £13.9bn more than anticipated and £12.6bn more than in the same period the previous year. Our public finances are out of control. This reflects the fact that the UK's Public Spending Borrowing Requirement (PSBR) is £25bn higher than Reeves's Budget forecast and £15bn higher than the OBR estimate. If Reeves raises taxes, she will kill economic growth stone dead and see borrowing climb further on the back of falling tax revenues. She needs to control spending – and if she can't do it, I can give her the IMF's phone number. Nostalgia can be a comfort blanket against the cold winds of change. We can wrap ourselves in warm and cosy memories of things we remember fondly, and even consider how we overcame adversity thanks to our fortitude and support from friends. We should not fool ourselves, however. There is no guarantee that enduring the 1970s all over again will result in the same salvation. The high inflation, punitive taxes, and discouragement of saving or investing were a plague on our prosperity that only promoted workplace unrest. Finding another Margaret Thatcher to come to our rescue would be pushing nostalgia too far and putting hope before reality. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. 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Telegraph
28-04-2025
- Business
- Telegraph
Reeves is dragging Britain back to the 70s – and there's no Thatcher to save us
Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves should hark back to the 1970s and follow former Labour chancellor Denis Healey's lead by putting up the basic rate of income tax, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS). This would not be a jaunty 'back to the future' escapade, but more likely a bad trip going 'forward into the past'. The appetite of politicians for more taxes on earnings, pensions, savings, inheritances and transactions of any sort is insatiable and needs no encouragement from Paul Johnson, the IFS director. The 1970s were marked by rampant inflation (fed by high energy prices, war and lavish public spending), price controls (on bread, like we now have on gas) and often vicious labour disputes encouraged by militant trades unions (think railway disruption and rat-infested Birmingham refuse). We are already halfway to Labour's 1970s nightmare, there's no need to go the whole hog. Denis Healey increased the basic rate of tax from 33p to 35p in his 1975 Budget – but Johnson forgets to mention it did not prevent the shame of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) having to bail out Britain's public finances in return for some sanity over spending controls. Instead of urging Reeves to ape Healey's income tax rise, the IFS should be encouraging spending restraints like the IMF did. As Starmer's government gets deeper into unelectable territory (61pc think he is doing a bad job), there appears to be an irrational sense of nostalgia emerging in Labour circles for us to return to the 1970s. There are demands for re-nationalising more businesses, subsidising more utilities and adopting more collectivist policies that were proven failures. Bizarrely, it truly was the time when the UK was the sick man of Europe. As an adolescent of the 1970s, I formed many of my opinions about life from that wonderful, yet often desperate period. Yes I wore flares, loons in fact, but apart from the Ben Sherman shirts, the fashions were generally dreadful (smelly Afghan coats, shirts with tartan yolks?) and make me chuckle now. Fortunately, the music was glorious in all its diversity and depth, and British sport was adorned with many memorable achievements. Sadly the political economy of 1970s Britain was especially bad and not something we should wish to return to. A three-day-week caused by power blackouts? Ed Miliband's net zero zealotry could take us there by accident or design. Another winter of discontent, with the dead unburied and rubbish piling up? Look no further than Birmingham's bin strike to see what's possible. Only the rats are rejoicing. Labour is already in the process of nationalising the railways and British Steel – what's next? In the 1970s, the nationalised industries were costing British taxpayers a fortune and were riddled with strikes and poor productivity. Yet Reeves cannot afford to return to that formula. Few today recall in 1976, British Steel made a loss of £246m while British Rail lost £336m – equivalent to £2.5bn and £3.5bn respectively now. Over the whole decade, British Rail cost taxpayers more than £2.3bn then – worth £27bn now. Does that give Reeves nightmares? It should. In the 70s, apart from a few rebel voices, the Conservatives were corporatist in outlook and sought to maintain the structures inherited from Harold Wilson's Labour governments. Sound familiar? It took the arrival of Margaret Thatcher as the new party leader exactly 50 years ago for the adoption of a sharper free market analysis that deconstructed the socialist shibboleths and promised to control public spending and then cut taxes (importantly, in that order). After her election at the end of the decade – and the taking of brave pills by many of her 'wet' colleagues – Thatcher, Howe and Joseph turned Britain into the enterprising 1980s we should be recalling and learning from. By 1974, Healey increased the top-rate of income tax to 83pc, its highest rate since the war, on incomes equivalent to over £306,495 affecting 750,000 people. When combined with a 15pc surcharge on investments and dividends, it resulted in a 98pc marginal rate of personal income tax. Gary Stevenson, the financial trader turned high tax campaigner, wants our top rate of tax to go back to its 83pc rate of 50 years ago. But it was not just the rich who paid high taxes – the poorest did too, with the lowest rate being 35pc. If wealthy people like millionaire Mr Stevenson want to pay more tax, then people like him can already do it. Be our guest Gary, make the online transfer to HMRC without saddling the rest of us with the burden. He shouldn't fool himself the state will do anything other than swallow his donation whole – but still want more. What we need is for today's Chancellor to recognise the wrong turn Rishi Sunak's Conservatives took in growing spending, and to now pull back on the throttle. Instead, Reeves is turbocharging spending so we accelerate even faster to the point where our national debt will not be sustained by the markets. Britain's budget deficit, reflecting borrowing to fund state expenditure, has been estimated provisionally for 2025 at £74.6bn compared to the £60.7bn forecast by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) – £13.9bn more than anticipated and £12.6bn more than in the same period the previous year. Our public finances are out of control. This reflects the fact that the UK's Public Spending Borrowing Requirement (PSBR) is £25bn higher than Reeves's Budget forecast and £15bn higher than the OBR estimate. If Reeves raises taxes, she will kill economic growth stone dead and see borrowing climb further on the back of falling tax revenues. She needs to control spending – and if she can't do it, I can give her the IMF's phone number. Nostalgia can be a comfort blanket against the cold winds of change. We can wrap ourselves in warm and cosy memories of things we remember fondly, and even consider how we overcame adversity thanks to our fortitude and support from friends. We should not fool ourselves, however. There is no guarantee that enduring the 1970s all over again will result in the same salvation. The high inflation, punitive taxes, and discouragement of saving or investing were a plague on our prosperity that only promoted workplace unrest.
