Latest news with #CentralAsian
Time of India
8 hours ago
- Business
- Time of India
Iran-Israel conflict: India keeping tab on Chabahar Port, International North-South Transport Corridor; why it's important
Last year, India signed a decade-long agreement with Iran, entrusting the Chabahar Port's management to India Ports Global Ltd. Amidst escalating tensions between Iran and Israel, India is keeping a close watch on the strategically important Chabahar Port and International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) projects. Last year, India signed a decade-long agreement with Iran, entrusting the Chabahar Port's management to India Ports Global Ltd. The operations at Chabahar Port are jointly managed by IPGL, a collaboration between Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust and Kandla Port Trust, working alongside Iran's Aria Banader. India has committed substantial financial support, including $85 million for berth improvements and a $150 million credit line through Exim Bank. According to an ET report, India is monitoring potential effects on the Chabahar Port and International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) as tensions rise between Israel and Iran. Also Read | India bleeds Pakistan dry: Water at 'dead' levels in Pakistan's dams; bigger Indus river plans in the works - top points to know These two Iranian connectivity initiatives serve as India's crucial access points to Afghanistan, Central Asia and Russia, with substantial Indian investment in the port development. Whilst Israel has not directly struck any Iranian ports, there are accounts of strikes along Iran's coastline. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Memperdagangkan CFD Emas dengan salah satu spread terendah? IC Markets Mendaftar Undo The Taliban administration in Afghanistan has expressed interest in Chabahar and is considering joining INSTC to decrease its reliance on ports in Pakistan. Additionally, several Central Asian nations have demonstrated enthusiasm for this initiative. Importance of Chabahar port for India Iran's Chabahar port holds strategic importance for India to expand trade routes to Central Asia. Located on the Gulf of Oman, this port project was first suggested by India in 2003. It will provide a vital access point for Indian commodities to reach Afghanistan and Central Asian nations through the International North-South Transport Corridor, consisting of road and rail networks, without crossing Pakistani territory. India's involvement in developing Chabahar port stands as a response to Pakistan's Gwadar port and China's Belt and Road Initiative. Also Read | Iran-Israel conflict: How will blocking of Strait of Hormuz hit India? Indian refiners look at alternative routes for fuel supply India has secured operational control of Chabahar port, following its monetary contribution towards the port's development. This is India's first venture into foreign port management. The port functions as an essential connectivity corridor linking India with Afghanistan, Central Asia and the broader Eurasian territories. Functioning as a transit trade centre between India, Iran and Afghanistan, Chabahar port offers an alternative pathway to the conventional Silk Road that passes through China. The port's advantageous position near the Strait of Hormuz and the Indian Ocean enhances its strategic value and future prospects. Stay informed with the latest business news, updates on bank holidays and public holidays . AI Masterclass for Students. Upskill Young Ones Today!– Join Now
Korea Herald
9 hours ago
- Business
- Korea Herald
Azerbaijan keen for Korean manufacturing in Alat FEZ: chairman
Azerbaijan is keen for industrial cooperation with South Korea and is inviting Korean manufacturers to invest in the Alat Free Economic Zone, said Valeh Alasgarov, Chairman of the AFEZ Authority, in an interview with The Korea Herald. Alasgarov was in Seoul to showcase AFEZ's legal framework, fiscal and non-fiscal incentives and strategic location as a gateway to European, Middle Eastern and Central Asian markets. 'We are looking for Korean manufacturers that specialize in high-value-added and export-oriented production,' said Alasgarov. 'AFEZ offers a uniquely tailored platform for such companies to thrive with the highest levels of legal protection, operational efficiency and financial benefits.' Alasgarov held a series of bilateral meetings with major Korean institutions, including the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency and the Korea International Trade Association, to promote AFEZ and discuss future partnerships. 'These organizations expressed genuine interest in the zones," he noted, citing his meetings with officials from the Incheon Free Economic Zone Administration. Alasgarov acknowledged increased Korea and Azerbaijan trade ties but says industrial cooperation with Korea — particularly in manufacturing — remains underdeveloped. He highlighted Azerbaijan's strategic location as a key advantage for Korean manufacturers looking to expand into surrounding regions. According to Alasgarov, AFEZ's investment policy gives preference to companies engaged in high-value-added manufacturing with a clear export focus. 'As I always mention, we are ready to consider any proposal, but we will prioritize investors who bring innovative technologies, align with international standards and commit to export-oriented production,' he said. 'At least 75 percent of goods produced within AFEZ must be exported outside of Azerbaijan. This requirement is designed to ensure the zone's competitiveness and avoid the emergence of small-scale enterprises focused solely on the local market.' He pointed out that Korean industries — particularly in sectors like machinery, electronics, automobiles and pharmaceuticals — are well-aligned with AFEZ's strategic focus. Alasgarov stressed that AFEZ operates under a distinct legal regime that supersedes Azerbaijan's base economy laws, ensuring operational clarity and legal certainty for foreign investors. 'AFEZ is governed by a dedicated law passed by parliament and signed by the president and further regulated through internal AFEZ regulations,' he explained. 'This means Korean investors are not subject to base economy authorities. All licensing, taxation and labor issues are managed solely by AFEZ's independent regulatory body.' 'This eliminates bureaucratic overlap and provides Korean investors with a clear, consistent and protected legal environment for decision-making.' Alasgarov highlighted full exemption from VAT, corporate tax and customs duties on imports and exports. No personal income tax for employees earning up to 8,000 AZN ($4,700) per month, optional social security contributions for foreign personnel, no restrictions on foreign ownership, currency transactions or profit repatriation, and full protection of intellectual property rights are strong points for Korean manufacturers. 'AFEZ also provides industrial land plots with ready-to-use infrastructure and utilities, enabling immediate and cost-effective project implementation,' Alasgarov said. 'All business-related administrative processes — registration, licensing and permitting — are centralized in an on-site one-stop shop, with no involvement from base economy agencies.' sanjaykumar@
Time of India
10 hours ago
- Business
- Time of India
India advocates democratisation of AI: Union minister Ashwini Vaishnaw
India on Thursday presented its vision for artificial intelligence at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) 2025, with Union Minister for Railways, Information and Broadcasting, and Electronics and IT, Ashwini Vaishnaw delivering a keynote address at a high-level session titled "At the Forefront of Technology: The Future of AI & Global Competition." Addressing a distinguished gathering of global delegates, including representatives from Central Asian countries, the minister outlined India's inclusive and transformative approach to AI. In his speech, Vaishnaw emphasized the need for the democratization of AI , underscoring India's commitment to making the technology accessible and beneficial to every citizen. "Equity and accessibility are central to our AI vision," he said, highlighting how India aims to ensure that AI's advantages reach across all sections of society, industries, and geographical regions. He elaborated on India's national AI strategy through the INDIAai Mission , which is grounded in the principles of ethical, transparent, and responsible innovation. The mission, he said, aligns closely with India's broader socio-economic goals, placing a strong emphasis on inclusive development and sustainability. A major focus of the minister's address was India's young, tech-savvy population. Vaishnaw highlighted how the country is strategically nurturing an AI-skilled workforce to fuel innovation and economic growth. This talent pool, he suggested, would play a pivotal role in positioning India as a leading global force in AI development and application. On the sidelines of the forum, Vaishnaw also held a bilateral meeting with Russia's Deputy Prime Minister, Alexei Overchuk. The two leaders discussed expanding collaboration in key sectors such as transport, connectivity, infrastructure development, and rare earth minerals--areas critical to both countries' strategic and technological futures. The minister's visit to SPIEF 2025 reinforced India's rising prominence as a technology-driven nation. By championing a human-centric and inclusive AI future, India is not only shaping the global discourse on artificial intelligence but also deepening its engagement with key international partners.
Indian Express
14 hours ago
- Business
- Indian Express
Why India doesn't need to worry about the Trump-Munir lunch
US President Donald Trump's recent lunch meeting with Pakistan's Army Chief, General Asim Munir, has raised more than a few eyebrows, particularly in India. Munir is not a well-known figure in Washington's strategic circles and yet, he found himself seated across from the most powerful man in the world. For many, it seemed like a bizarre political detour. But if one strips away sentiment and looks through the lens of history and statecraft, the picture becomes clearer. As the old adage goes, nations have no permanent friends or enemies — only permanent interests. What we are witnessing is not a departure from norms but a reaffirmation of how American foreign policy has long worked, particularly when it comes to Pakistan. Pakistan occupies one of the most strategically sensitive pieces of real estate in the world. It borders five civilisational and geopolitical spheres: Indian, Chinese, Central Asian, Persian and Arab. No other space in the world offers such a dense intersection of influence. That alone ensures that Pakistan, regardless of its economic health or internal chaos, will continue to feature in the calculus of global powers. This is not a new phenomenon. From the 1950s onwards, Pakistan was a member of both SEATO and CENTO — Cold War alliances aimed at containing communism. In 1960, CIA pilot Gary Powers flew a U-2 spy plane from Peshawar over Soviet territory, which was later shot down, sparking an international crisis. In the 1970s, Pakistan served as the covert conduit through which President Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger opened diplomatic relations with China. Crucially, after 9/11, Pakistan's territory became indispensable for US operations in Afghanistan. Whether it was providing a logistics corridor for NATO supplies, intelligence coordination (however uneven), or access to airbases, Pakistan allowed America to wage a two-decade war in its backyard without the financial and operational burden of establishing new infrastructure in Central Asia. Without Pakistan, the Afghan war would have cost three times as much and been logistically far more challenging. Many Indians are rightly puzzled by Washington's recurring tilt toward Pakistan, especially when it is common knowledge that Pakistan has harboured and supported anti-India terror networks. However, the US Department of Defence has maintained a deep institutional relationship with the Pakistan army that survives changes in political mood. America may mistrust Pakistan's civilian governments or even its double-dealing on terrorism, but it views the Pakistan military as a rational, hierarchical force that can 'get things done'. I attended training courses and programmes in the US. I can state that in a lineup of Indian and Pakistani officers from the armed forces, an American general will always shake hands first with the Pakistanis. That calculus has not changed. Trump's meeting with Munir signals a tactical re-engagement rather than a fundamental strategic pivot. The US may be planning for renewed contingency operations in Afghanistan, hedging against China's Belt and Road Initiative via CPEC, or managing risks in Iran and Central Asia. Pakistan is relevant in all these theatres. At the same time, India must recognise that its own strategic partnership with the US remains strong and is grounded in very different fundamentals. Since 1991, when India opened up its economy and began integrating with the global order, relations with Washington have steadily deepened. The nuclear deal of 2008, defence cooperation under LEMOA and COMCASA, technology partnerships and the rise of the Quad reflect this. However, this relationship is not immune to friction. India's insistence on strategic autonomy occasionally confounds American expectations. Nowhere was this more visible than during the Ukraine war. While the West imposed sweeping sanctions on Russia, India chose a path of calibrated engagement — buying oil at discounted rates, abstaining at the UN, and maintaining robust dialogue with both sides. This decision wasn't about fence-sitting; it was about placing Indian national interest above alliance politics. Washington noticed — and, to its credit, ultimately respected — India's position. But the episode was a timely reminder; even close partners will diverge when their interests do. Seen in this light, Trump's outreach to Pakistan should not be read as a betrayal or a shift away from India. It is better understood as tactical engagement driven by geography, legacy relationships, and evolving regional threats. Pakistan will always offer America access, whether for leverage in Kabul, observation posts against Iran, or to counter Chinese expansion. But such engagement is opportunistic, not strategic. India's strength lies elsewhere. We are not a country that offers itself as an operational base or intermediary. We offer long-term strategic value; a stable democracy, a massive consumer market, a growing technological base, a competent military, and a rules-based approach to global governance. We are not transactional in our diplomacy; we are a civilisational state with depth. Pakistan's ruling elite — particularly its military — has always sought visibility abroad to compensate for instability at home. Foreign engagements like the one with Trump are often used to burnish credentials domestically. But Pakistan's fundamentals remain fragile: An economy in freefall, a splintered polity, and an increasingly alienated populace. America knows this. While it may engage Islamabad's generals from time to time, it does not mistake tactical necessity for strategic trust. India, on the other hand, has remained firm and predictable through global flux. India remained steady whether it was Covid, the Afghanistan pull-out, or the energy crisis after Ukraine. That is the hallmark of a reliable partner, not one that flits in and out of favour but one that shows up and stays the course. Let us not be distracted by luncheon invites. Let us remain focused on India's trajectory. We are not a fly-by-night friend of the US — we are a strategic power in our own right. We are neither insecure about Pakistan's moment in the sun nor anxious for validation. We should be confident that the more uncertain the world becomes, the more valuable India's stability will appear. The US knows this, even if it occasionally wanders in search of old allies for new problems. Real partnership is tested over time — and India has passed that test repeatedly. The US may dip back into its Pakistan playbook occasionally, but its real bet is on a rising India. That bet may not always be loud, but it will be lasting. The writer is a former corps commander of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps and a member of the National Disaster Management Authority. Views are personal
Business Recorder
15 hours ago
- Business
- Business Recorder
Corridor linking Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan dry ports with Pakistan seaports proposed
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan has suggested developing a trade corridor, linking Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan's dry ports with Pakistan's seaports via road and rail networks. During a meeting between Federal Minister Maritime Affairs Muhammad Junaid Anwar Chaudhry and the Ambassador of Uzbekistan, Alisher Tukhtaev, here on Thursday, various proposals to enhance mutual and regional cooperation were discussed. According to Pakistan's Maritime Minister this initiative, potentially unlocking over $20 billion in trade, would serve as a strategic artery for landlocked Central Asian economies, accelerating their access to the maritime domain. During the meeting both the delegations agreed to form a joint working group to deepening maritime cooperation, with a focus on unlocking the untapped potential of the blue economy, green shipping and creating a robust trans-regional trade architecture connecting Central Asia to the Arabian Sea. Furthermore, both sides emphasised the urgency of building sustainable maritime linkages to support shared economic growth, regional connectivity, and long-term prosperity through ocean-based industries. The meeting also discussed integrated logistics solutions bonded warehouses, multimodal transport systems, and smart port infrastructure as enablers of efficient cross-border trade. Synergy with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was recognised as vital for expanding Uzbekistan's reach to a $6 trillion regional market. Chaudhry stressed the importance of integrating Uzbekistan into maritime ecosystem through ports like Gwadar and Karachi offering cost-effective and efficient access to global markets. 'Uzbekistan can invest in improving road infrastructure and connectivity to Gwadar port underlining its commercial viability and alignment with global sustainability goals,' the minister suggested. The both sides explored avenues for joint ventures in key blue economy sectors, including marine fisheries, aquaculture, seafood processing, and coastal tourism, all poised to generate high returns in Gulf, African, and Southeast Asian markets. Muhammad Junaid Anwar Chaudhry extended an invitation to Uzbekistan to invest in Pakistan's port-based industries, shipbuilding, and renewable ocean energy initiatives. This engagement marks a significant step forward in Pakistan-Uzbekistan relations, laying the groundwork for a long-term maritime partnership rooted in blue economy collaboration, innovation, and regional integration. Responding to the minister's proposal, both sides agreed to convene fast-track consultative meetings involving technical experts. These sessions will identify Uzbekistan's specific maritime needs and determine Pakistan's potential offerings to support them. Minister Junaid Anwar Chaudhry further proposed a trilateral collaboration between Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Pakistan to enhance overland connectivity to Gwadar Port positioning it as a key gateway for Central Asian states through integrated road and rail networks. Uzbekistan's Ambassador Alisher Tukhtaev expressed strong interest in launching joint ventures in the seafood sector, particularly in fisheries production. He also suggested the allocation of an off-dock terminal dedicated to Uzbek trade operations in Pakistan. The ambassador informed the minister that a delegation of Uzbek business leaders would soon visit Karachi to inspect port infrastructure and operations especially those related to the Marine Fisheries Department as part of efforts to deepen commercial cooperation. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
