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Yahoo
05-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
$10 million in loans from state fund pledged to Ellicott City flood prevention projects
Ellicott City's Main Street has been hit hard by flooding in recent years, but the North Tunnel and Maryland Avenue Culvert projects are expected to divert tens of thousands of gallons of stormwater per second to prevent future floods. (Photo by Bryan P. Sears/Maryland Matters) An effort to mitigate devastating flooding in Ellicott City is moving forward with the announcement of two $5 million loans to complete projects that will divert storm-driven flash flooding away from downtown Ellicott City businesses. The $10 million in loans are the first of from a state account created in 2021. In Ellicott City, the money will go toward two projects designed to move tens of thousands of gallons of floodwater per second off Main Street. State and county officials are already looking to other projects, even as its ability to secure federal loans and disaster recovery aid remains uncertain. 'At a time when we're watching the federal government cancel supports for emergency management and telling states and local jurisdictions that if tragedy happens, you are now on your own, in Maryland, we're choosing to move differently and actually invest in our local jurisdictions, both in preparation and also in recovery,' Gov. Wes Moore said Wednesday as he toured the site. Officials said the projects could be duplicated in other areas prone to similar floods including an area of western Maryland ravaged last month by flood waters. 'It'll be used 100% here' in Maryland, said Department of Emergency Management Secretary Russ Strickland. 'It's not dependent on federal money, which, right now, obviously, we're in a very uncomfortable situation with Washington.' In January, President Donald Trump called for eliminating the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and FEMA in April said it was canceling funding for the Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities, or BRIC, program. The move hit funding earmarked for fiscal years 2020-2023, putting roughly $1 billion in projects approved in the Chesapeake Bay watershed in jeopardy. Scores of federal lawmakers — Republicans and Democrats — have called for BRIC funding to be restored. The Ellicott City projects, meanwhile, will proceed with state money. Tunneling equipment — a 300-foot long device nicknamed 'Rocky' — is expected to begin cutting a channel a mile long and 18-feet wide through granite 150 feet below ground. It will stretch from the west end of Ellicott City and terminate at the Patapsco River, with the capacity to move 26,000 gallons of water per second from downtown Ellicott City to the river. A second project, called the Maryland Avenue Culvert, will move water from the Tiber-Hudson branch to the Patapsco River. The two projects are part of a massive effort to make the historic mill city prone to flooding more resilient. The county is coupling the projects with water retention ponds. Three ponds, with a combined capacity of over 12 million gallons, are already been built. Others remain in the design phase. Howard County Executive Calvin Ball (D) called it 'the single largest public works project' in county history. 'When complete, these projects will work together to reduce the quantity and the velocity of water on Main Street during major flooding events, and make Ellicott City a national, if not international, model of resiliency,' Ball said. Moore said the projects will 'save lives … but also help save the community and will also help save the state money.' 'Because, you know, what's more expensive than preparing for the next big flood? Having to recover from the next big flood — immeasurably more expensive,' he said. Moore said every dollar spent on flood mitigation saves taxpayers 'an average of $6 in return when it comes to recovery costs.' Flood-prone Ellicott City has seen three major events since 2011, including what was called a once in a 1,000-year storm in 2016, when flooding along Main Street damaged buildings and killed two people. Two years later, another storm dumped 8 inches of rain in two hours on Ellicott City. The floods resulted in plans to make the area more flood-resilient, demolition of some buildings, debris clean up after big storms, an alert system, automated gates to high-ground areas and the stormwater retention ponds and diversion systems. Initial cost estimates of $82 million in 2019 had grown to $130 million four years later due to costs of expanding the project — most notably the north tunnel project — and 'external economic factors,' including inflation. But the project also grew more expensive as officials widened the diameter by 20% and more than tripled its length to a mile. FEMA cancels $1 billion for flood prevention projects in Chesapeake Bay region Money for the project comes from a revolving loan fund created in 2021. 'Even as we were fighting for Ellicott City, we realized that this was a bigger problem than this one town and the rest of the state could learn from us,' said Sen. Katie Fry Hester (D-Howard and Montgomery), who sponsored the Resilient Maryland Revolving Loan Fund and who was at Wednesday's event. She said the Northeast has seen 'a 70% increase in extreme rainfall since the 1950s and the Chesapeake Bay could rise by five feet, by 2050. I've seen some horrible projections where we're looking at $19 billion worth of damage if we do not invest. But that is not what we're doing, because we are being proactive.' The $10 million in loans for the Ellicott City project are about half the state's revolving account. Strickland said so far there has been little competition for the money. Jurisdictions that use the money agree to pay it back over time. Strickland said a repayment agreement with Howard County has not been finalized. Del. Courtney Watson (D-Howard) said Wednesday the projects in Ellicott City could be a model for other parts of the state. 'We were lucky enough to be the first to be able to put these policies in place, to be able to figure it out, to do something that's never been done before, to solve a tedious, complex public infrastructure project and puzzle for threats that didn't exist 20 years ago,' Watson said. 'We hope to model and assist other jurisdictions who are facing the same type of problems, such as Westernport,' she said. More than 5 inches of rain fell in Allegany and Garrett Counties on May 14, triggering flash floods that overwhelmed roads, schools and homes, and damaged utilities. Areas including Westernport and Lonaconing were some of the hardest hit. Moore declared a state of emergency in the region — an early step toward seeking aid from FEMA. Strickland said initial damage estimates could be completed as early as next week. The threshold for seeking federal aid comes in at around $12 million, he said. 'I think we're going to meet that,' Strickland said. Strickland said he's 'cautiously optimistic' that federal aid will still come through, but is also looking at contingency plans. One such plan would use money from the state's disaster recovery fund as well as a catastrophic event fund. When asked if the funds could cover the potential $12 million in damages, Strickland said: 'I think it would be very close.' SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Moore to veto reparations bill, one of a list of measures he will reject
Gov. Wes Moore signing legislation during his first bill signing in 2023. On Friday, his office announced he would be vetoing 23 bills this year, mostly summer study measures. (Photo by Bryan P. Sears/Maryland Matters) Gov. Wes Moore (D) announced Friday that he will veto the Reparations Commission bill that called for a study of historic inequality endured by African descendants in Maryland. The veto of a reparations measure by the only sitting Black governor in the nation was included a list of vetoes of bills, many of which called for summer study of an issue, typically the most innocuous type of legislation. The list of 23 bills was released late Friday afternoon by the governor's office. Moore's list also includes a bill in the energy package backed by House and Senate leadership, which created a Strategic Energy Planning Office focused on the state's energy needs. Reaction was swift, and in some cases angry, from lawmakers, who were already discussing veto overrides. 'The governor is my friend. I think a lot of him, but I am every disappointed in him today,' said Sen. C. Anthony Muse (D-Prince George's), who sponsored the Senate version of the reparations bill. 'I'm very disappointed that something like this, that Black communities across the country have been asking for, it's turned down in our state,' Sponsors began getting the news Friday afternoon of the coming vetoes of their bills. Reparations was the most high-profile bill to be shot down, and chatter was widespread before the official announcement, but others learned of the demise of their bills to study the effects of climate change and to look at the impact of data centers on the state. Gov. Wes Moore (D) announced Friday that he will veto 23 bills passed by the 2025 General Assembly — more than in the previous two years combined, when he vetoed 13 and four, respectively. This year's vetoes included some high-profile proposals, including a bill to create reparations study commission and another to look at the impact of data centers. SB980: Natural Resources – Maryland Heritage Areas Authority – Funding and Grants HB56/SB177: Local Food Purchasing HB0328: State Lottery – Instant Ticket Lottery Machines – Veterans' and Fraternal Organizations HB0482: Occupational Licensing and Certification – Criminal History – Predetermination Review Process HB1116: Public Safety – State Clearinghouse for Missing Persons SB655: AI Evidence Pilot SB149/HB128: 'RENEW Study' Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation – Total Assessed Cost of Greenhouse Gas Emissions – Study and Reports SB691/HB333: Healthcare Ecosystem Cyber Work Group SB909/HB1037: Energy Resource Adequacy Planning Act Operating Funds: Fund Study by Comptroller Required by SB149 Operating Funds: MSDE Three Positions to Assist LEAs with Cybersecurity HB384/SB157: Disability Service Animal Program SB121: Vehicle Laws – Noise Abatement Monitoring Systems Pilot Program – Inspection and Extension SB168: Confined Aquatic Disposal Cells – Construction – Moratorium SB0227: Workers' Compensation – Payment From Uninsured Employer' Fund – Revisions HB193/SB219: Uninsured Employers' Fund – Assessments and Special Monitor SB0972: Anne Arundel County – Board of License Commissioners – Alterations SB503/HB481: Washington County – Board of License Commissioners – Membership HB1316: Primary and Secondary Education – Youth-Centric Technology and Social Media Resource Guide SB116/HB270: Data Center Impact Study SB0455: Security Guard Agencies – Special Police Officers – Application for Appointment HB628: Highways – Sidewalks and Bicycle Pathways – Construction and Reconstruction SB587: State Government – Maryland Reparations Commission Sen. Katie Fry Hester (D-Howard and Montgomery) said she got a text from one of the governor's staffers Friday, alerting her that her bill, originally titled the RENEW Act, was going to be vetoed. The bill would have commissioned a study from the comptroller's office on the effects of greenhouse gas emissions in the state, and it was a milder alternative to the original language that would have called for a system to make businesses that extract fossil fuels pay fees to mitigate the effects of climate change. 'I think a study is a very reasonable next step, and the money was allocated in the budget,' Hester said. 'This is very shortsighted, because this is a bill that will eventually save taxpayers money.' The bill was to be funded mostly by $500,000 from the Strategic Energy Investment Fund, which is fueled by 'alternative compliance payments' utilities pay when they have not purchased enough renewable energy to comply with state mandates. That fund has burgeoned in recent years with an influx of payments, including $318 million in fiscal 2024. Advocates were angered by the move. Mike Tidwell, founder and director of the Chesapeake Climate Action Network, called the governor's veto of the RENEW study 'unforgiveable.' 'I will make sure that voters in the state never forget what he's done with this veto,' Tidwell said, adding that the governor's office expressed no reservations about the bill as recently as mid-March. The veto was 'inconceivable,' given that Maryland has thousands of miles of shoreline vulnerable to climate change, and the $500,000 study could have paved the way toward tens of millions of dollars in compensatory payments from fossil fuel companies, Tidwell said. 'His math doesn't add up. His political calculus is arguably even worse, because turning his back on Marylanders suffering from climate change today is an enormously politically damaging act,' Tidwell said. Sen. Karen Lewis Young (D-Frederick) said she heard from the governor's team Friday that her bill, studying the potential financial, environmental and energy effects of data centers in Maryland would be among the vetoes. In Frederick, development of an expansive Quantum Loophole campus has been underway for years, prompting Lewis Young's interest in the subject. 'I'm really disappointed that, given what a big topic this is for the state — and in particular for my county — that we wouldn't proceed with a study,' Lewis Young said. Lewis Young said she was surprised to learn of the veto, especially given that the governor's team did not express any reservations about the bill or its cost during the legislative session. The report was to cost about $502,000, with funds pulled from the Maryland Department of the Environment, the Maryland Energy Administration and the University System of Maryland, according to its fiscal note. More economical still was the reparations bill: Versions that failed in previous years had price tags around $1 million, but the version on the governor's desk this year was only expected to cost $54,500. The will called for most of the work to be one by existing state employees or by researches at Bowie State University, one of the state's historically black colleges and universities. The bill's supporters have pointed out repeatedly that the bill does not require any payments or support. It only calls for study of historic inequality suffered by African descendants, and recommendations for future action, if any. 'It's not as though it was going to do something. It's a study,' Muse said Friday evening. 'When have we known a study to cause a veto? At the end of the study, nothing else has been done, except we studied it. I don't understand it. I will not understand it.' Advocates rallied in Annapolis a week ago, urging the governor to sign the bill, which had the backing of the Legislative Black Caucus. The caucus released a statement to express 'deep disappointment' in the governor's decision and that the 'legislature will have a final say' when lawmakers meet to consider veto overrides. 'At a time when the White House and Congress are actively targeting Black communities, dismantling diversity initiatives and using harmful coded language, Governor Moore had a chance to show the country and the world that here in Maryland we boldly and courageously recognize our painful history and the urgent need to address it,' the caucus said in a statement Friday evening. 'Instead, the State's first Black governor chose to block this historic legislation that would have moved the state toward directly repairing the harm of enslavement,' the statement said. The bill called for the creation of a commission that would assess specific federal, state and local policies from 1877 to 1965, the post-Reconstruction and Jim Crow eras that 'led to economic disparities based on race, including housing, segregation and discrimination, redlining, restrictive covenants, and tax policies.' The all-volunteer commission would also have examined how public and private institutions may have benefited from those policies, and would then recommend appropriate reparations, which could include statements of apology, monetary compensation, social service assistance, business incentives or child care costs. The 24-member commission would have had to deliver a preliminary report of recommendations by Jan. 1, 2027, to explain any findings, and a final report by Nov. 1 of that year. Maryland is one of just a handful of states that have passed legislation to study reparations, including California, Illinois, New York and Colorado.
Yahoo
08-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Board approves Pimlico contracts in what might be last handout for Maryland racing
The three-member Board of Public Works approved contracts that some say will lead a generational opportunity to reinvigorate Pimlico Race Course and the surrounding Park Heights community. (File photo by Bryan P. Sears/Maryland Matters.) The Board of Public Works gave the green light Wednesday to 'a once-in-a-generation opportunity' to reinvigorate horse racing in Maryland, even as one member questioned if this would be the last chance for the industry. The three-member board approved contracts for the demolition and rebuild of Pimlico Race Course and the purchase of a Carroll County farm that will become a horse training center. The effort is not only another state attempt to save the industry, but is also seen as a way of revitalizing the Park Heights community in northwest Baltimore. 'Almost a year ago today, this board approved the transfer of ownership of the Pimlico race course to the state of Maryland, seizing a once in a generation opportunity to reimagine thoroughbred racing in the entire state with the celebration of the 150th Preakness states that is taking place next week,' said Gov. Wes Moore, who chairs the board. Moore said the new track, once completed, will 'become a year-round hub for economic activity within Park Heights' and 'serve to revitalize Maryland's horsing industry,' an industry he said accounts for 28,000 jobs and $3 billion in economic activity. But it's an industry that has struggled for decades, and one that some have questioned the value of using state taxpayer dollars to save. Treasurer Dereck Davis questioned whether this latest effort represents the state's final attempt to steady a struggling industry. 'The state, with the implementation and subsequent completion of this project, we will have done everything we could do to make racing successful, other than the third weekend in May every year' when the Preakness is run, Davis said. 'Is there anything left that I guess we can do or — this has to be successful, I guess is what I'm getting at. The state's invested a lot of money over the years. This has been an issue since I first came to Annapolis, literally 30 years ago.' Davis said he did not question efforts to revitalize Park Heights but wondered aloud if remaking Pimlico and consolidating thoroughbred racing at the track would save the industry. 'I guess what I'm asking, is this just a pipe dream, quite frankly, … can provide racing, or is it just sort of a niche thing that we enjoy every third weekend in May, and then it's just sort of out there waiting for the next May to come?' Davis asked. Craig Thompson, board chairman of the Maryland Stadium Authority Board, which will have a hand in the redevelopment, agreed that the state 'has done everything that it can to make sure that we lay the foundation for the success of not only the 150th running of the Preakness, but the racing industry, as it grows and expands and races to come in Baltimore.' Continued success will hinge on what he called the 'participation and spread the word' theory. 'It's going to be very important for each and every one of us to participate in the Preakness and in the non-racing … days in Park Heights,' Thompson said. 'Support the community. Make sure that on those non-racing days you come to the Park Heights community. You're going to see a wonderful evolution and revolution in that area. So, when there's not a race, still come. Participate in that area.' The plan approved Wednesday includes a $15.2 million contract with Baltimore-based Clark Construction Group related to the demolition and redevelopment of Pimlico Race Course. Demolition of the storied but deteriorating track could begin later this year. The 2026 Preakness Stakes will be run at Laurel Park, but is scheduled to return to a new Pimlico in 2027. Thompson showed renderings of what the new facility would look like. In addition to the Preakness, the plan calls for consolidating all thoroughbred racing in the state at Pimlico, expanding race days. 'This is more than just about a racetrack, as historic and important as it is,' Thompson said. 'This is about bringing hundreds of millions of dollars in state investments to Park Heights. The Pimlico Plus plan that the state is implementing will transform Pimlico into the home of Maryland thoroughbred racing, going from hosting about 15 racing days per year to well over 100.' The board voted unanimously to approve the contract with Clark Construction and voted 2-0 — Comptroller Brooke Lierman recused herself from the vote — to buy a 328-acre Carroll County farm for nearly $4.5 million. The property known as Shamrock Farm will become a new training facility to support expanded racing at Pimlico. The purchase price was the highest of three appraisals conducted for the racing authority. The General Assembly in 2024 set aside $110 million for construction of a new, state-of-the art training facility as part of a thoroughbred racing centralization plan. The planned state-of-the-art facility will house 800 horses. Davis was not the only board member to question the effort: Lierman raised concerns about who would have ultimate oversight as the state invests hundreds of millions into the project. Currently, the project includes the Maryland Thoroughbred Race Track Operating Authority, the Maryland Stadium Authority, and the Maryland Economic Development Corp., as well as the reconstituted Maryland Jockey Club. In July, the race track authority will be disbanded. The stadium authority will oversee construction while MEDCO handles economic development around the track and the possibility of a hotel and parking garage. 'It's a lot of cooks in the kitchen on what's already a very complicated project,' Lierman said. 'Sometimes when there are multiple cooks in the kitchen, it's hard to determine where the buck stops.' Lierman asked Thompson to 'help us understand how there is going to be oversight when there are so many different bodies who are involved, to be sure that there are loopholes, to be sure that we know where these bonded dollars are going, that … we are spending them efficiently. Because there is a limited amount of dollars, and I think the General Assembly has been pretty clear that there's not going to be any more.' Lierman recused herself from the Shamrock Farm purchase request and left the room for the discussion and vote. The comptroller said during the meeting that she recused herself 'on the advice from the state ethics commission.' She did not elaborate. A spokesperson for Lierman cited state ethics law that requires recusal ' because of a qualifying relative's employment with a business entity that is a party to this matter.' 'As is the practice of members of the Board of Public Works, Comptroller Lierman notified both her colleagues on the board and made the appropriate disclosures to Ethics ahead of today's meeting,' Robyne McCullough said in an email response to questions. 'She did not participate in any discussions on this item and left the room prior to BPW consideration.' McCullough declined to answer questions regarding the identity of the relative in question or the connection to the farm purchase. 'I don't think we're going to go into that,' McCullough said. She said the decision to not elaborate on any recusal 'is a practice for us and we're just being consistent.' The board also unanimously approved a payment of more than $1.2 million to Tyrone Jones and two law firms as compensation for time Jones spent behind bars on an erroneous conviction on charges of conspiracy to commit murder. Moore, as he has done in the past with others who were erroneously convicted, apologized directly to Jones. 'Mr. Jones as the governor of this state, but also, more importantly, as a father and a husband and a son and a fellow Marylander, I want to share words that you deserve to hear, because I'm not just speaking on behalf of myself and the treasurer and the comptroller, I'm speaking on behalf of this entire state: I'm sorry. It should have never happened, and I know there are no words that can undo the injustice and what was taken away from you and your family,' Moore said. Jones, now 48, was convicted in Baltimore City of conspiracy to commit first-degree murder in 1999 related to the shooting death of Tyree Wright. In that trial he was found not guilty of first- and second-degree murder. He spent the next 10 years in prison as part of a life sentence. In 2009, Jones filed a petition for post-conviction relief and a judge vacated his verdict. City prosecutors, who initially said Jones should get a new trial, declined to retry Jones, and dropped the case. Jones applied for compensation under the Lomax Act but was initially denied. A hearing officer ruled that the charge of conspiracy to commit murder did not qualify for compensation. The General Assembly in 2024 passed legislation that changed the eligibility standards. Jones was confined for 3,611 days. As a result, he was awarded $976,233.85 in compensation by the Office of Administrative Hearings. The money will be paid out in five installments. The first payment of $98,678 was due May 2. He will receive four additional payments of more than $219,000 each between December 2025 and July 2027. The state hearing officer also awarded payments to two law firms related to the case. Brown Goldstein Levy will receive nearly $137,000. Kramer Levin Naftalis & Frankel will receive more than $110,000 in legal fees. The money paid to Jones and his attorneys comes entirely from the state. In two months, that will change. Starting in July, payments made to individuals who were wrongly convicted and imprisoned will be split equally between the state and the jurisdiction where the individual was convicted. That change is part of a compromise budget agreement reached by the House and Senate earlier this year.
Yahoo
12-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
It's all over but the judging: After a hard-fought session, the judges score the rounds
There are certain traditions with Sine Die: Balloons and confetti litter the chambers, as they did here in 2024, and Maryland Matters assesses the winners and losers from the 90-day session. (Photo by Bryan P. Sears/Maryland Matters) Boy are we glad that's over. The 2025 legislative session was a slog. Perhaps the most important, fatiguing and demoralizing 90 days in a generation. But there was one last thing to do: The Maryland Matters staff fanned out to talk to lawmakers, advocates, lobbyists and others who say they know what's going on about who won, who lost and who more or less broke even. In many cases, the answer to our question was another question: Did anyone really win this year? Matt Losak, executive director for the Montgomery County Renters Alliance, said he found it hard to pick winners, given the tight budget and unanticipated moves from the Trump administration. 'It's less like a session of winners, and more like a session of survivors,' he said earlier this week. Even so, we managed to produce the list for 2025. We understand that these lists can be viewed in the same way as a list of 'top 100 rock songs.' Some will say it's just perception. But this is politics, where perception is every bit as important and real as reality. Sen. Guy Guzzone and Dels. Ben Barnes and Vanessa Atterbeary: The fiscal commitee chairs in the House and Senate have thrown some sharp elbows in recent years. But faced with the toughest budget challenge in years, they regularly worked together to craft a budget compromise without the public drama. And education advocates credit Barnes and Atterbeary for protecting funding for English-language learners, low-income and special education students, speaking out early against cuts and meeting with advocates, parents and students. Senate President Bill Ferguson: The guiding hand on the budget crisis and energy reform, described by some as an almost governor-like figure who maintained discipline in the Senate. Developmental disabilities advocates: They quickly mobilized, lobbied and brought hundreds to Annapolis to rally against some $457 million in cuts to the agency that oversees their services. Their efforts paid off, and helped claw back $292.48 million of those cuts. Advocates say the remaining $164 million cut will be painful but survivable. That they still were dealt cuts could argue for them to be bumped down to a 'push,' but most who watched the effort put the DDA community squarely in the 'win' column, Transportation advocates: They got a projected $500 million annual infusion to the beleaguered Transportation Trust Fund. Larry Hogan: Maybe he's going to run for a third term. Maybe not. Who knows? But the Republican former governor got some help from a stilted economy, slash-and-burn budgeting in D.C., and a new cadre of tax and fee increases. So much so that Hogan might be thinking this looks a lot like 2014. And it hasn't gone unnoticed by Democrats. This 'shadowy' anti-Moore website and social media campaign has managed to move in on the second floor of the State House and live rent-free in the heads of some of the governor's staff, despite having less reach than Hogan's former 'Change Maryland' effort. Running battles on social media and proxy investigation requests gave oxygen to a political effort many had yet to notice. Dels. C.T. Wilson and Brian Crosby: The duo passionately defended the energy package on the House floor, and they got several of their bills woven into the package, including regulations on solar siting, a separate electricity rate for data centers and a new long-term energy planning office. Several of those we talked to also gave a tip of the cap to Del. Lorig Charkoudian — the Montgomery Democrat has been steeped in energy policy for years, and played a prominent role this year, getting several provisions of her affordable clean energy bill into the leadership package. Legislative Black Caucus: The 66-member caucus didn't get everything it wanted, but it did rack up the major pieces: The Second Look Act that provides some incarcerated individuals a second chance at life; expansion of the Prescription Drug Affordability Board; reforms to the medical and geriatric parole process; and the creation of a Reparations Commission, making Maryland one of the few states to have one. The caucus also successfully pushed back against the governor's plan to freeze funding for community schools as part of the reforms to the Blueprint for Maryland's Future. Sen. Charles Sydnor and Del. Cheryl Pasteur: The two Baltimore County Democrats offered emotional — and unexpected — testimony in suppor of the Second Look Act. They didn't get all that they wanted in the legislation, but they received praise from colleagues and advocates for having the courage to 'stand up for what's right.' The Maryland Licensed Beverage Association and the alcohol industry and lobby: An effort to expand beer and wine sales to grocery stores and other retailers ran into the buzz saw that is the 'three-tier system' of wholesalers, distributors and retailers in Maryland. The governor's support was a nonfactor. The issue is assured to come back, which means continued fundraising opportunities for some. A boy and his mineral: Who doesn't love a good underdog story? David Shore started as a 9-year-old Montgomery County boy with a dream of making chromite the official state mineral. He parlayed that into a sponsor in the House and Senate, and a pro-bono (and well known) Annapolis lobbyist. Eight short years later, we can raise a glass to Shore and to chromite (both of whom will be featured in a PBS documentary about the State House next year). May we suggest an Orange Crush, which was going to die as the official state cocktail until it was added to the chromite bill and passed with seconds to spare on Sine Die. House and Senate Republicans: They are still heavily outnumbered, but the minority party in both chambers was praised — by non-Republicans — for its ability to get its message out, with House Republicans getting special mention for their use of social media. The GOP also got some Democrats to vote with them on some key budget and other votes. Most notably, five Senate Democrats — Dawn Gile, Shaneka Henson, Katie Fry Hester, Carl Jackson and Mary-Dulany James — sided with Senate Republicans on a budget measure. Sen. Jack Bailey of Southern Maryland got an amendment approved that's now included in the Second Look Act, one of the major criminal justice reform bills presented this year. Although Bailey voted against the entire measure, his amendment still made it through. Maryland residents: A consistent theme in our reporting on this was the comment (or some variation): 'Did anyone really win?' The same angst lawmakers have about federal actions weighs on the average resident and small-business owner. Worried about the economy, keeping a job, a recession? Yup, that too. Electricity costs are up and will go up again this summer. Taxpayers lucky enough to get a cut will likely not swoon over the average $60 tax refund. Same for the credit on utility bills, which is advertised as roughly $80 (broken in two payouts). Some will see more, but some will see less, as actual credits will be based on average usage. Buying a new car got more expensive, so did titling it and putting tires on it. The data and IT tax will hit everyone, not just businesses, and there's a tax on vending machine sales. Sports gaming and cannabis taxes also went up. Wes Moore: For the first two years, Moore capitalized on the goodwill from his historic election and a return to Democratic control of state government for the first time in eight years. He's smart, telegenic and a charismatic speaker. The shine, however, may be wearing thin. That includes a couple of sagging (but still above 50%) job performance polls and a middling record on 2025 legislative priorities, with some bills watered down and others stripped for parts. His tax modernization proposal was recast. The governor demanded that a bill to sell beer and wine in grocery stores and other retailers land on his desk by the end of session; lawmakers deep-sixed those bills into committee drawers. Moore's dismount was to send an email six minutes after the close of the session in which he cited the wins, but chided the legislature for missing opportunities to make the state more business-friendly and to add nuclear to the clean energy effort. He also issued a veiled threat to not sign (veto?) bills that did not rise to his three legislative benchmarks. A number of lawmakers — Democrats — were not happy with the email. Moore is still considered a top-tier potential presidential candidate with a donor call list and connections rivaled by few. That race is in 2028. Moore faces a re-election contest for a 2026 campaign that will begin in earnest this year. And it remains to be seen how the public will react to what was done this session. Renter protections: Renter protections ran up against the state's desire to create a more developer-friendly market to address the state's housing shortage. Efforts to pass renter protections known as 'good cause' evictions fell short once again, after housing developers claimed the measure would drive new projects out of the state. Renter advocates disagree, but Senate President Bill Ferguson worries passing good cause eviction bills would affect future housing projects — making the road to passage more challenging. Other renter protection bills that did pass were watered down as well. House decorum: Lawmakers are no longer called on by their districts when they rise to speak. The tone and tenor of debates is more bitter and rancorous than in recent memory (see 'Freedom Caucus' in Push section below). It does not bode well for 2026 and the coming election. Parole process reform: Dels. Elizabeth Embry and N. Scott Phillips sought to reform the parole process in a state that ranks among the worst in the nation when it comes to the Black prison population. The House agreed, passing two of their parole reform parole bills. Both bill received hearings before the Senate Judicial Proceedings Committee, they never made it to the full Senate. Child Victims Act: It took a decade to pass landmark legislation that opened the courthouse doors for people who were abused as children in public and private institutions but time-barred from seeking civil remedies. Approval of the act forced the Archdiocese of Baltimore to seek bankruptcy protections. This year, it was the state's turn to feel the heat as thousands of cases began to surface, a potential liability under the act of billions, if not tens of billions, of dollars — a potential budge-breaker. So lawmakers changed the law to impose lower caps on lawsuits filed after May 31, 2025. Many Democrats in committee lamented the choice they had to make. Some cried. Others stormed out. But the bill passed and heads to the governor's desk for his signature. And the political policy arm of the Catholic Church? They publicly chided the state for being 'the largest employer of child sex abusers in the state.' A purgatory for those who had some wins and some losses but not enough of either to put them in either of the above categories. Local governments: The legislature pushed costs of teacher pensions and property tax assessments down onto the counties to solve its own budget issues. Then they got a helping hand in the form of the ability to increase the piggyback income tax from 3.2% to 3.3%. Only about one-third of the state's 24 major political subdivisions are maxed out on the current cap. In the current climate, such increases could be a political mixed bag. The business community: The Democratic supermajority touts its support for small businesses while vilifying owners as bad actors and foisting fees and regulations and taxes on them, even as lawmakers and Moore look for ways to end the state's company town dependence on the federal government. Business leaders and advocates did manage to beat a very large business-to-business sales tax proposal into a much smaller one. That effort landed on a services sales tax on IT and data that will cost everyone, not just business owners. Del. Nino Mangione: The Baltimore County Republican somehow managed to fly under the radar enough to avoid having to answer any questions about his cousin Luigi, who faces a potential death penalty from federal prosecutors related to the killing of a United Healthcare executive. Environmentalists: For environmental advocates, this year was mostly about mitigating the bad. They fought to water down incentives for new gas power plants, and found some success, but the bill could still expedite gas generation. This year also saw rollbacks of the building energy program and electric vehicle sales targets (via an 11th-hour executive order). But advocates notched some wins in the larger energy legislation: Nixing a clean-energy subsidy for trash incinerators and reforming gas pipeline spending by utilities had both been on their wishlists for years. They walk away with bruised knuckles, and a new feeling that the ground beneath them is shaky. But they have victories to point to — and it could have been much worse. Immigrant protections: President Donald Trump repeated his determination to increase deportations of undocumented immigrants, stoking fear in Maryland's migrant communities and presenting advocates with a big challenge. They had limited success. Advocates with CASA felt their safety and protection were not prioritized, as lawmakers rushed through a handful of watered-down protections in some public spaces and for data protection in the final minutes of session. But they rejected the measure advocates said would have given undocumented residents the greatest protection from increased immigration enforcement: A ban on 287(g) agreements, in which local police can essentially act as federal immigration agents. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE The House Freedom Caucus. These are not the Republicans others cite for erffective messaging (see Winners section above). The seven-member splinter group of House Republicans some some notice from the press for their disruptive rhetoric, and they got an infusion of institutional firepower from Rep. Andy Harris (R-1st) — chair of the congressional Freedom Caucus — and Republican former Gov. Robert Ehrlich Jr. But their act made no friends with Democrats in the supermajority. Looming in the interim is the prospect of committee reassignments in order to spread members out among the six standing committees in the House where three members are on Health and Government Operation and two others serve on Judiciary. It remains to be seen if the group can expand its ranks in the House, or knock off some GOP senators whom they have described as RINOs (though they have not named names). Also unknown is whether the group can add more to legislative debates than strenuous objections to things the larger Republican Caucus is already pushing back on. Beer and wine sales expansion. Yeah, we know we said above that the Maryland Licensed Beverage Association was a winner, but we still think the concept of expanded sales was a push this year. (We haven't been drinking, we promise.) It's popular and has the support of a governor who demanded it land on his desk, even though his promise to do more than 'whip votes' did not materialize. A line in the sand angered legislative leaders rather than build a coalition. Some of the most important lawmakers did not know the governor's thoughts until they heard it from a reporter. That said, even though you cannot buy beer and wine in a grocery (or convenience) store, chances are there are lots of options nearby if not in the same shopping centers or even delivery.
Yahoo
08-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Lawmakers approve energy reform bills aimed at cutting rates, boosting in-state generation
Senate Education, Energy and the Environment Chair Sen. Brian J. Feldman (D-Montgomery) on the floor of the Senate Monday, the last day of the 2025 General Assembly session. (Photo by Bryan P. Sears/Maryland Matters) The General Assembly's energy package didn't quite come down to the wire, but it was close. With about 10 hours remaining in the 90-day legislative session, lawmakers gave final passage to a trio of energy reform bills focused on increasing the state's power generation and curbing electricity and gas rate increases with new regulations for utilities. The measures, backed by House and Senate leaders, come amid rising electricity costs for Marylanders. Senate President Bill Ferguson (D-Baltimore City) said Monday he is 'very confident' that Gov. Wes Moore (D) will sign the bills. 'It's probably the biggest investment in the energy marketplace here in Maryland to protect ratepayers — to protect Marylanders — in probably a decade or so,' Ferguson said after the bills cleared their final hurdle. Republican senators renewed arguments that the legislation doesn't do enough to lower bills — or encourage new gas-powered generation. 'We were tasked with something this year,' said Sen. Stephen S. Hershey (R- Upper Shore). 'The General Assembly fell woefully short in trying to protect Maryland ratepayers.' One part of the package is the 'Legislative Energy Relief Refund,' which will send the average Maryland household about $80 worth of refunds next year, with one payment in the summer and another in the winter. The size of the refund will depend on a customer's energy use. House, Senate ratify budget compromise on final day Hershey called the two $40 rebates 'paltry,' and argued that they represent 'overpayments from the policies that we created.' The money is coming from 'alternative compliance payments' made by utilities in lieu of complying with the state's renewable energy laws, money that typically goes to energy efficiency projects like lighting upgrades or solar panel installation. The cornerstone bill of the package, the Next Generation Energy Act (HB1035/SB937), began with a focus on increasing energy generation in the state. It eventually became the vehicle for a number of provisions lifted from other energy bills, however, including canceling renewable energy subsidies for trash incineration, requiring utilities to justify spending on new natural gas pipelines and a state procurement process for new nuclear energy. The final version of the bill also incorporated House amendments to require that utilities demonstrate 'customer benefits' in order to earn a multiyear rate plan, which lets companies set rate increases for several years at once. The Senate had simply required that the plan be in the public interest. 'These groundbreaking changes to utility regulation are a massive victory for all Marylanders,' said Emily Scarr, senior adviser at Maryland PIRG. 'By reining in wasteful spending by BGE and other Maryland utilities, these new consumer protections will save Marylanders hundreds of millions of dollars.' Other bills in the package created uniform standards for solar energy projects (HB1036/SB931) which proved controversial with Republicans, and established a state office focused on energy planning (HB1037/SB909) Some environmental and ratepayer advocacy groups applauded passage of the package Monday. In a news release Monday, Brittany Baker, Maryland director of the Chesapeake Climate Action Network, said the finalized Next Generation bill 'is significantly improved from the bill as introduced.' CCAN and other environmental groups had originally opposed the Next Generation bill, amid fears that its 'fast track' for new Maryland-generated power would grease the skids for natural gas burning power plants instead of renewable energy. Baker said the final bill 'gives new gas next to nothing while giving battery storage specific, time-bound financial support.' The bill sets a goal of 150 megawatts of battery storage, and requires utilities to submit plans for reaching their share of that goal. The package does include an expedited permitting process for up to 10 'dispatchable' energy projects, which must meet certain criteria for dispatching energy to the grid when called upon, and must have a lower greenhouse gas profile than coal or oil. The bill requires that zero-emissions projects get the fast track over others at a ratio of 4-to-1. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX Hershey argued Monday that the bill should have taken further steps to incentivize gas plants. 'Did we go far enough to really incentivize somebody to come in and make that investment? And a number of us are hearing: No, we really didn't. We might have expedited the process, but we really didn't,' Hershey said. House amendments also sought to address concerns from environmental groups about loosened power plant permitting requirements. Environmental groups had expressed particular concerns about the bill shortening a preapplication period to 45 days, during which the new facility's operator notifies the surrounding community before it files an application with the Public Service Commission to build the power facility. Under the amended bill, if the power project is bound for an 'overburdened and underserved' community, the preapplication period will be 90 days. Susan Miller, a senior attorney with Earthjustice, said she believes the 90-day rule should apply no matter what. 'All Marylanders deserve the same procedural protections, particularly when the Commission will be considering projects which will pollute their neighborhoods for the next 30 years or more,' Miller said in a statement. GOP senators took issue with changes to the bill that they argue opens the door for data centers and other commercial facilities to secure one-on-one agreements for energy that are harmful to ratepayers. Unlike the Senate bill, the House bill allowed those contracts. But it stated that if they shift extra costs 'inappropriately' onto ratepayers, regulators can compel the commercial customer to pay it back. 'The largest provider of electricity in the state now is subject to being … able to go to one customer, one private-sector customer, and say: 'We're going to sell directly to you.' Isn't that a concern for ratepayers?' Hershey asked. Sen. Malcolm Augustine (D-Prince George's) said the direct-power agreements are 'not monolithic,' and the new provisions would give more flexibility to the Public Service Commission, which regulates utilities. 'This is seeking to find more of a middle ground and some flexibility, but with the guardrails that are there,' Augustine said. 'But you're absolutely right: There have been concerns about taking off baseload power from our grid.'
