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Business Standard
a day ago
- Science
- Business Standard
Essay aid or cognitive crutch? MIT study tests the cost of writing with AI
While LLMs reduce cognitive load, a new study warns they may also hinder critical thinking and memory retention - raising concerns about their growing role in learning and cognitive development Rahul Goreja New Delhi A new study from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) Media Lab has raised concerns about how artificial intelligence tools like ChatGPT may impact students' cognitive engagement and learning when used to write essays. The research, led by Nataliya Kosmyna and a team from MIT and Wellesley College, examines how reliance on large language models (LLMs) such as ChatGPT compares to traditional methods like web searches or writing without any digital assistance. Using a combination of electroencephalogram (EEG) recordings, interviews, and text analysis, the study revealed distinct differences in neural activity, essay quality, and perceived ownership depending on the method used. Note: EEG is a test that measures electrical activity in the brain. Setup for cognitive engagement study 54 participants from five Boston-area universities were split into three groups: those using only ChatGPT (LLM group), those using only search engines (search group), and those writing without any tools (brain-only group). Each participant completed three writing sessions. A subset also participated in a fourth session where roles were reversed: LLM users wrote without assistance, and brain-only participants used ChatGPT. All participants wore EEG headsets to monitor brain activity during writing. Researchers also interviewed participants' post-session and assessed essays using both human markers and an AI judge. Findings on neural engagement Electroencephalogram (EEG) analysis showed that participants relying solely on their own cognitive abilities exhibited the highest levels of neural connectivity across alpha, beta, theta, and delta bands — indicating deeper cognitive engagement. In contrast, LLM users showed the weakest connectivity. The search group fell in the middle. 'The brain connectivity systematically scaled down with the amount of external support,' the authors wrote. Notably, LLM-to-Brain participants in the fourth session continued to show under-engagement, suggesting a lingering cognitive effect from prior LLM use. Essay structure, memory, and ownership When asked to quote from their essays shortly after writing, 83.3 per cent of LLM users failed to do so. In comparison, only 11.1 per cent of participants in the other two groups struggled with this task. One participant noted that they 'did not believe the essay prompt provided required AI assistance at all,' while another described ChatGPT's output as 'robotic.' Essay ownership also varied. Most brain-only participants reported full ownership, while the LLM group responses ranged widely from full ownership to explicit denial to many taking partial credit. Despite this, essay satisfaction remained relatively high across all groups, with the search group being unanimously satisfied. Interestingly, LLM users were often satisfied with the output, even when they acknowledged limited involvement in the content's creation. Brain power trumps AI aid While AI tools may improve efficiency, the study cautions against their unnecessary adoption in learning contexts. 'The use of LLM had a measurable impact on participants, and while the benefits were initially apparent, as we demonstrated over the course of four months, the LLM group's participants performed worse than their counterparts in the Brain-only group at all levels: neural, linguistic, scoring,' the authors wrote. This pattern was especially evident in session four, where brain-to-LLM participants showed stronger memory recall and more directed neural connectivity than those who moved in the opposite direction. Less effort, lower retention The study warns that although LLMs reduce cognitive load, they may diminish critical thinking and reduce long-term retention. 'The reported ownership of LLM group's essays in the interviews was low,' the authors noted. 'The LLM undeniably reduced the friction involved in answering participants' questions compared to the search engine. However, this convenience came at a cognitive cost, diminishing users' inclination to critically evaluate the LLM's output or 'opinions' (probabilistic answers based on the training datasets),' it concluded.
Mint
4 days ago
- Business
- Mint
How the $1,000 ‘Trump Accounts' would compare to other savings plans
The Senate Finance Committee's version of the big tax-and-spending bill included the proposal for the Trump Accounts. There is a new type of investment account for children in the big tax-and-spending bill, but it has strings attached. These so-called Trump Accounts, which for the next few years would be automatically funded with $1,000, are part of the bill that the Senate Finance Committee introduced on Monday. Lawmakers put the provision in the version that passed in the House last month. The proposal continues to be discussed and refined in coordination with the Trump administration. The free $1,000 might be nice, but the accounts themselves offer fewer tax advantages and lower caps on contributions than 529 accounts. They also have more limited investment choices than custodial brokerage accounts. The accounts would launch in 2026 for any U.S. citizen under age 8. Children born between 2025 and 2028, would get the $1,000, provided both parents have work-eligible Social Security numbers. Parents and relatives could contribute up to $5,000 annually in after-tax dollars until the child turns 18, a limit that would increase annually with inflation. The funds must be invested in a diversified index fund tracking U.S. equities, with the Treasury Department overseeing the program and banks or other financial institutions managing administration. If parents don't open an account by the time they claim their child on a tax return, the Treasury will create one automatically. Withdrawals could begin at age 18, when account holders may access up to half their balance for higher education, job training, small-business expenses or a first-time home purchase. Qualified withdrawals are taxed as long-term capital gains. Use the money for anything else, and it is taxed as ordinary income, generally a higher tax rate than long-term capital gains, with a 10% penalty. At age 25, the full balance would become available for those same purposes. Trump Account funds must be used by age 31, or they are taxed as ordinary income. If a child receives the $1,000 seed at birth and no additional contributions are made, the balance could grow to roughly $3,380 by age 18, assuming a 7% annual return, says Catherine Valega, a Boston-area certified financial planner. If parents contribute the maximum $5,000 each year from birth through age 17, a total of 18 years, the account could reach about $170,000 under the same assumptions. Trump Accounts are like a mix of Roth IRAs, 529s and brokerage accounts, but with more strings attached. They are funded with after-tax dollars, like Roth IRAs. But investment gains are taxed at withdrawal—typically at capital-gains rates for qualified uses, or as ordinary income plus a penalty for everything else. They are designed primarily for specific uses, much like 529 plans. But because the investment options are restricted to equities, it could be harder to scale down the risk as a child gets closer to, say, using the money for college. 529s typically offer age-based portfolios that shift from stocks to bonds as children grow older. Custodial brokerage accounts offer more investment options, letting parents buy individual stocks, exchange-traded funds or other assets. Unlike 529 plans, Trump Account contributions wouldn't qualify for a state tax deduction, even in states that offer one for 529s. 'Flexibility is really important to young families," said Miklos Ringbauer, a financial adviser in California. 'If you think your child might not go to college or might delay buying a home, other savings vehicles are more adaptable." Parents can contribute up to $5,000 a year, but unlike with 529 plans, they can't front-load five years worth of contributions. With a 529, individuals can contribute up to $95,000, or $190,000 for married couples, this year without triggering the gift tax. Unlike 529s, Trump Accounts don't allow parents to transfer funds to another beneficiary if one child doesn't use the money. With a 529, parents can now roll up to $35,000 into a Roth IRA for the same beneficiary, as long as the 529 account has been open for at least 15 years and the beneficiary has earned income in the year of the rollover. The accounts were originally branded MAGA Accounts, short for 'money accounts for growth and advancement," but House Republicans later amended the bill, renaming them Trump Accounts. Financial planners say the political association could influence participation rates, especially among families skeptical of Trump or wary of government-managed investment programs. Even some Trump voters are uneasy about the branding. Stephen Kneubuehl, a 38-year-old tech entrepreneur in Denver who said he voted for Trump, supports the idea of early savings. He opened custodial investment accounts for his nieces and nephews at their first Christmas and plans to do the same for his own future children. But he takes issue with the Trump-branded name. 'It's not his money being given out," Kneubuehl said. 'It's the American people's money. I'd rather it have a more generic, optimistic name." Write to Dalvin Brown at
San Francisco Chronicle
4 days ago
- Politics
- San Francisco Chronicle
Be proud, Californians: You, me and Sen. Padilla are all outlaws now
I'm not just your columnist. I'm your outlaw. I'm not telling you this to seem cool. Or to sell a country album. I am telling you that, officially, I am a criminal, according to the United States of America. If you're a Californian, you might be one, too. To be sure, my criminality isn't entirely my fault, and yours likely isn't, either. I haven't knocked over any banks or defrauded investors. At least not yet. But I have chosen to make my life in Los Angeles. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem recently declared that my city is not a 'city of immigrants' but 'a city of criminals.' She clearly means everybody in L.A., even U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, who was handcuffed for his crime of asking her a question. Now, when you think of people acting outside the law, Sen. Padilla and I — Angeleno fathers of three boys who attended fancy Boston-area colleges — probably don't come to mind. But we are criminals. Rebels, too. Again, not bragging here. The president of the United States officially confirmed my rebel status in a June 7 memorandum to Noem, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Attorney General Pam Bondi. In that correspondence, President Donald Trump wrote that Californians who protest mass deportation — as many do on the streets and as I do in my commentary — are engaged in 'a form of rebellion against the authority of the United States.' Trump doesn't make a distinction between us journalists, who cover demonstrations, and the actual protesters (he's called us all 'human scum'). Of course, the people in those protests don't say they're rebelling against the U.S. They do express anger that U.S. immigration authorities are grabbing their friends and relatives off the streets, without warrants, identification or knowing if the arrestees are subject to deportation. But, hey, if interviewing such 'protesters' makes me a rebel in the eyes of Uncle Sam, well, I'll take it! I'd like to be a cool, James Dean-style rebel. But no, the president also says I, and my fellow Californians who object to his systemic rights violations, are 'insurrectionists.' That means, according to Britannica, that I'm part of 'an organized and usually violent act of revolt or rebellion against an established government or governing authority.' I don't remember ever trying to overthrow the government, and as a rule, I avoid joining organized enterprises (which is why I work in media). But I'm apparently so dangerous to the American government that Trump has called in the Marines to stop me. Now, you may think I'm just making fun. But I'm taking these accusations against me seriously. Trump is a convicted criminal (multiple felonies in New York), a rebel (in a racist Confederate way) and an insurrectionist (Jan. 6). When Trump calls me those things, he is speaking from long personal experience. So, I respect Trump's judgment and embrace these labels. Trump labeling me — and other Californians — as rebels is a gift to our side of this little civil war. He is granting us permission to behave badly. One reason liberals and sunny Californians are so bad at fighting is their overly developed belief in benevolence. They want to be good people, and they devote considerable energy to policing the behavior of their allies. But in a fight with a nasty criminal enterprise — like the Trump administration — we can't worry about saving our souls or moral purity. We must keep on saving our communities and our most vulnerable people from those who deploy soldiers against us, from those who would sacrifice our lives in their pursuit of power. Facing an American 'dirty war,' we may have to fight dirty. Especially because we are fighting alone. In this Los Angeles moment, our local leaders have called many of our peaceful assemblies unlawful. They have even blamed us, the targets of federal violence, for protesting too aggressively. Our police attack us (with 'less lethal rounds) even as they protect the federal agents whose lawless behavior is the real cause of the conflict. And our politicians, instead of joining us in the streets, criticize the flags that we fly, the graffiti and other words we write and the tone of our speech. Without much official support, we the people — we criminals, we rebels, we insurrectionists of California — must defend ourselves. We are left to create self-defense networks for our communities, like the California rapid response networks, to defend immigrants. Of course, the U.S. government regime will say that such defense networks are really gangs. The Trump regime might even use that as an excuse to send federal agents to infiltrate our neighborhood watches and self-defense organizations. Bring it on. Your columnist can hardly wait to be called a gangster.
Yahoo
13-06-2025
- Yahoo
Closings arguments begin in Boston-area murder trial of Karen Read, accused of killing her police officer boyfriend
DEDHAM, Mass. (AP) — Closings arguments begin in Boston-area murder trial of Karen Read, accused of killing her police officer boyfriend.
Boston Globe
12-06-2025
- Boston Globe
Honduran man charged in murder of Chelsea 17-year-old Juan Carlos Lemus
Advertisement Flor Daniela Lemus is the mother of homicide victim Juan Carlos Lemus, a 17-year-old Chelsea high schooler. She is with a photograph taken of him in El Salvador by his father. Jonathan Wiggs/Globe Staff On Thursday, Assistant District Attorney Cailin Campbell said Lopez-Padilla and another man, Ezer Ramirez-Maldonado, approached Lemus and his friend and attacked them. 'The defendant and Ramirez-Maldonado stabbed the two juveniles,' Campbell said in court. 'One died from his injuries, the other survived.' Ramirez-Maldonado fled the country before he was apprehended, Campbell said. Another alleged accomplice, a 17-year-old Chelsea resident, has been charged with one count of accessory after the fact and will be arraigned in juvenile court. Lemus mother, Flor Daniela Lemus, sat in the front row of the courtroom during the arraignment. She could not look Lopez-Padilla in the eyes, as she wanted; he was kept out of view, in a chamber adjacent to the courtroom. In a brief interview, Lemus said she did not yet know how to feel, but was looking forward to her son's killer being held to account. Advertisement 'It's what I'm waiting for: justice,' she said. Campbell said Lopez-Padilla was in the country illegally and was an 'extreme flight risk' with few community ties to Chelsea. Juan Carlos Lemus was born in an Iowa hospital and spent his early childhood in San Salvador, his mother's home city. In 2015, the year he and his mother moved to Chelsea, the collapse of a truce between rival gangs MS-13 and Barrio 18 led to a massive spike in homicides in El Salvador, giving the country the . In an interview last month, Lemus' mother said she brought her son to the United States to escape gang violence and give him a chance at a peaceful life. 'I wanted to give my son a better education,' she said. 'A better future.' Rates of violence against young people have increased in Chelsea in recent years, even as overall violent crime has dropped since 2016, when authorities arrested dozens of Boston-area members of the international criminal organization MS-13 in a There were 67 violent crimes reported in Chelsea against people 18 or younger in 2023, a 45 percent increase over the previous year, according to a Globe analysis of Chelsea Police data. Those crimes dropped last year but spiked again in the first four months of 2025. This year, more than half of those victims are 15 or younger, including the friend of Juan Carlos who was stabbed in the same incident. Lemus, who works at a check cashing business in Chelsea, described her son as a sharp, well-behaved kid, who never saw or experienced violence at home. Advertisement 'My house was full of values, honor, and respect,' she said. But he was the target of bullying in middle school, which contributed to severe depression, Lemus said. In 2022, Juan Carlos fatally stabbed the father of a classmate, who had confronted him with a gun after the boys got into a fight. 'After that, he was never the same,' Lemus said. 'He always had a dark stare.' Last year, Middlesex prosecutors charged Juan Carlos with manslaughter as an adult. The case was dismissed after his death. Dan Glaun can be reached at
