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India's efforts to rescue bonded labourers undone by delayed rehabilitation
Manoj Kumar Anant and his wife Shakuntala Bai were rescued from bonded labour at a brick kiln in Uttar Pradesh's Kushinagar in 2022. He had told IndiaSpend in September 2023 that he was waiting for rehabilitation assistance under the Central Sector Scheme for Rehabilitation of Bonded Labour, 2021. Two years later Manoj is still waiting for the full rehabilitation assistance, he said, while bedridden in a hospital bed, his left arm paralysed after an accident in March this year. 'The first few weeks after a rescue are critical for released bonded labourers so that they do not slip into rebondage,' said Tina Kuriakose Jacob, senior research fellow, International Institute of Migration and Development. 'The Ministry of Labour's 2016 Rehabilitation Scheme for Bonded Labourers explicitly mentioned financial and non-financial support, so that they do not fall in bondage again.' Manoj's case is not unique. IndiaSpend travelled to Bilaspur in Chhattisgarh and found that 10 others – all from the Scheduled Caste Satnami community in the state – who were rescued with Manoj and his wife from the same brick kiln in 2022 were waiting for assistance. They each received Rs 30,000, which is supposed to be an immediate cash assistance, only after two years, and none of them have been rehabilitated as per the central sector scheme, under which cash allocations were revised in 2021. In addition to the immediate cash assistance, the scheme says they should receive a bonded labour release certificate, and between Rs 1 lakh and Rs 3 lakh based on the level of exploitation, age and gender for their rehabilitation. The scheme also entitles labourers to non-financial rehabilitation, including allotment of a house-site, low cost dwelling units, wage employment, animal husbandry etc. While the certificates, which are issued by the District Magistrate or Sub-Divisional Magistrate, were given to the 11 survivors in March 2022, Rs 30,000 as immediate assistance was transferred only around July 2024. 'I am more than Rs 1 lakh in debt due to the treatment and related requirements,' said Manoj. He has spent Rs 25,000 in a week since his hospital admission in Bilaspur, although some of the treatment is covered under the Ayushman Bharat health insurance scheme. 'I do not have a ration card and no money has come through since we received Rs 30,000.' Officials in the Bilaspur labour department told IndiaSpend that the remaining amount can be provided only after conviction of the accused because the full rehabilitation amount is linked to conviction according to the rehabilitation scheme. This, experts say, is one of the reasons why the rehabilitation of bonded labourers is held up. India is reported to have at least 11 million people in modern slavery, highest in the world, according to Walk Free's Global Slavery Index 2023. Bonded labour, a form of modern slavery, has been illegal for nearly five decades in India, since the enactment of the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976. IndiaSpend had reported that the Union government would, at the current rate, miss its objective of rescuing and rehabilitating 18.4 million bonded labourers by 2030, by 98%. According to February 2025 data from the government, 297,038 bonded labourers have been rescued since 1978, with an expenditure of Rs 106.3 crore. 'Caught and locked up' In the morning heat, as road dust and noise from the traffic swirled around, the men and women who were rescued with Manoj congregated in the yard of one of the worker's homes, in the Satnami colony in Silpahari, 10 km from Bilaspur's collectorate. Jyothi Manhar, 28, was concerned about the rehabilitation amount. Jyothi, who has studied till class 9, was one of eight relatives rescued and provided release certificates with Manoj. She, like several others, has built a small home with loans, on land that her family does not own. Many of the workers' houses are unplastered, without basic facilities such as running water. Before the incident in Kushinagar, the survivors and their families had worked in different parts of Uttar Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. They would get about Rs 600-Rs 700 for every 1,000 bricks made, which would be paid at the end of six months of work. On a weekly basis a family – that is a husband and wife – would be given around Rs 1,500 for their daily needs. This amount would be adjusted against the six-month pay at the end of their stint. In the Kushinagar brick kiln, there were around 20 people, who had migrated with young children. Despite the government promising ration card portability which would help interstate and intrastate migrant workers access food, many are unable to use their cards at their work destinations. According to a December 2024 report by the Centre for Labour Research and Action on 1,012 seasonal migrant brick worker households in Rajasthan and Gujarat, 71% of respondents were aware of the scheme, but only 50% attempted to use it, and among them, just 59% successfully accessed rations. Often the children of seasonal migrant brick kiln workers do not attend school. While unpaid wages have always been a concern at kilns, the experience in Kushinagar had terrified the workers. Their ordeal began when the woman contractor – a relative of the labourers – fled with around Rs 5 lakh given by the brick kiln owner for labour payments in late 2021. The 11 of them had started work after Diwali, which is usually the practice, and worked for nearly two months into the winter, when the incident happened, the workers said. The owner was unconcerned that the contractor had cheated them of their wages, and said that the workers would now continue at the rate of about Rs 300 for 1,000 bricks, which was less than half the agreed wage. 'We tried to run away, but we were caught and locked up,' said Jyothi, who occasionally broke into Chhattisgarhi as she recalled their days in captivity. She had started working in brick kilns after her marriage to Binod Kumar, who was part of the group. The survivors said that nearly 20 of them, along with their children, were locked up in a room for about two weeks and allowed out in the morning to work or to go to the field to defecate. The women workers said that the watchmen would follow the women when they went to the field to defecate to ensure that they would not run away. It was humiliating, they said. 'We are scared to go outside the state and work in brick kilns again,' said Jyothi. 'They wanted to make sure that we did not run away and took our phones. We ate and had to urinate in the same locked room,' said Jyothi. Her sister-in-law, Ishwari Bai, was pregnant and had delivered her daughter in Kushinagar only a few weeks before the ordeal began. Ishwari, who has never attended school and had traveled with her parents to brick kilns since she was a child, said that the owner and his nephew were verbally abusive and even threatened to hit the women. 'I delivered in December and was given Rs 4,000 for medicine. It was a terrible experience,' said Ishwari Bai, whose daughter still does not have a birth certificate. 'In Chhattisgarh at least we know people. The entire system is theirs [employers'] in UP,' said Amrit Bai, Ishwari's mother-in-law, one of the others rescued. After two weeks, they were allowed to go back to their own rooms, but were kept under close supervision and paid reduced wages. Manoj, whose finger was broken during the violence by the owner, managed to hide a small mobile phone which he used to contact nonprofits and officials, following which they were rescued nearly a month into their captivity. They did not receive any wages for the work at the brick kiln. In all, 'we were given Rs 25,000 [by the DM/district officials] to get train tickets, food etc, and return to Bilaspur,' said Manoj. This amount was money that was taken from the brick kiln owner, Anil Singh, and not the 'immediate relief' which, as we said, was credited more than two years later. IndiaSpend had reported that the survivors, since their return, had made multiple visits to district officials to obtain their rehabilitation entitlements According to the Bilaspur labour department, release certificates of 11 workers – seven women and four men – have been filed. The rest of the money will be transferred only after the case ends with a conviction. Manoj claimed that he was informed by a social activist over a year ago that the abuser had been convicted. IndiaSpend has not been able to confirm this independently and the Bilaspur labour department says they do not have information about it. IndiaSpend has written and followed up with Kushinagar district collector's office on the status of the case and related information, including immediate cash assistance delays, and have copied the Uttar Pradesh labour department and chief secretary in the email. We will update the story when we receive a response. 'Delays happen because there is no conviction for a case,' said Jyothi Sharma, assistant labour commissioner in Bilaspur. 'We do reach out about cases with the concerned district for updates. We have sent four or five reminders to Kushinagar since 2022,' she claimed. Between 2000 and 2023, there have been more than 2,200 bonded labourers reported in Bilaspur district, according to information shared by the labour department. In seven years to 2023, 27 cases including 402 workers in bondage were reported in which there have been only two convictions. The central sector scheme provides Rs 4.5 lakh for a survey to identify bonded labourers in sensitive districts every three years and up to five evaluatory studies a year for the eradication of bonded labour. While a study was conducted three years ago, no bonded labourers were identified in Bilaspur, said the labour department. Nikhil and Nihal Dheeraj, minors at that time, were part of the group that had gone to the Kushinagar brick kiln, with an older brother and mother, Mamta. While their eldest brother Kunal was issued a release certificate, Nikhil and Nihal were not. 'I was also working with adults making around 400 bricks a day,' said 17-year-old Nikhil who has not completed class 10. While other friends are studying, he works. He plans to start working in nearby coal plants and factories on a daily wage of around Rs 300-350 like the others in the group. 'Studying is an additional expense. I can contribute to the family if I work.' He said that no one from the administration spoke to him when they were rescued. 'There is no mention of age in the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976. They [officials] confuse them with child labour when they are bonded,' said Nirmal Gorana, the convener of the National Campaign Committee for Eradication of Bonded Labour, a national-level network for identification, rescue and rehabilitation of trafficked bonded labourers. 'If children are involved various provisions get invoked which means more work for the labour department.' More than four decades earlier, in 1982, the labour ministry had issued a blueprint with 15 components for the rehabilitation of bonded labourers, which included enforcement of minimum wages, dwelling units, psychological rehabilitation, skill training, allotment of housing sites and agricultural land, health, medical care and sanitation, education of children etc. The total subsidy per released bonded labourer at the time was Rs 4,000 and Rs 25 lakh was the outlay by the Planning Commission for 1980-'85 period. Rehabilitation process The Standard Operating Procedure for Identification and Rescue of Bonded Labourer and Prosecution states that the summary trial in bonded labour cases should commence within 24 hours of the rescue or identification, even if an FIR is not filed. The case should be completed within three months. While the initial bonded labour enquiry by the district authorities is an assessment to know if there is bondage, the summary trial finds evidence to convict the accused employer. Once the release certificates are issued by the district or sub-divisional magistrate, it is assumed that there is an offense of bondage and the burden of proof to prove otherwise falls on the accused employer. The eradication of bonded labour has three aspects – rescue, prosecution and rehabilitation, said David Sundar Singh, panel advocate at the Madras High Court Legal Services Committee, who has worked on multiple bonded labour cases in Tamil Nadu. 'The rehabilitation rests with the central sector scheme, although labour issues like bondage crimes are under the state's purview. The scheme is only a guiding document,' he said. But the implementation of summary trials varies by state. According to Section 21 of the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, states may confer, on an executive magistrate, the powers of a judicial magistrate of the first class or of the second class for the trial of offences. This means that district executive heads may be allowed to deal with a judicial function that they may not be trained to perform. It also contravenes Article 50 of the Constitution that ensures the separation of judiciary from the executive functions. Jacob of the International Institute of Migration and Development said that although the labour ministry's scheme and the SOP mention that the district magistrate can conduct summary trials, there is a need to know the conclusion of such trials, and if district magistrates are trained to conduct it. The process of summary trial is not without concerns, highlighted by D Murugesan, former Chief Justice of Delhi High Court, in a 2018 National Human Rights Commission handbook on bonded labour. 'It is the only Legislation where an Executive Magistrate has been empowered with the powers of a Judicial Magistrate First Class to hold the Summary Trial but the country has seen very few Summary Trials conducted by the District Magistrates or their subordinate officers since they are not aware of the procedure to conduct the Summary Trial,' wrote Murugesan. The Madras High Court had struck down the clause saying that revenue divisional officers in the state will not have the powers of a judicial magistrate to conduct trial under the Act. Presently, the Union government-supported rehabilitation scheme says that in cases where the summary trial has not been concluded, but the district magistrate or sub-divisional magistrate has arrived at a prima facie finding and proof of bondage, the proposal for cash assistance shall not be stopped for want of details of conviction. But, final disbursement of cash assistance is to be made after proof of bondage and other legal consequences as per the judicial process. 'Rescued bonded labourers, particularly inter-state workers, usually do not know if they have won the case…The full compensation is given only after conviction. Rehabilitation has been linked to it, which is a problem,' said Gorana. 'But the DM has discretion when it comes to compensation,' and can approve an amount higher than the immediate cash assistance of Rs 30,000. Linking rehabilitation to conviction, said Singh of the Madras High Court Legal Services Committee, 'is a violation because if there is an acquittal, the prosecution has failed. The victims cannot be punished for it.' The problem of linking of conviction creating rehabilitation delays has been highlighted by the National Human Rights Commission too. A 2021 advisory said that efforts should be made to 'delink dependency' of rehabilitation on conviction in criminal cases. 'Once bonded labour is freed, he should be compensated and rehabilitated,' said the advisory. There has to be an emphasis on training and sensitising district administration, said Jacob, and there should be improvements in reporting, fund utilisation and transparency. 'The states are required to send the release certificates to the Union government to receive reimbursement of funds used for rehabilitation of bonded labourers, but we do not know how many are able to do that manually when there are no digital platforms,' she added. According to the March 2025 Lok Sabha Standing Committee On Labour, Textiles And Skill Development report, the labour ministry said that the status of the summary trial or conviction is available with them from states 'only at the time of the submissions of their proposal for availing final rehabilitation assistance.' If there are only a few convictions, which are required for final proposals to be sent to the Union governments, it is unlikely that there is collated information or data on conclusion of summary trials. In the case of Manoj and others, there has been no information on the conviction, said assistant labour commissioner, Sharma. 'When the employer or in this case the brick kiln owner is convicted by the court and we receive formal intimation, then we [will] send a proposal to the Union government [under the scheme], and the appropriate amount is transferred.' IndiaSpend spoke to Alankrita Upadhyay, the labour commissioner in Kushinagar. She said that she would check the status of the case. We will update the story when we receive more information. Not enough data When IndiaSpend reported on the rate of rescue and rehabilitation of bonded laborers in October 2023, the government had said that it had released 315,302 people since 1978 and 94% (296,305) of them were rehabilitated. According to the March 2025 Standing Committee report, since 1978, 297,038 bonded labourers have been rescued. The difference in the numbers (18,264) could be because of the difference in the use of 'rescued' and 'rehabilitated', an official from the labour ministry who did not want to be identified said, without giving more details. One of the reasons for rescuing bonded labourers at a rate slower than what is needed to rescue 18.4 million bonded labourers by 2030, was that the Union government said that scheme was demand-driven and that the target cannot be fixed. As in previous years, the ministry reiterated in the 2025 report that the scheme is 'demand driven in nature where funds are provided to the States/UTs on receipt of financial demand from them'. As on January 31, 2025, only 6% of the budgeted Rs 6 crore for the rehabilitation scheme has been used and 246 labourers had been rehabilitated in 2024-'25. They were all reported from Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu, with the latter reporting 196 rehabilitated bonded labourers. But based on the labour and employment ministry's 2024-'25 annual report, between April and December 2024, the scheme had only three beneficiaries who were given Rs 60,000 in all. Similarly the 2022-'23 annual report showed that between April and November 2022, there were no beneficiaries, which contradicted the Lok Sabha Standing Committee report which shows that 673 bonded laborers were rehabilitated during that financial year. According to the 2025 standing committee report, the proposals from the states/UTs for the 246 bonded labourers for the financial year of 2024-'25 were related to the payment of immediate cash assistance only. It also said that conviction and summary trial information had not been provided by Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan. For immediate cash assistance of Rs 30,000 released for 246 labourers, the total should be Rs 73.8 lakh versus the Rs 35 lakh that the report mentions. An official in the labour ministry, who did not want to be identified, clarified that the states send proposals from different years together including those before 2021 scheme revisions, which means that the immediate cash assistance would be Rs 20,000 instead of Rs 30,000. The data are recorded for the year of fund disbursement. It was for the same reason that the data in the annual report differs and that rehabilitation and rescue as a nomenclature were being used interchangeably. As per ministry's data on June 2, they had expended Rs 67.4 lakh in 2024-'25. While the standing committee found the ' persistent decrease ' in bonded labour in the three years to 2024-'25 'encouraging', it was concerned about the existence of the problem despite its abolition. It urged states to tackle bonded labour through stricter penalties and punishment, fast-tack courts, and improved awareness among workers. It also underscored the need to provide better rehabilitation through secure rehabilitation homes/centres, counseling and emotional support, immediate medical assistance, free legal aid, and provide rescued children access to formal education and financial support. In 2020, 2,837 victims were reported under the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act in the National Crime Record Bureau data. Of these, 43% were members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. While in the next year the number of victims fell to 667, by 2022, it had increased 140% to 1,600 victims where 86% were SC/ST. More than three in four of all victims were reported in Uttar Pradesh. The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act data in the National Crime Records Bureau NCRB are much higher than reported by the Parliament committee with respect to rehabilitation. Bonded labour is reported by both the labour and home ministries depending on the case and basis of reporting, said Jacob. 'The DM can do a summary trial if it is a BLSA complaint, without an FIR. If an FIR is filed by the police, it is reported by NCRB. There is no clarity or reporting on summary trials in BLSA,' she said. There was initially a labour ministry proposal to create a National Portal on Bonded Labour. But, according to the December 2024 Parliament standing committee report, the ministry subsequently said the portal will be a comprehensive, unified portal for Child Labour, Bonded Labour and Women Labour, and that it should be functional in a year. The same report also noted the high unspent balance in the rehabilitation scheme due to 'non-receipt of documents and utilisation certificates.' The Committee asked the ministry to 'strengthen their monitoring and coordination mechanism for optimal utilisation of funds and reduce surrender of allocated funds to the minimum extent possible.' IndiaSpend has written to the labour ministry for comments on delays in rehabilitation, unspent funds, data gaps and monitoring of the scheme. We will update the story when we receive a response. Meanwhile, Manoj, who is worried about the rising hospitalisation cost, demands he be given the full rehabilitation amount, land, a Below Poverty Line ration card.
The Hindu
30-05-2025
- The Hindu
A nine-year-old bonded labourer
Two years ago, Mannepalli Ankamma, a woman from a tribal community in Andhra Pradesh, who does not know her age, decided to work for N. Muthu, a 60-year-old duck farmer. He promised her a salary of ₹24,000 a month for herding cows and helping him run a sweet shop in Satyavedu, a town in the Tirupati district of Andhra Pradesh. Ankamma took an advance of ₹15,000 from him. When she was unable to repay the amount, Muthu took away her youngest son, M. Venkatesh, as 'collateral'. He also allegedly inflated the amount she owed him to ₹42,000. On April 9, Ankamma spoke to Venkatesh over the phone. The nine-year-old boy told her that he was busy tending to Muthu's ducks in Kancheepuram district in Tamil Nadu. Ankamma lives in Thurakapalle village in Duttaluru mandal of Nellore district in Andhra Pradesh, where she works in her current employer Siva Reddy's lemon orchard. She assured her child that she would be there in two days with ₹42,000 of cash in hand. She promised that he would be home soon. Before ending the call, Ankamma asked Venkatesh what he had eaten for lunch. Curd rice, he said, an improvement over the previous day's meal of rice mixed with water. That was the last time Ankamma spoke to him. Buried by the river A week later, clutching wads of cash, Ankamma travelled to Satyavedu, about 270 kilometres from her village. But Muthu refused the money. 'He used casteist slurs against me,' she recalls. 'He also told me that my son had run away with his phone and some cash.' Dejected, Ankamma returned home. When a month passed and there was still no word from Venkatesh, Reddy helped her file a First Information Report (FIR) at the Satyavedu police station on May 19. The police began their investigation. On being questioned, Muthu told them that Venkatesh had died of jaundice on April 12 at a private hospital at Pudupalayam in Tiruvannamalai district of Tamil Nadu. He confessed that he had buried the boy near the Palar river. The police found Venkatesh's decomposed body and informed Ankamma. 'I knew it was him. He was wearing a vest and shorts. I knew it was my boy though he had become unrecognisable,' says Ankamma, her cheeks wet with tears. While the medical officer from the Chengalpattu Government Medical College declined to share the post-mortem report,the Puttur police quoted the report and said that the stated cause of death was 'blunt force injury to the head by (a) heavy weapon'. The injuries were 'sufficient to cause death in ordinary course of nature'. At first, Muthu, his wife, and son were arrested under the provisions of the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976; the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986; the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2016; and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. On May 24, Deputy Superintendent of Police G. Ravi Kumar, who probed the case, said Section 103 (1) (murder) under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, was also added to the FIR. Also read: How the Code on Wages 'legalises' bonded labour Bonded labour is a system where creditors force debtors to repay debts through labour. The Act prohibits any person from making advances under, or in pursuance of, the bonded labour system. It also prohibits compelling a person to render bonded or forced labour. However, the practice continues till date, say activists. A debt that cost a son Sitting on a flat rock outside Reddy's house on the outskirts of Thurakapalle village, Ankamma cries softly. Thurakapalle is 8 km from Duttaluru town. A narrow muddy pavement leads to the village, which is populated by about 10 people in the morning. The silence of the surroundings is broken by the crowing of roosters. Reddy's house stands in the midst of a vast expanse of lemon orchards. Ankamma and her husband Prakash get paid ₹15,000 a month for taking care of Reddy's 12-acre orchard, tending to 10 buffaloes, and doing other odd jobs for him. Ankamma and Prakash do not have a house. 'This is home,' she says, pointing to a small hut-like structure, perched precariously on four logs. The logs are covered on top by a tarpaulin sheet. There is just enough space for them to sleep. When Reddy is around, Prakash and Ankamma sit on the ground. 'They are Reddulu (Reddys). They are 'big' people,' Ankamma says with a reverential tone. She believes that what happened was all her fault. 'We will not leave Siva Reddy until our last breath. We had left him to work for Muthu and that is why this happened to us. From now on, we will be loyal to him.' Two years ago, Ankamma and Prakash went to work for Muthu after Ankamma's mother told her that he may pay more. Taking an advance of ₹15,000 from Muthu, they began taking his ducks for grazing. Though he promised them a salary of ₹24,000 a month, Muthu did not give them anything more than the advance amount. The couple slept in the fields under the sky. They often stayed awake at night, fearing snakes and scorpions. They moved from place to place every week, foraging for feed. They offered to repay the debt in instalments, but Muthu refused. Ankamma has three children from her previous marriage — Chenchu Krishna (15), Ravu Lakshmamma (12), and Venkatesh. When her first husband died last year, she and Prakash left for Guduru, near Tirupati district, for his final rites. When they did not return, an enraged Muthu went in search of them. He took Venkatesh away, saying the boy was 'collateral'. 'Everyone says we will get some cash (compensation),' says Ankamma. 'But we will not demand anything except justice for my son.' The Central Sector Scheme for Rehabilitation of Bonded Labourer - 2021 states that immediate financial assistance of up to ₹30,000 is guaranteed to individuals rescued from bonded labour. Once the accused is convicted, the aid can go up to ₹3 lakh, depending on the severity of the case. Ravi Kumar, the administrative officer at the Revenue Divisional Officer's (RDO) office in Sullurpeta, says the Tirupati administration is considering providing a housing site and compensation to the family. Satyavedu falls under the purview of the Sullurpeta RDO. Activists say the administration should also issue a 'release certificate' to Ankamma's family. 'Release certificates can be issued only to those in bonded labour. Technically, only the boy was a bonded labourer. Since he is dead, the family is not eligible for the certificate,' Kumar explains. 'Poor, unlettered, and fearful' Andhra Pradesh is both a source and a destination State for bonded labour. 'The problem is not as prevalent as it used to be, but many cases do not come to light these days. In addition to migrant labourers from Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, and Chhattisgarh, the most marginalised locals fall prey to the system,' says Raavi Sunil Kumar, convenor of the Vetti Vimochana Coalition, a group of NGOs working on bonded labour issues. According to data compiled by the group, 402 people have been rescued from bonded labour in the State from January 2023 to date. Most of them, including Ankamma, belong to the Yanadi community. A report from the National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes, published in 2008, says the Yanadis are one of the 59 Denotified Tribes and 60 Nomadic Tribes of Andhra Pradesh. As per the 2011 Census, there were more than 5 lakh Yanadis in the composite State of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. Noorbasha Babavali, a research assistant at the Centre for Study of Social Inclusion at Andhra University in Visakhapatnam, says the Yanadis are extremely poor. Only 35.35% of them are lettered. 'They have been exploited as they don't know about the legal system. Their fear of society keeps them away from the mainstream. They don't own any assets and stay on the canal bunds and in hilly areas.' Ankamma says she did not know that vetti chakiri (bonded labour) is illegal. 'Many Yanadis do not open up to strangers even if they are offered help,' says Ch. Venkateswarlu, a Yanadi leader from Alluru, a village near Ongole in Prakasam district. 'Unlike Ankamma, others do not share their troubles. They fear being beaten up by their employers.' He recalls another incident in which two bonded labourers died of electrocution while working in a field in Palnadu district. 'Though this happened a few months ago, the labourers' families still work as bonded labourers,' he says. Kotaiah's escape Katti Kotaiah, 56, who also belongs to the Yanadi community, escaped the clutches of his employer at Chilakaluripeta town. Kotaiah lives in a Yanadi colony at Alluru, a village near the Kothapatnam beach in Prakasam district. About 400 Yanadis live in the colony. At least 10 members live in one hut. Like Ankamma, Kotaiah blames himself for what happened. 'It was my fault that I accepted a loan of ₹10,000 from a creditor in Chilakaluripeta in Palnadu district. At the time, we had no work, no food, and no access to drinking water. So, I took the money,' he says. To repay that amount, his family of seven, including three children, had to work as bonded labourers for around 20 years. 'We set out to work when my son's three children were toddlers. Now they are between 16 and 20,' he says. By the time of their release last year, that debt of ₹1,500 had risen to ₹15 lakh. The family was sold more than thrice, and worked as bonded labourers under different employers, says Kotaiah. He says their job was to cut Subabul logs, used primarily in the pulp and paper industry. He and his wife cut two tonnes of logs every day. 'In a week, if we cut 14 tonnes, we would get ₹1,500,' he says. As per current rates, a worker is supposed to get around ₹500 for cutting one tonne. 'These jobs were always fine in the first five months. Then, our employers would not give us wages daily. They would give us just ₹1,000 a week. We had to work even when we fell sick. They restricted our movements,' he says. Kotaiah says a policeman asked him to leave the employer during the pandemic. 'But I told him that I owed my employer ₹2 lakh.' he says. Kotaiah sold his house, received as part of a government scheme, for ₹1 lakh to clear the debt. It was only when Kotaiah's friend died that he decided to leave. 'We told our employer that we have to vote in the election (June 2024). He let us go. We never went back, despite warnings.' This year, too, the employer created a ruckus in Alluru demanding that they all come back, he recalls. District officials of Prakasam intervened and gave the family protection and release certificates. Venkateswarlu says that while the government hands out release certificates to survivors, the rehabilitation takes place so late in some cases that a few people, who find themselves without land and work after their release from bonded labour, go back to their old employers. Today, Kotaiah lives in a spacious hut with a sofa, cot, and cooler. He says civil society members got him these necessities. Kotaiah sells fish for a living. 'Some days, I get ₹200 and some days I make ₹400. Today I got only ₹100. But at least no one is torturing us,' he says. No action plan in place 'Apart from duck-rearing units, bonded labour cases are reported from areas where Subabul is grown extensively,' says Ramesh, who belongs to the Rural Organisation for Poverty Eradication Services, a registered NGO. In duck-rearing units, children are mostly chosen as labourers. 'One has to be agile and quick to stop the ducks from escaping. Duck farmers, mostly Yerukulas (another Scheduled Tribe community), hire Yanadis to work for them. The conditions are harsh, with no electricity and no proper food,' says Ramesh. In his report 'Bonded Labour in India: Its Incidence and Pattern', former Jawaharlal Nehru University professor Ravi S. Srivastava says that the Supreme Court directed all the States to collect information on the prevalence of bonded labour in India. The survey was held in 1996. No cases were identified in Andhra Pradesh. However, the government subsequently identified and released 37,988 bonded labourers till 2004. 'Since then, no systematic survey has been carried out. Bonded labour persists both in the agricultural and non-agricultural sector, although vestiges of hereditary bondage only exist in traditional sectors,' he says. Of the 402 people who have been rescued in the past two years by the Vetti Vimochana Coalition, members say FIRs have been booked only in seven cases. 'There is no Standard Operating Procedure or State action plan for the identification, rescue and rehabilitation of bonded labourers in Andhra Pradesh. On the other hand, States such as Tamil Nadu and Delhi have a robust system in place,' explains Kumar. While the Bonded Labour Act provides for punishment for up to three years, there is no data on how many people have been punished. The law mandates a district-level vigilance and monitoring committee to be in place. 'This was formed in Prakasam only last year,' Kumar says. Officials of the Revenue, Tribal Welfare, Social Welfare, and Labour Departments say they are not sure which of them is responsible for enforcing the Act. 'It is important to identify bonded labour as an organised crime,' says Venkateswarlu. 'The government should have a nodal department to deal with pre- and post-rescue operations. It should also have a toll-free number for people in distress. If there had been one, Ankamma would not have lost her son.' sravani.n@ This piece was edited by Radhika Santhanam
India Today
25-05-2025
- India Today
Tribal boy found dead after being left as collateral by mother for Rs 25,000 loan
A duck rearer in Tirupati and his family have been arrested for illegally detaining a tribal woman and her three children as bonded labourers. The family is also charged for allegedly burying her son in secret after forcing him to stay behind as "collateral" for a Rs 25,000 victim, Anakamma, belongs to the vulnerable Yanadi tribal community. She, her husband Chenchaiah, and their three children began working under exploitative conditions after borrowing rs 25,000 from the Chenchaiah's death, the lender reportedly refused to release the family unless the debt, inflated to Rs 45,000 (including Rs 20,000 as interest), was repaid. Desperate to leave, Anakamma was told she could only go if she left one of her children behind as a guarantee. Left with no alternative, she son, left with the accused, stayed in intermittent phone contact and frequently pleaded for rescue, citing harsh labour conditions and last conversation between mother and son took place on April 12. After arranging the repayment by the end of April, Anakamma returned for her she was met with a series of evasive explanations from the duck rearer and his family. First, they claimed that he had been sent away, then told Anakamma that her son was hospitalised, and finally, they claimed that he had run foul play, she contacted local tribal leaders and filed a police complaint. Under police interrogation, the duck rearer confessed that the boy had died and had been buried secretly near the residence of his in-laws in Kanchipuram, Tamil body was exhumed by the authorities in the presence of Anakamma. Tirupati District Collector Venkateswar confirmed the child had been taken to a hospital, allegedly suffering from the covert burial and failure to notify the family have cast serious doubt on the circumstances of the boy's police have booked the duck rearer, his wife and their son. They face prosecution under the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, the Juvenile Justice Act, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.A post-mortem examination is underway to determine the exact cause of Reel
Hans India
25-05-2025
- Hans India
Tamil Nadu Tribal Boy Found Dead After Being Held As Loan Collateral
In a tragic incident in Tirupati, Tamil Nadu, a young boy from the Yanadi tribal community was found dead after being held as collateral for a Rs 25,000 loan taken by his mother, Anakamma. The police have arrested a duck rearer, his wife, and their son for illegally detaining Anakamma and her three children as bonded laborers and secretly burying the boy's body after his death. The arrests were made following a police investigation prompted by Anakamma's complaint, with a post-mortem examination now underway to determine the cause of death. Anakamma, her late husband Chenchaiah, and their children were forced into exploitative labor conditions after borrowing Rs 25,000 from the accused. After Chenchaiah's death, the lender allegedly inflated the debt to Rs 45,000 with interest and refused to release the family unless it was repaid. Desperate to leave, Anakamma was coerced into leaving one of her sons behind as a 'guarantee' for the loan. The boy, subjected to harsh labor and alleged abuse, maintained intermittent contact with his mother, pleading for rescue. Their last conversation occurred on April 12, 2025. When Anakamma arranged to repay the debt by the end of April and returned for her son, the accused gave conflicting stories—claiming the boy was sent away, hospitalized, or had run away. Suspecting foul play, Anakamma alerted local tribal leaders and filed a police complaint. Under interrogation, the duck rearer admitted the boy had died and was secretly buried near his in-laws' residence in Kanchipuram. The body was exhumed in Anakamma's presence, and Tirupati District Collector Venkateswar confirmed the boy had been taken to a hospital, reportedly for jaundice, though the secretive burial has raised suspicions about the circumstances of his death. The accused face charges under multiple laws, including the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, the Juvenile Justice Act, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.
Hindustan Times
25-05-2025
- Hindustan Times
Three held in Andhra as minor boy kept as bonded labour dies
A duck rearer in Tirupati district of Andhra Pradesh has been arrested along with his wife and son for allegedly keeping a nine-year-old tribal boy as bonded labour until his mother repaid a ₹25,000 loan and later burying his body after he reportedly died due to jaundice, police officials have said. The case came to light when the boy's mother, Anakamma, contacted the accused, Muthu, to return his money and sought to know the whereabouts of her son. Finding Muthu's responses evasive, Anakamma approached the Tirupati police who launched a probe and found that the boy, Venkatesh, had died and his body had been buried without anyone's knowledge. According to Anakamma's complaint, she and her husband, Chenchaiah, worked for Muthu in Satyavedu Mandal of the district until Chenchaiah's death in 2024. Following his death, Anakamma borrowed ₹25,000 from Muthu. In March this year, she sought higher wages but Muthu rejected her demand. As she sought to leave the duck farm, Muthu sought ₹42,000 as principal and interest for money she had taken from him. 'She assured to return the money in 10 days and the owner agreed but wanted the boy as a collateral, who would continue to work. She left behind her son and spoke to her son through employer's phone. She spoke to him last on April 15,' said a police officer investigating the case. In the last week of April, Anakamma managed to gather the money and contacted the employer, telling him she was coming to collect her son. He, however, claimed the boy went to Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu; then said he was ill and has been hospitalized, and finally, that he had run away, police said citing the complaint. She contacted Tirupati superintendent of police Harshvardhan Raju. During investigation, the police found that the boy had died and secretly buried in Kanchipuram. An FIR under relevant sections of the 'the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, Child Labour Act, Juvenile Justice Act, and SC/ST Atrocities Act' was filed against Muthu with his wife, Dhanabhagyam, and son, Rajshekhar, on May 19, the officer cited above said. Venkatesh's body was exhumed from near Pali river by a joint team of Tirupati and Kanchipuram police on May 21, the officer said. The initial post-mortem examination has confirmed that he died of jaundice, the officer said, adding that there are some bruises on the body. 'We are still waiting on the final postmortem report to know the exact cause of death and preliminary reports indicate he died of jaundice. Regardless, all the accused have been arrested and sent for remand,' Raju said.
