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A ‘ruthless approach' is fine for terrorists. For Maoists, it must be tempered with empathy
A ‘ruthless approach' is fine for terrorists. For Maoists, it must be tempered with empathy

The Print

time16 hours ago

  • Politics
  • The Print

A ‘ruthless approach' is fine for terrorists. For Maoists, it must be tempered with empathy

It was a deadly blow. Basavaraju was an aggressive military commander who led some of the most audacious and daring campaigns. Earlier, in Operation Black Forest on the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border during April and May, 31 Maoists were liquidated. More recently, Gautam alias Sudhakar , a central committee member, was killed in Bijapur district on 5 June. The security forces are delivering one punch after another in quick succession. The knock-out should only be a question of time. Last month, on 21 May, the CPI (Maoist) lost its top leader, Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju , in an encounter in the Abujhmad area of Narayanpur district, Chhattisgarh. Basavaraju, who had succeeded Ganapathy as general secretary in 2018, was killed along with 26 other Maoists in the engagement. The Maoist movement in India, which was at one stage described as the gravest threat to the country's internal security, is today gasping for breath. Home Minister Amit Shah plans to bury it by March 2026, and the security forces are going hammer and tongs to achieve the target. However, though the Maoist movement may be vanquished, Naxalism may not be stamped out. Also Read: Maoism became irrelevant to India's working class much before Basavaraju's death No second chance Incidents of violence by left-wing extremism have fallen sharply from 1,936 in 2010 to 374 in 2024, a dip of 81 per cent, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs. The total number of deaths, including civilians and security forces, has come down from 1,005 in 2010 to 150 in 2024—down by 85 per cent. The total number of districts affected by Maoist violence has shrunk from 223 in 2010 to just 38 presently. The success of the security forces' operations is to be attributed to a combination of factors: aggressive campaigns that included establishing forward operating bases in areas so far dominated by the Maoists; development marked by constructing roads, erecting mobile towers, and opening post office and bank branches; choking the supply of funds to the Maoists; and tech-driven intelligence operations using drones and satellites. Other contributing factors include raising forces like the District Reserve Guard (DRG), comprising mostly surrendered Maoists, and the Bastar Fighters, which recruited villagers from remote areas; a generous surrender and rehabilitation policy; and better inter-state and Centre-state coordination. Expectedly, certain sections are critical of the government's aggressive operations. The former chief minister of Telangana, K Chandrashekar Rao, has accused the Centre of 'massacring youth and tribals', and said that 'just because you have power, you cannot go on a killing spree'. Revanth Reddy, the present CM of the state, also purportedly said that Adivasis are being murdered. The leaders of five Left parties—the CPI, CPI (M), CPI (ML)-Liberation, RSP and AIFB—recently wrote a letter to the Prime Minister, urging the government 'to put an immediate halt to the extra-judicial killings'. The Maoists, meanwhile, have been sending desperate peace feelers. A politburo member, Abhay aka Venugopal Rao, in a letter released on 2 April, said that the Maoists would cease fire and come for peace talks if the security forces stopped setting up camps and ceased their operations. Another letter, released on 17 April in the name of Rupesh, a CPI (Maoist) spokesman in Chhattisgarh, announced that the Maoists were agreeable to ceasefire for at least a month. Yet another letter from Rupesh on 25 April appealed to the central government to stop the operations for a month, after which the Maoists would hold peace talks in a favourable environment. The Chhattisgarh government has rejected the calls for truce and dialogue. At the Home Ministry level, the thinking appears to be that in the past, whenever peace talks were held, there was no productive outcome and the Maoists, in fact, utilised the peace period to augment their strength and propagate their ideology. It is not untrue. However, one has to remember that when talks were held in Hyderabad in 2004, the extremists were negotiating from a position of strength. Today, they are in dire straits and are facing an existential crisis. The choice before them is between life and death. That being so, it would have been magnanimous on the part of the government to declare a unilateral ceasefire, give one last chance to the Maoists to come overground, hold parleys with official representatives, and join the mainstream. Even if the gesture was only partially successful, it would still avoid a lot of bloodshed. The remnants could always be taken care of by the security forces. Such an approach would have been appreciated by the people in general, and not many tears would then be shed for the intransigent hard core. A need for strategic empathy A disturbing feature of government policy is its 'ruthless approach' to the Maoist insurgency. It is fine to talk of a ruthless approach when you are dealing with terrorists. However, when you are dealing with your own people, strictness must be tempered with empathy. The majority of Maoist foot soldiers are simple tribals who joined the movement, rightly or wrongly, because they had a grievance—real or perceived. Maybe their land was taken away, maybe they were harassed by the forest officer, maybe the police were harsh with them. Marxism-Leninism meant nothing to them. Such persons deserve a chance, and it could have been given to them. Government thinking is rather simplistic: kill the Maoists and the Maoist problem will be solved. Another disconcerting feature is the fixing of a target date to finish the Maoist movement. The objective is laudable, but its achievement could have serious implications. It is fine when you fix a target date for completing a development project like building a highway, raising a dam, or setting up a factory. However, when you are dealing with an insurgency, fixing a target date may lead to some kind of competition among the police forces as to who kills more insurgents and, in the process, some elements may employ extra-judicial methods. Fortunately, there has been no serious complaint so far except general allegations, but the possibility can never be ruled out. It would have been better if the forces were asked to go all out against the insurgents and then wait for the liquidation of the Maoist movement in the normal course. There is yet another danger. The Maoists, just to demonstrate that they are still a force to reckon with, may, in sheer desperation, commit needless acts of violence. On 8 May, the Maoists killed three junior commandos of Greyhounds, an elite anti-Naxal force of Telangana, in a landmine explosion in Mulugu district near the Chhattisgarh border. In another incident, on 9 June, an Additional SP, Akash Rao, was killed and two others were injured in an IED blast in Sukma district of Chhattisgarh. The government will nevertheless, in all likelihood, be able to defeat the Maoist insurgency. The strength of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army has reportedly been reduced to a meagre 300. Most of the politburo and central committee members have either been arrested or killed; the former has only four members left and the strength of the latter has shrunk to a mere 14. There was always a basic flaw in giving a Maoist orientation to the extremist movement, rather than drawing from the country's own civilisational ethos. A movement that declared, 'China's chairman is our chairman, China's path is our path', was doomed to fail in the long run.' Also Read: Born out of 'desperation', DRG is first line against Maoists in Bastar. Tech is giving them an edge Embers will remain Will the government be able to write the obituary of left-wing extremism in the country? Its record in reducing extreme poverty has been commendable. World Bank data shows it declined from 27.1 per cent in 2011-12 to 5.3 per cent in 2022-23, implying that the number of people living in extreme poverty fell from 344.47 million to 75.24 million. Unequal distribution of wealth, however, continues to be a problem. The World Inequality Database shows income inequality rising from a Gini coefficient of 52 in 2004 to 62 in 2023 (a higher Gini coefficient indicates greater inequality, while a lower value suggests a more equal distribution). It is also significant that, as areas affected by Maoist violence are being cleared by the security forces, industries are moving in to exploit the virgin forests. In Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, for example, the government has given environmental clearance to Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. to more than double iron ore output at its Surjagarh mine. Deforestation, which results in the displacement of tribals and contributes to their alienation, continues unabated. India lost 17,700 hectares of primary forest in 2023 and another 18,200 hectares in 2024. There is a genuine apprehension that Mao-vadis may gradually be replaced by MOU-vadis. It would seem that while the security forces are doing the job assigned to them, there is no corresponding attempt to address some of the pressing socio-economic issues that contributed to the emergence and countrywide spread of the Naxal problem. That being so, it seems that while the fire would be extinguished, the embers would remain. The CPI (Maoist) politburo may be decimated, its central committee may be disintegrated, the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army may be vanquished, the party cadres may all be killed, but the idea of Naxalbari would, in all probability, survive—to the extent it represented a protest of the poorer, deprived, and marginalised sections of society against political insensitivity, social discrimination, and economic exploitation. The writer, a former Police Chief, is author of The Naxalite Movement in India. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)

Union home minister Amir Shah to review anti-Naxal operations, visit security camp in Chhattisgarh during 2-day trip
Union home minister Amir Shah to review anti-Naxal operations, visit security camp in Chhattisgarh during 2-day trip

Time of India

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

Union home minister Amir Shah to review anti-Naxal operations, visit security camp in Chhattisgarh during 2-day trip

NEW DELHI: Home minister Amit Shah will visit Chhattisgarh on June 22 and 23, during which he will review the security scenario in the state against the backdrop of intensified anti-Maoist operations, and also tour the Naxalism-hit Narayanpur district. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now It was in Narayanpur that topmost CPI(Maoist) leader Namballa Keshav Rao alias Basavaraju was neutralised by district reserve guard (DRG) wing of Chhattisgarh police last month. During his visit to the district on June 23, Shah will interact with the DRG teams that had tracked and eliminated Basavaraju and 27 other Maoists. Shah had earlier met the senior officials of Chhattisgarh police and felicitated them on success of the same operation. The home minister will also meet local villagers in Narayanpur to take stock of development initiatives on the ground. According to Chhattisgarh govt sources, Shah is scheduled to participate in key programmes related to development initiatives as well. On June 22, he will lay the foundation stone or inaugurate various central institutions at Atal Nagar in Nava Raipur. Later, he shall inaugurate the newly-constructed campuses of the National Forensic Sciences University (NFSU) and the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) in Raipur. The same evening, Shah is due to chair a high-level security review meeting with Chhattisgarh chief minister Vishnu Deo Sai, senior state officials, and top security personnel. The meeting will take stock of the ongoing anti-Naxal operations and discuss how to build up on the recent successes that have seen the elimination of two top Maoist leaders, Basavaraju and central committee member Thentu Lakshmi alias Sudhakar, over the past month. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The Chhattisgarh chief minister on Thursday described Shah's upcoming visit as a 'symbol of renewed energy and confidence for Chhattisgarh,' underscoring the importance of coordinated efforts between the Centre and the state to combat extremism and promote inclusive growth.

Influence waning, Maoists told cadres before crackdown: ‘Weak, need to retreat'
Influence waning, Maoists told cadres before crackdown: ‘Weak, need to retreat'

Indian Express

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Influence waning, Maoists told cadres before crackdown: ‘Weak, need to retreat'

Months before security forces moved in to flush out Maoists from their forest strongholds, the politburo of the banned CPI (Maoist), its highest decision-making body, informed the cadres 'we are retreating forces from Dandakaranya', the vast swathe of land they once controlled across states in the heart of the country. The politburo decision, which stemmed from the realisation of their waning appeal among people, was conveyed through a secret circular issued in August 2024. The circular, in essence, readied the underground cadre of the outfit to prepare for the worst which was to come, as the security forces closed in on them. Hunted by security forces as part of Operation Kagar, the CPI (Maoist) attributed the erosion of support to 'postmodernism, Ambedkarism and NGOs'. At the time the circular was issued, the politburo had Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju, the CPI (Maoist) general secretary, at its helm and three others including Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias Sonu, Thippiri Thirupathi alias Devuji and Misir Besra alias Sagar. Keshava Rao was killed in a gunbattle on May 21. Intelligence officials say that while the Maoists had made elaborate measures to 'save themselves', they were 'not able to execute their plans'. 'The offensive has been widespread with adequate deployment of forces. Most of the plans of the Maoists never materialised because of this,' a senior intelligence official told The Indian Express. Assessing the politburo circular, the official said, 'The CPI (Maoist) has not been able to have its influence on the new generation. Their assessment has come at a time when they consider their 'movement' to be weak.' Currently, the Maoists are at their weakest with their politburo and central committee depleted, intelligence officials said. The politburo has shrunk to three and the central committee members are just 17, down from 42 in 2007-08. The circular said that the party can undergo a strategic or long-term retreat or short-term tactical retreat. 'In order to prevent loss in the present encirclement attack… forces must immediately retreat out of the purview of encirclement,' the circular stated. The retreat was necessitated by a 'temporary setback' that the CPI (Maoist) had been facing since 2019, the circular pointed out. According to the circular, as part of the retreat, the Maoists decided to disband all their military commands and divide them into smaller groups. 'We must classify a unit of two groups of four (people) each as squad or section and a unit of two sections a platoon and a unit of two platoons and one section as a company. We must dissolve the units that cannot maintain this number and restructure the others,' it stated. The decision to disband came as the party lost coordination between regional commands and regional forces due to the security crackdown, the circular stated. The Maoists also decided to keep their units 'constantly mobile'. Besides, the dissolved units, the circular said, should move into areas which were earlier vacated by them including in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. The Maoists admitted that they are 'weak'. 'At present, the party, people's army (armed units) and united front are weak in the temporary setback… If we retreat forces from Dandakaranya, it might weaken the movement. However, in view of the importance of protection of forces, we must be prepared for this,' the circular stated. On May 21 this year, security forces dealt the Maoists a severe blow, killing Basavaraju and 26 others in an encounter in the Abujhmad forests of Chhattisgarh. In Chhattisgarh alone, the number of Maoists killed this year has crossed 200. The series of security operations are being undertaken against the backdrop of a deadline Union Home Minister Amit Shah has set to eradicate Left Wing Extremism from the country – March 31, 2026.

UoM Syndicate member resigns, cites personal reasons
UoM Syndicate member resigns, cites personal reasons

Time of India

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

UoM Syndicate member resigns, cites personal reasons

Mysuru: Basavaraju C Jattihundi, member of the Syndicate, the apex body of the University of Mysore, resigned from his post. He was appointed to the Syndicate on Jan 4, 2024, for a period of three years. Basavaraju attributed personal reasons for his resignation. He submitted his resignation letter through an email dated June 15. "I am a writer. Due to my responsibilities, I was not able to concentrate on writing. So, I decided to resign," he said. However, sources in the university pointed out that in Feb 2025, during an event organised at one of the varsity departments, Basavaraju put up banners welcoming dignitaries, including CM Siddaramaiah, on the main stretch at Manasagangotri, the PG campus of the varsity. The banners were left untouched by the university authorities. However, last week, the university authorities removed the banner of national leader BR Ambedkar put up by research scholars and students to mark Ambedkar Jayanti. It led to a series of protests, including dharnas at Manasagangotri. The agitators questioned the authorities and accused them of adopting double standards. Following the agitation, the city police were stationed at the campus. After the row, the Syndicate member resigned, sources stated. University of Mysore Research Scholars Association issued a clarification stating that there was no role of any Syndicate member in the removal of Ambedkar banner at Manasagangotri on June 11. "There is no connection between this incident and the Syndicate members," Shivashankar, president of the association, said.

After legal victory, renovated Chamundi Hills Interpretation Centre reopens to public
After legal victory, renovated Chamundi Hills Interpretation Centre reopens to public

The Hindu

time11-06-2025

  • General
  • The Hindu

After legal victory, renovated Chamundi Hills Interpretation Centre reopens to public

Minister in charge of Mysuru district, H.C. Mahadevappa, inaugurated the renovated Chamundi Vana and Interpretation Centre at Chamundi Hills on Wednesday. The interpretation centre is located close to the statue of Mahishasura and is being re-developed at a cost of nearly ₹1 crore. The project further included the development of a tree park, Rashi Vana, and a Nakshtra Vana, all of which are taking shape. Deputy Conservator of Forests (Territorial) K.N. Basavaraju said that the inauguration of the interpretation centre constituted the first phase of the project, and the Tree Park and the Rashi Vana will be developed in the coming days. The concept of Pavitra Vana entails the growth of trees that also have a religious and philosophical connection apart from medicinal importance, and they will be grown here. The trees that will be grown here will include Peepal, Banyan, Amla or Indian Gooseberry, Arjuna, Wood Apple, Neem, Indian Rosewood, Mango, Flame of the Forest, Jackfruit or Halasu, Banni or Rusti Acacia, and Sandalwood to name a few. Additionally, trees associated with different constellations will also be grown, including Fig, Bilva, Ashoka, Amla tree, Nerale or Jamun, Mahogany etc. The Nakshatra Vana will have trees associated with 27 constellations and include Arjuna, Halasu, Tulasi, Kadamba, Bevu, Palasha, Nagakesar etc. Mr. Mahadevappa said that though an interpretation centre existed at Chamundi Hills, it was closed following a legal dispute over the land in 2011. Subsequently, the Forest Department scoured for documents transferring the ownership and traced it at the State Archives in Mysuru and filed an appeal in the High Court of Karnataka, which upheld the claims of the Forest Department. Mr. Basavaraju said he searched for the documents and retrieved important ones apart from an order copy dated February 12, 1945, which indicated that the then Maharaja of Mysuru had acquired and transferred nearly 20 acres of land under private domain to the Forest Department. This was submitted to the High Court of Karnataka, which ruled that ''once a forest always a forest'' and ordered on July 30 last year that the land belonged to the Forest Department, said Mr. Basavaraju. The interpretation centre will not only provide information about environment in general but will also throw light on Chamundi Hills and its ecosystem. Apart from educating the general public on environmental issues, the interpretation centre will also publicize many of the forest department's projects like Krishi Aranya Prothsaha Yojane (KAPY), information pertaining to human-animal conflict, sandalwood farming, projects that reduce pressure on forests by providing LPG cylinder as fuel for local communities living along the forest boundary, about forest martyrs or those who died while protecting the forests and wildlife from poachers, timber smugglers etc, apart from providing information on imperatives of environment and wildlife conservation. Chamundeshwari MLA G.T. Deve Gowda, Deputy Commissioner G. Lakshmikanth Reddy, Chief Conservator of Forests of Mysuru Circle Ms. Malathi Priya, DCF Basavaraju and others were present.

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