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India Gazette
an hour ago
- India Gazette
J-K: Special self-defence camp for girls organised by Rashtriya Sewika Samiti in Jammu
Jammu (Jammu and Kashmir) [India], June 20 (ANI): A 15-day special self-defence camp for girls is currently underway in Jammu, organised by the Rashtriya Sewika Samiti. Around 60 girls from various districts of the Jammu region are participating in the training program, which aims to empower them with essential self-defence skills. The camp includes training in stick combat (Dandh) and karate (Niyudha) to help the girls protect themselves in challenging situations. Pankaja, the organiser of the camp, emphasised the importance of such training for girls in Jammu and Kashmir, given the region's circumstances. 'Girls in Jammu and Kashmir need this kind of training to boost their confidence and enable them to handle any adverse situation effectively,' Pankaja told ANI. She said training is particularly concentrated on teaching self-defence using everyday household items in emergencies. 'We are working to teach self-defence and boost confidence among women. During this summer vacation, we are organising such camps across the country. In Jammu and Kashmir, this 15-day camp is being conducted with participation from women across various districts. We are training them on how to protect themselves using everyday household items,' she said. In addition to physical training, the participants are also being taught moral values and discipline during the 15-day camp to instil a sense of responsibility and self-control in their daily lives. Earlier, in an effort to empower local youth and prepare them for upcoming Territorial Army (TA) recruitment rallies, the Indian Army's 4 Rashtriya Rifles unit, based in Bhaderwah launched a pre-recruitment training programme in the Doda district of Jammu and Kashmir. The initiative is part of the Army's broader mission to empower and engage youth from remote areas of Jammu and Kashmir by preparing them for a career in the armed forces. The training aims to enhance the physical fitness, discipline, and overall readiness of participants to meet the rigorous demands of the recruitment process. The Army conducted screening and recruitment training for youth enrolment in the Indian Army at Bhaderwah. An Army official overseeing the training said, 'This programme is not only a pathway to employment for our youth but also a step toward strengthening national integration and channelising their energy in a positive direction.' 'The pre-recruitment training aimed to provide physical conditioning and written examination preparation for youth aspiring to join the Indian Army from remote areas of Doda District,' the officer added. Local youth have shown enthusiastic participation in the training, expressing gratitude for the Army's support. A large number of aspiring youths participated in the training session and appreciated the Army for such a great initiative. (ANI)
The Hindu
an hour ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Thai PM to meet Army Commander to defuse political crisis
Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra will on Friday (June 20, 2025) visit an Army Commander she called an "opponent" in a leaked phone call as she battles to defuse a crisis threatening to topple her government. The 38-year-old leader, in office for less than a year, was forced to make a public apology on Thursday (June 19, 2025) as anger flared over the call with former Cambodian leader Hun Sen that appeared online. Her main coalition partner, the conservative Bhumjaithai party, pulled out on Wednesday (June 18, 2025) saying she had insulted the country and the Army, putting her government on the point of collapse. There was better news for Ms. Paetongtarn, daughter of controversial billionaire ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra, on Friday as another important coalition partner, the conservative Democrat Party, pledged to stay. "The Democrat Party will remain in the government to help resolve the challenges the country is currently facing," the party said in a statement. Another coalition party, Chartthaipattana, said late on Thursday that it would not withdraw, after urgent talks on the crisis with the Democrats and the United Thai Nation (UTN) party. With the departure of Bhumjaithai, the government led by Paetongtarn's Pheu Thai party now holds a razor-thin majority in Parliament. Losing another major partner would likely see the government collapse, plunging the kindgom into fresh political instability as it grapples with a stuttering economy and U.S. President Donald Trump's threatened trade tariffs. Apology Ms. Paetongtarn will travel to Thailand's northeast on Friday to patch things up with Lieutenant General Boonsin Padklang, the Commander of the forces in northeast Thailand, where the border clashes took place. She referred to Ms. Boonsin as her "opponent" in the leaked call with Hun Sen, in which the two leaders discussed the ongoing border dispute. Thailand has formally protested to Cambodia about the leak, calling it a breach of diplomatic protocol that had damaged trust between the two sides. Paetongtarn was criticised as being weak and deferential in the call with Hun Sen, a veteran politician known as a wily operator, but her comments about the army commander were potentially the most damaging to her. Thailand's armed forces have long played a powerful role in the kingdom's politics and politicians are usually careful not to antagonise them. When she made her public apology for the leaked call on Thursday, Ms. Paetongtarn did so standing in front of army and police chiefs, in a show of unity. There were small street protests on Thursday and calls from across the political spectrum for her to quit or announce an election, but her apology and backing from some of her coalition partners appear to have shored up her position for now. But with a tiny majority she remains vulnerable, not least because of the awkward nature of her coalition. Ms. Paetongtarn took office in August last year at the head of an uneasy alliance between Pheu Thai and a group of conservative, pro-military parties whose members have spent much of the past 20 years battling against her father. Mr. Thaksin, twice elected PM, was thrown out in a military coup in 2006, and the bitter tussle between the conservative, royalist establishment and the political movement he founded has dominated Thai politics throughout that time. Former Manchester City owner Mr. Thaksin, 75, still enjoys huge support from the rural base whose lives he transformed with populist policies in the early 2000s. But he is despised by Thailand's powerful elites, who saw his rule as corrupt, authoritarian and socially destabilising.
Hans India
3 hours ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Huge blow to diplomacy: Cong on Trump-Munir lunch
The Congress on Thursday attacked the government after US President Donald Trump hosted Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir for lunch, saying it is a 'huge blow' to Indian diplomacy. Congress general secretary in-charge of communications Jairam Ramesh said Field Marshal Asim Munir is not the Head of State or Head of government of Pakistan and is the Chief of Army Staff, yet he gets invited by Trump for lunch and receives much praise. 'This is the same man whose atrocious and inflammatory remarks formed the immediate backdrop to the brutal Pahalgam terror attacks orchestrated by the establishment over which he presides,' Ramesh said on X. 'It is a huge blow to Indian diplomacy (and huglomacy too),' he said, taking a swipe at Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Congress has been taking swipes at Modi, giving 'hugs' to foreign heads of state during his meetingas with them at international or bilateral engagements, using the term 'huglomacy' for it. Meanwhile, Trump has said the two very smart leaders of India and Pakistan decided not to continue a war that could have turned nuclear, a first in weeks, he did not claim credit for stopping hostilities between the two neighbouring nations. Trump made the remarks while speaking to the media in the Oval Office after hosting Munir for lunch at the White House. Trump also said he was honoured to meet Munir. When asked if Iran was discussed in his meeting with Munir, Trump said: Well, they know Iran very well, better than most, and they're not happy about anything. It's not that they're bad with Israel. They know them both, actually, but they probably, maybe they know Iran better, but they see what's going on, and he agreed with me. 'The reason I had him here, I want to thank him for not going into the war, ending the war. And I want to thank, as you know, Prime Minister Modi just left a little while ago, and we're working on a trade deal with India. We're working on a trade deal with Pakistan,' the president said. 'They were both here, but I was with Modi a few weeks ago. He was here actually, but now we speak to him. And I'm so happy that two smart people, plus you know, people on their staff too, but two smart people, two very smart people decided not to keep going with that war,' he said.
Indian Express
5 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Today in Politics: Can Congress, Shashi Tharoor bury the hatchet and move on?
The gap that had started widening between Thiruvananthapuram MP Shashi Tharoor and the Congress now looks more like a yawning chasm after the former said there were some 'differences of opinion' with some in the Congress leadership. This comes after weeks of the Congress taking potshots at Tharoor, unhappy that he had been chosen to head one of the all-party delegations that went around the world to spread the government's message on Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, even though the party had not recommended him. The lack of any attempt at reconciliation became clear after the MP told reporters in Thiruvananthapuram that he had not been invited to campaign for the Nilambur bypoll. He also mentioned the 'misunderstandings' between the party and him and how, when he was abroad, 'they engaged in arguments without understanding what I had said'. While he was in Panama during the multi-nation tour, Tharoor had riled his party by claiming that the Army had breached the Line of Control between India and Pakistan for the first time to 'conduct a surgical strike on a terror base, a launch pad… (after) the Uri strike in September 2016' and that it was 'something we had not done before'. The Congress hit back, reminding Tharoor about surgical strikes under the UPA government and suggesting that the BJP should name him 'super spokesperson'. Before he went on the tour, the Congress had been unhappy about his public comments since Operation Sindoor, and, in one instance, said he had crossed the 'lakshman rekha (red line)'. But what options do the two sides have? Though the Congress attributed the lack of invitation to him for campaigning in Nilambur to a 'communication gap', the party may have to take a call, sooner rather than later, on whether it wants this situation to continue or if rapprochement is possible. In one of her columns last month, Neerja Chowdhury noted the pitfalls of taking action against Tharoor. 'Action against him at this juncture could queer the pitch for the party in Kerala where elections are due next year. It is the one state the Congress has been confident of winning … Tharoor, who has called for a bipartisan approach on security issues, has carved out a niche for himself in the last few years that goes beyond the Congress. He has a following amongst the intelligentsia, the professional classes, and the youth.' Letting the sense of antagonism fester also reflects poorly on the party, which seems to be caught in a Catch-22. Tharoor will also have to evaluate the choices before him. Floating a new party is way beyond difficult, and joining the BJP will likely dent his image in the liberal intelligentsia constituency. On Thursday, he categorically ruled out joining the ruling party and said, 'Let the Congress reveal their thoughts about me.' PM Modi in Bihar, Odisha Prime Minister Narendra Modi will head to Bihar for the fourth time this year. He will be in Siwan, where he will inaugurate the new Vaishali-Deoria railway line project and flag off a new train service on the route. In a boost for connectivity in north Bihar, the PM will also flag off a Vande Bharat Express train between Patliputra and Gorakhpur via Muzaffarpur and Bettiah. Modi will then flag off a locomotive built at a plant in Marhaura in Saran district for export to the Republic of Guinea. This is the first export locomotive manufactured in this factory. The PM will also inaugurate six sewage treatment plants under the Namami Gange project, launch several other projects related to water supply and power infrastructure, and release the first instalment of the PM Awas Yojana (Urban) to more than 53,600 beneficiaries. He will also hand over keys to a few beneficiaries to mark the 'grih pravesh' ceremony of more than 6,600 completed houses. Modi will then head to Bhubaneswar, where he will launch multiple development projects and release the Odisha Vision Document on the BJP-led state government's roadmap for the next 11 years, when the state will celebrate its centenary. What will be the most closely tracked are the PM's speeches at public events in both these places. Why Amit Shah is in Bengaluru Union Home Minister Amit Shah arrived in Bengaluru on Thursday night, and Friday morning, he will inaugurate Adichunchanagiri University's Bengaluru campus. The university is linked to the Adichunchanagiri Mahasamsthana Math, a monastery in Karnataka's Mandya district. — With PTI inputs
Indian Express
5 hours ago
- Business
- Indian Express
Why India doesn't need to worry about the Trump-Munir lunch
US President Donald Trump's recent lunch meeting with Pakistan's Army Chief, General Asim Munir, has raised more than a few eyebrows, particularly in India. Munir is not a well-known figure in Washington's strategic circles and yet, he found himself seated across from the most powerful man in the world. For many, it seemed like a bizarre political detour. But if one strips away sentiment and looks through the lens of history and statecraft, the picture becomes clearer. As the old adage goes, nations have no permanent friends or enemies — only permanent interests. What we are witnessing is not a departure from norms but a reaffirmation of how American foreign policy has long worked, particularly when it comes to Pakistan. Pakistan occupies one of the most strategically sensitive pieces of real estate in the world. It borders five civilisational and geopolitical spheres: Indian, Chinese, Central Asian, Persian and Arab. No other space in the world offers such a dense intersection of influence. That alone ensures that Pakistan, regardless of its economic health or internal chaos, will continue to feature in the calculus of global powers. This is not a new phenomenon. From the 1950s onwards, Pakistan was a member of both SEATO and CENTO — Cold War alliances aimed at containing communism. In 1960, CIA pilot Gary Powers flew a U-2 spy plane from Peshawar over Soviet territory, which was later shot down, sparking an international crisis. In the 1970s, Pakistan served as the covert conduit through which President Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger opened diplomatic relations with China. Crucially, after 9/11, Pakistan's territory became indispensable for US operations in Afghanistan. Whether it was providing a logistics corridor for NATO supplies, intelligence coordination (however uneven), or access to airbases, Pakistan allowed America to wage a two-decade war in its backyard without the financial and operational burden of establishing new infrastructure in Central Asia. Without Pakistan, the Afghan war would have cost three times as much and been logistically far more challenging. Many Indians are rightly puzzled by Washington's recurring tilt toward Pakistan, especially when it is common knowledge that Pakistan has harboured and supported anti-India terror networks. However, the US Department of Defence has maintained a deep institutional relationship with the Pakistan army that survives changes in political mood. America may mistrust Pakistan's civilian governments or even its double-dealing on terrorism, but it views the Pakistan military as a rational, hierarchical force that can 'get things done'. I attended training courses and programmes in the US. I can state that in a lineup of Indian and Pakistani officers from the armed forces, an American general will always shake hands first with the Pakistanis. That calculus has not changed. Trump's meeting with Munir signals a tactical re-engagement rather than a fundamental strategic pivot. The US may be planning for renewed contingency operations in Afghanistan, hedging against China's Belt and Road Initiative via CPEC, or managing risks in Iran and Central Asia. Pakistan is relevant in all these theatres. At the same time, India must recognise that its own strategic partnership with the US remains strong and is grounded in very different fundamentals. Since 1991, when India opened up its economy and began integrating with the global order, relations with Washington have steadily deepened. The nuclear deal of 2008, defence cooperation under LEMOA and COMCASA, technology partnerships and the rise of the Quad reflect this. However, this relationship is not immune to friction. India's insistence on strategic autonomy occasionally confounds American expectations. Nowhere was this more visible than during the Ukraine war. While the West imposed sweeping sanctions on Russia, India chose a path of calibrated engagement — buying oil at discounted rates, abstaining at the UN, and maintaining robust dialogue with both sides. This decision wasn't about fence-sitting; it was about placing Indian national interest above alliance politics. Washington noticed — and, to its credit, ultimately respected — India's position. But the episode was a timely reminder; even close partners will diverge when their interests do. Seen in this light, Trump's outreach to Pakistan should not be read as a betrayal or a shift away from India. It is better understood as tactical engagement driven by geography, legacy relationships, and evolving regional threats. Pakistan will always offer America access, whether for leverage in Kabul, observation posts against Iran, or to counter Chinese expansion. But such engagement is opportunistic, not strategic. India's strength lies elsewhere. We are not a country that offers itself as an operational base or intermediary. We offer long-term strategic value; a stable democracy, a massive consumer market, a growing technological base, a competent military, and a rules-based approach to global governance. We are not transactional in our diplomacy; we are a civilisational state with depth. Pakistan's ruling elite — particularly its military — has always sought visibility abroad to compensate for instability at home. Foreign engagements like the one with Trump are often used to burnish credentials domestically. But Pakistan's fundamentals remain fragile: An economy in freefall, a splintered polity, and an increasingly alienated populace. America knows this. While it may engage Islamabad's generals from time to time, it does not mistake tactical necessity for strategic trust. India, on the other hand, has remained firm and predictable through global flux. India remained steady whether it was Covid, the Afghanistan pull-out, or the energy crisis after Ukraine. That is the hallmark of a reliable partner, not one that flits in and out of favour but one that shows up and stays the course. Let us not be distracted by luncheon invites. Let us remain focused on India's trajectory. We are not a fly-by-night friend of the US — we are a strategic power in our own right. We are neither insecure about Pakistan's moment in the sun nor anxious for validation. We should be confident that the more uncertain the world becomes, the more valuable India's stability will appear. The US knows this, even if it occasionally wanders in search of old allies for new problems. Real partnership is tested over time — and India has passed that test repeatedly. The US may dip back into its Pakistan playbook occasionally, but its real bet is on a rising India. That bet may not always be loud, but it will be lasting. The writer is a former corps commander of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps and a member of the National Disaster Management Authority. Views are personal
