Latest news with #Afrobarometer
Yahoo
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
In Nigeria, the juntas are history, but street names live forever
As President Bola Tinubu praised his country's quarter century of democratic rule Thursday, many of the streets around the Nigerian capital carried a different, perhaps less-inspiring message. To name a few: Sani Abacha Way takes commuters into downtown Abuja. Ibrahim Babangida Way meanwhile cuts through upscale Maitama. Murtala Muhammed Expressway passes next to the presidency and the National Assembly, where Tinubu delivered his Democracy Day speech. All three are named after the heads of military juntas. As other countries in west Africa have gone on a renaming spree -- mostly throwing out roads named for colonial figures -- Nigeria's strongmen have survived this final, symbolic purge. All eight of Nigeria's military leaders have at least one street named after them in the capital -- a fact that's often met with a shrug, even as Thursday's holiday celebrates the transition to civilian rule in 1999 after decades of coups and military rule. "Some leaders, because of their stature, a road can be named after them," said Ibrahim Hassan, 45, an employee at a corner store. "It's not about whether you've done the best for Nigeria." A woman ringing up her groceries, who gave her name only as Adekemi, chimed in with an indifferent laugh: "Right now I'm focusing on how to afford this." - 'House the military built' - Abuja -- a planned city that became Nigeria's capital in 1991 under Babangida -- "is the house that the military built, so naturally they paid homage to themselves" said Ikemesit Effiong, a partner at SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based consultancy. While data from pollster Afrobarometer has shown consistent public support for democracy in Nigeria, "the military is still a formidable, well-regarded institution, seen by many as comparatively disciplined and well run" after 26 years of often chaotic civilian rule. Former military chiefs have also entered civilian politics, rehabilitating their image -- including Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari, both elected president in the democratic era. In the United States and Europe, activists in recent years clamoured to have streets renamed to address colonial or racist legacies -- though those moves weren't always without pushback. In west Africa, including in Senegal and Ivory Coast, governments have ditched boulevards named after French leaders and renamed them after their own countrymen. "We have not fully grasped what democracy is about," lamented Edwin Ajibola, 42, who as an Uber driver, makes his living plying roads named after strongmen. Tinubu too, while praising in his speech "how far we had come as a nation", acknowledged that "we still have so much, and a lot, for that to go." Earlier this week, he found himself directly facing his predecessors' infrastructural legacy when the minister of the Federal Capital Territory renamed Abuja's International Conference Centre after the president. Amid the political squabbling in the aftermath, one former lawmaker suggested the move would unfairly obscure the head of state who oversaw its building: junta head Babangida. nro/tba/srg/cw
France 24
12-06-2025
- Politics
- France 24
In Nigeria, the juntas are history, but street names live forever
To name a few: Sani Abacha Way takes commuters into downtown Abuja. Ibrahim Babangida Way meanwhile cuts through upscale Maitama. Murtala Muhammed Expressway passes next to the presidency and the National Assembly, where Tinubu delivered his Democracy Day speech. All three are named after the heads of military juntas. As other countries in west Africa have gone on a renaming spree -- mostly throwing out roads named for colonial figures -- Nigeria's strongmen have survived this final, symbolic purge. All eight of Nigeria's military leaders have at least one street named after them in the capital -- a fact that's often met with a shrug, even as Thursday's holiday celebrates the transition to civilian rule in 1999 after decades of coups and military rule. "Some leaders, because of their stature, a road can be named after them," said Ibrahim Hassan, 45, an employee at a corner store. "It's not about whether you've done the best for Nigeria." A woman ringing up her groceries, who gave her name only as Adekemi, chimed in with an indifferent laugh: "Right now I'm focusing on how to afford this." 'House the military built' Abuja -- a planned city that became Nigeria's capital in 1991 under Babangida -- "is the house that the military built, so naturally they paid homage to themselves" said Ikemesit Effiong, a partner at SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based consultancy. While data from pollster Afrobarometer has shown consistent public support for democracy in Nigeria, "the military is still a formidable, well-regarded institution, seen by many as comparatively disciplined and well run" after 26 years of often chaotic civilian rule. Former military chiefs have also entered civilian politics, rehabilitating their image -- including Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari, both elected president in the democratic era. In the United States and Europe, activists in recent years clamoured to have streets renamed to address colonial or racist legacies -- though those moves weren't always without pushback. In west Africa, including in Senegal and Ivory Coast, governments have ditched boulevards named after French leaders and renamed them after their own countrymen. "We have not fully grasped what democracy is about," lamented Edwin Ajibola, 42, who as an Uber driver, makes his living plying roads named after strongmen. Tinubu too, while praising in his speech "how far we had come as a nation", acknowledged that "we still have so much, and a lot, for that to go." Earlier this week, he found himself directly facing his predecessors' infrastructural legacy when the minister of the Federal Capital Territory renamed Abuja's International Conference Centre after the president. Amid the political squabbling in the aftermath, one former lawmaker suggested the move would unfairly obscure the head of state who oversaw its building: junta head Babangida.
Yahoo
03-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Togo's citizens want to leave Ecowas – new survey suggests why
A survey of Togolese citizens recently looked into perceptions of their government's handling of the terrorist threat in the northern region and of the Alliance of Sahel States – Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. The survey was carried out by Afrobarometer, an independent, pan-African research network, in partnership with the Center for Research and Opinion Polls. The Savanes region in northern Togo, bordering Burkina Faso, has become an area of insecurity since a jihadist attack in 2021. This security crisis is part of a broader context of growing destabilisation in west African countries, centred on the Sahel region. It led to the creation of the Alliance of Sahel States in July 2024. The survey also covered perceptions of foreign influence in Togo and discrimination against women and girls among other topics. Koffi Amessou Adaba, a political sociologist and one of the lead authors of the study, shares insights into the survey's key findings, and the potential implications for Togo's future. The survey, which involved 1,200 people, reveals that 64% of Togolese respondents believe the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger from the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) to form the Alliance of Sahel States is 'somewhat' or 'very' justified. This view is driven by three main factors: • a perception that Ecowas is influenced by foreign powers • a widespread rejection of Ecowas sanctions against Sahel states • the belief that Ecowas failed to provide military support during those countries' security crises. In addition, 54% of Togolese consider the presence of Russia (or the Wagner Group, now known as Africa Corps) in the Alliance of Sahel States to be beneficial. This trust in a non-western external actor reflects a profound shift in geopolitical perceptions in the region. Another important finding of this study is that 54% of Togolese believe their country would benefit from leaving Ecowas to join the Alliance of Sahel States. But opinions are split on whether the Alliance of Sahel States helps or hurts west African integration: 39% believe it doesn't undermine regional integration, but 37% think it does. Read more: This sentiment reflects growing frustration with Ecowas, which many Togolese now see as out of touch with the region's realities. The bloc is widely perceived as being too close to foreign powers and ineffective in responding to major security threats. Its repeated failures to help resolve Togo's political crises (of 2005 and 2017 for example) have only deepened public disillusionment. This frustration is unfolding alongside a broader wave of pan-Africanism in the region, marked by a growing rejection of former colonial powers and their institutional ties. But this momentum should be approached with caution. The desire to leave Ecowas reflects anger and a strong appetite for change, not necessarily a clear assessment of the economic and diplomatic fallout such a move could bring. Read more: Nearly six in ten Togolese (59%) say they trust the government to contain or root out the terror threat. This shows broad support for official counter-terrorism efforts, although some question the current strategy. Opinions are especially split on how the crisis is communicated. Some find the messaging vague or lacking in transparency. Others think it helps keep people alert without sparking panic. The survey reveals deeper concerns. Even Togolese outside conflict zones report growing insecurity. The northern crisis appears to be fuelling nationwide anxiety. Read more: Since tensions flared, Togo has been neutral. It has not openly condemned the Alliance of Sahel States countries and has maintained its membership of Ecowas. This careful stance reflects national sentiment – which leans towards support for the Alliance of Sahel States – while preserving Togo's strategic and economic interests. This approach isn't new. It's part of a long-standing Togolese tradition of balanced, pragmatic diplomacy. The nation has always pursued pragmatic and independent foreign policy that adapts to regional dynamics. As west Africa's geopolitical landscape shifts, Togo should: • maintain open cooperative relations with both Ecowas and the Alliance of Sahel States • preserve its strategic position as a logistics and trade hub for the region, particularly through the Port of Lomé • strengthen its image as a diplomatic force for stability in west Africa. Read more: Togo's careful balancing act remains its safest bet. The truth is, no one knows what the future holds for the Alliance of Sahel States bloc. But this middle ground gives Togo strategic flexibility regardless of how regional politics evolve. Togo's position leaves it well-placed either way. If the Alliance of Sahel States countries rejoin Ecowas, Togo keeps its influence. If they don't, it still benefits from its neutrality. Ultimately, Togo should keep playing this diplomatic card. Its measured approach offers rare stability in a volatile region. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Koffi Améssou Adaba, Université de Lomé Read more: 3 things to watch as South Koreans head toward the polls following turbulent political period Why Islamic State is expanding its operations in north-eastern Nigeria IDF firing 'warning shots' near diplomats sets an unacceptable precedent in international relations Koffi Améssou Adaba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
IOL News
01-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Rule of Law: Judicial Accountability is Healthy for Democracy
Protest: EFF leader Julius Malema led a march to the Constitutional Court demanding that President Cyril Ramaphosa be held accountable for the Phala Phala scandal. The question regarding the judiciary's independence is not so dissimilar to the former President Thabo Mbeki's reaction to the ANC's parliamentarians' vote to squash the establishment of a Multi-Party Committee to investigate whether President Ramaphosa has a case to answer on the Phala Phala farmgate scandal, says the writer. Prof. Sipho Seepe Umkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP) argues that 'Members of Parliament are required to declare their assets; therefore, the same standards should apply to judges, who wield immense constitutional power and influence. Judges must be held to a higher standard of scrutiny and accountability. South Africa cannot afford to have a judiciary shielded from the same transparency expected of other arms of state.' The self-appointed guardians of our democracy would have none of it. The judiciary is a no-go area. After all, conventional wisdom dictates that judges are paragons of virtue. They cannot be compared to corruption-prone politicians and public officials. Counterposing MKP's call is an argument that says, 'Judges are already subject to the most stringent asset and income declarations of all public office bearers'. Also, subjecting judges to lifestyle audits would imply suspicion of corruption. If stringent processes for probing judicial integrity are in place, MKP's call should not pose a problem. A case of suspicion has been made. According to the 2018 Afrobarometer survey, a publication of the Institute for Justice & Reconciliation, 32% of South Africans suspect that judges are involved in corruption. In 2002, the level of mistrust was 15%. Chief Justice Mandisa Maya is on record that there are issues that require urgent attention including 'the report of the 2021 Afrobarometer survey that the public's trust in the judiciary has declined…loss of confidence in the judiciary does not augur well for the rule of law and our democracy'. She concluded that 'the judiciary itself needs to do an introspection and check if we are to blame for this change of attitude towards the institution.' Delivering the Nelson Mandela Lecture, former Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng raised a similar concern. 'There is an attempt to capture the judiciary…. any captured member of the judiciary will simply be told or will know in advance, when so and so and so and so are involved, we'd better know your place. Or when certain issues are involved, well, the decision is known in advance'. Far from being denialists, Mogoeng and Maya have approached the subject with a certain degree of maturity. Theirs is to call for vigilance against attempts to undermine (or shield) the judiciary. All that MKP has done is put the matter up for public debate. For Joe Soap in the street, the question regarding the judiciary is not so dissimilar to the former President Thabo Mbeki's reaction to the ANC's parliamentarians' vote to squash the establishment of a Multi-Party Committee to investigate whether President Ramaphosa has a case to answer on the Phala Phala farmgate scandal. Mbeki asked. 'Are we saying that we suspect or know that he (Ramaphosa) has done something impeachable and therefore decided that we must protect our president at all costs by ensuring that no Multi-Party Committee is formed?...... We acted as we did [as if] there was something to hide'. MKP's call for judges to be subjected to lifestyle audits coincides with President Ramaphosa's initiation of the process for the appointment of the Deputy Chief Justice. The position became vacant following the elevation of Justice Mandisa Maya to lead the apex court. For his part, President Ramaphosa nominated four judge-presidents. With Mahube Molemela (Supreme Court of Appeal having declined the nomination, the remaining contenders comprise Dunstan Mlambo (Gauteng), Cagney John Musi (Free State), and Lazarus Pule Tlaletsi (Northern Cape). The Judicial Service Commission, headed by Chief Justice Maya, is expected to pronounce itself on the suitability of the nominees for the position. To be clear, this is a political appointment. With the recycling of Mlambo after his failed bid for the position of Chief Justice, it is a safe bet that Mlambo will get the position. Hopefully, this time around, President Ramaphosa will not go for a demonstrably weak candidate. This would be a case of history repeating itself. A knee-jerk response to MKP will not remove the lingering suspicions of bias. First, far from ubiquitous misconceptions, judges are neither necessarily wise nor omniscient. They are no angels. They are as human and as fallible as all of us. They are prone to self-interest and self-preservation, which may not cohere with the principles of justice. Second, judges do not exist in a vacuum. They are socio-cultural and political animals. There are many instances where history and politics cloud their judgments. The Constitutional Court's ruling regarding a tussle between the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality and AfriForum on changing street names is a case in point. In challenging the Tshwane Municipality regarding its decision to change street names to names of struggle icons, AfriForum had, among other things, argued that doing so would violate the constitutional right of the Afrikaner people to enjoy their culture. The Gauteng High Court had ruled in favour of AfriForum. A majority judgment by Mogoeng CJ concurred by Moseneke DCJ, Bosielo AJ, Jafta J, Khampepe J, Madlanga J, Mhlantla J, Nkabinde J, and Zondo J, upheld the appeal against the lower court. Justices Cameron and Froneman dissented. This couldn't be a mere coincidence that all black judges saw things differently from their white colleagues. It is highly possible that socio-political and cultural experiences played a role in arriving at this ruling. Another instance relates to a case in which a full bench (three judges) of the Gauteng High Court decided to offer a political commentary on a matter involving Eskom. Nailing their political flags to the mast, the three judges contended that the 'new dawn that engulfed the country in 2018 did not miss Eskom Holdings SOC Limited (Eskom). It brought life to Eskom in that in January 2018, Eskom's old and inactive leadership was replaced by new leadership with new life to undo years of maladministration and corruption within the organization.' It didn't take long before the country was plunged into rolling blackouts. The fall from Ramaphoria to Ramaruin happened at lightning speed. Lastly, members of the judiciary have not covered themselves in glory. We need not go further than recall the unseemly spectacle that played itself during the publicly televised interviews for the position of Chief Justice. It was evident that Justice Raymond Zondo was a spectacularly poor performer. Only three commissioners reportedly gave Zondo a thumbs-up against the current Chief Justice Maya's twenty-one votes. A discerning individual would have declined the appointment. We must not underplay the extent to which many of our judges are beholden to neo-colonialism. After all, they are part of 'a native elite faithful and [compliant] to the needs of the colonialists. It was largely through educational processes at all levels that these elites were moulded and culturally turned.' It is not an accident that we have courts that foreground 'colonially borrowed languages; languages that are hardly understood by [their audience], and languages, which even these speakers handle with difficulty and grammatical inadequacies.' The sooner we demythologize members of the judiciary, the better for us. * Professor Sipho P. Seepe is an Higher Education & Strategy Consultant. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
Morocco World
26-05-2025
- Business
- Morocco World
One in Four Moroccans Consider Leaving the Country
Rabat — A new poll has revealed that more than one-quarter of Moroccans think about leaving their homeland, with most looking toward Europe as their preferred destination. The Afrobarometer survey, conducted in February 2024 as part of its tenth round of public opinion research in Morocco, found that 26.8% of participants have considered emigrating to varying degrees. The poll shows clear patterns in who wants to leave and where they want to go. Men more likely to consider leaving The survey found striking differences between men and women when it comes to migration thoughts. Men show much stronger interest in leaving Morocco than women do. About 21.1% of men say they think 'a lot' about emigrating, compared to just 10.7% of women. When researchers asked about thinking 'somewhat' about leaving, 10.9% of all respondents said yes. Women, on the other hand, show more contentment with staying put. The survey found that 62.5% of women have never thought about leaving Morocco, compared to 48.4% of men. Overall, more than half of all participants (55.4%) say they have never considered emigrating. City residents dream of departure more than rural residents Where people live also affects their migration thoughts. Urban residents express stronger desires to leave than those living in rural areas. The poll found that 16.8% of city residents think frequently or somewhat about emigrating. In contrast, only 12.1% of rural residents share these thoughts about leaving Morocco. Europe tops the list of dream destinations When asked where to emigrate, Moroccans think of Europe as a top destination. The survey shows that 26.2% of those considering migration want to head to European countries. Men favor Europe even more strongly than women do. About 31.9% of men who want to emigrate choose Europe as their destination, while 20.4% of women make the same choice. North America ranks second as a preferred destination, attracting 12.3% of potential emigrants. Central and South America barely register as options, with only 1.4% of respondents choosing these regions. Jobs drive migration dreams The search for better work opportunities fuels most migration thoughts among Moroccans. The survey found that 22.1% of those considering emigration cite the desire for better jobs and improved working conditions as their main reason. This job-focused motivation affects men more than women, with about 27.4% of men mentioning work-related reasons for wanting to leave, compared to 16.8% of women. Economic concerns beyond just jobs also play a role. Some respondents mentioned wanting to improve their overall economic situation (2.4%) or escape poverty and hardship (3.1%). Other reasons for leaving The survey uncovered several other motivations for considering emigration. Education draws some potential emigrants, with 3.5% saying they want to pursue better study opportunities abroad. Business opportunities attract 5.3% of those thinking about leaving. Some Moroccans also want to join family members who have already emigrated, though this represented a smaller group at 0.9% of respondents. The Afrobarometer findings paint a picture of a country where many citizens, particularly young men in cities, are increasingly looking beyond Morocco's borders for better opportunities. What this means is that the pull of Europe and the push of limited job prospects at home create a powerful combination that continues to drive migration thoughts among Moroccans.
