Latest news with #ASEANRegionalForum
Hans India
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
India bats for global action in fighting terrorism during key East Asia Summit meeting
Kuala Lumpur: India on Wednesday called for collective action in addressing the menace of terrorism that poses a serious threat to peace, security and development of the entire region. Addressing the East Asia Summit Senior Officials' Meeting (EAS SOM) in Malaysia's Penang, P. Kumaran, Secretary (East) in the Ministry of External Affairs, underlined the important role of EAS towards promoting free, open, inclusive and rules-based Indo-Pacific. Kumaran, who led the Indian delegation at the summit, shared New Delhi's position on regional and international issues as the premier leaders-led mechanism marks its 20th anniversary this year. Secretary (East) P. Kumaran also met with Amran Mohammed Zin, Secretary General at Malaysia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the sidelines of the East Asia Summit (EAS) and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) SOM in Penang. "Held discussions to fully realise the India-Malaysia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership established during the visit of PM YAB Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, to India in August 2024. Congratulated Secretary General on successful adoption of 'ASEAN Community Vision 2045' under Malaysia's chairmanship of ASEAN. Also discussed ways to widen India's engagement with ASEAN in the context EAS and ASEAN-India Summit framework to strengthen the ASEAN-India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, and exchanged views on other regional and multilateral issues," the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) posted on X. The MEA official also met Chung Byung-won, Deputy Minister of Political Affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of South Korea, on the sidelines of the East Asia Summit Senior Officials' Meeting. He congratulated the Deputy Minister on the successfully-conducted Presidential elections in South Korea, and discussed ways to strengthen India-South Korea Special Strategic Partnership and impart renewed momentum to the bilateral agenda. On Tuesday, Kumaran met Hajah Johariah Binti Abdul Wahab, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brunei Darussalam, on the margins of the meeting with the two sides discussing ways to further deepen the enhanced partnership between India and Brunei Darussalam bilaterally, as also cooperation under ASEAN and other frameworks. Kumaran also held discussions on bilateral and regional issues of mutual interest with Australia's Michelle Chan who heads the Office of Southeast Asia. Earlier on Monday, he interacted with Ambassador Kung Phoak, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia. Underlining the close partnership between India and Cambodia, the two sides discussed ways to further strengthen cooperation bilaterally and under the ASEAN framework. The East Asia Summit (EAS) Senior Officials' Meeting, attended by EAS Senior Officials and the Deputy Secretary-General of ASEAN for ASEAN Political-Security Community, reviewed the progress of implementation of the EAS Plan of Action (2024-2028) and exchanged views on regional and international developments. The meeting also discussed preparations for the 15th EAS Foreign Ministers' Meeting in July and the 20th East Asia Summit in October 2025. The EAS is the premier leaders-led forum in the Asia-Pacific. Since its inception in 2005, it has played a significant role in the strategic, geopolitical and economic evolution of East Asia. It comprises 18 participating countries. Apart from the 10 ASEAN Member states, namely Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, the EAS includes India, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, United States and Russia.
Barnama
05-06-2025
- Business
- Barnama
ASEAN Remains a Credible Partner on Global Stage
By Voon Miaw Ping KUALA LUMPUR, June 5 (Bernama) -- The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) remains a relevant and credible partner amid increasingly shifting global geopolitical and economic dynamics, said Thailand's Foreign Minister Maris Sangiampongsa. He emphasised that ASEAN's cohesiveness and commitment to peace and economic cooperation are key to its resilience. bootstrap slideshow 'These elements are what make ASEAN strong together,' he told Bernama in an interview on the sidelines of the 46th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits held in Malaysia's capital last week. He said maintaining regional security and stability is vital for ASEAN to continue to be seen by its external partners as a region of peace and prosperity. He highlighted several ASEAN-led mechanisms that have continued to be the cornerstone of the region's security and peace architecture, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC). Established in 1976, the TAC is a legally binding code for interstate relations in the region and beyond. As of October 2024, 55 countries are parties to the TAC while several others are also seeking to accede to the treaty. 'We are moving in the right direction. The concept of ASEAN strong together will inspire confidence in the global community that ASEAN is a worthy and credible partner,' said Maris.
Barnama
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Barnama
Philippines Expects Timor-Leste's Membership To Be Among Issues Raised At 46th ASEAN Summit
Undersecretary for Bilateral Relations and ASEAN Affairs at the Department of Foreign Affairs (Philippines), Ma. Theressa P. Lazaro, arrives at Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) today to attend the 46th ASEAN Summit 2025 at the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre (KLCC). By Amanina Mohamad Yusof and Muhammad Adil Muzaffar Mohd Fisol SEPANG, May 23 (Bernama) -- The Philippines expects that discussions on the revitalisation of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the roadmap for Timor-Leste's full membership in ASEAN, and the conflict in Myanmar will be put forth during the upcoming 46th ASEAN Summit. Its Undersecretary of Bilateral Relations and ASEAN Affairs at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Ma Theressa P. Lazaro, said the Philippines believes the summit would bring about progress towards admitting Timor-Leste into ASEAN, albeit acknowledging that ongoing technical issues remains a challenge to be addressed. 'I think there's just some technical problems along the way, and I think this is some kind of a deliverable by Malaysia for Timor-Leste. … (which is to) discuss fully on all the technicalities,' she told Bernama upon arriving at Kuala Lumpur International Airport Terminal 1. Timor-Leste has sought to join ASEAN since 2011, with the association assisting the country in meeting membership requirements. At the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in November 2022, the regional bloc agreed in principle to admit Timor-Leste as its 11th member, contingent upon fulfilling the criteria outlined in the Full Membership Roadmap. Lazaro said her country also believes this summit would amplify the regional and Malaysia's active diplomatic role in resolving the ongoing armed and political conflict in Myanmar. 'I think definitely (the situation in) Myanmar is a very important issue, considering that your prime minister (Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) has been doing a lot of work on this matter, .. I think your special envoy is doing an excellent job too (on Myanmar matters),' she said.
Asia Times
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Asia Times
Why Anwar's ASEAN is reaching so robustly to Russia
It may seem paradoxical that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is now deepening its engagement with Russia after publicly reaffirming its commitment to 'sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity' in a communique soon after Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Yet ASEAN's diplomatic posture should be viewed not through the lens of moral idealism but rather strategic realism. For ASEAN and this year's chair, Malaysia, engagement is not endorsement. Rather, it is a highly conscious effort to anchor Russia within an evolving regional framework that prizes dialogue over confrontation and sustains a long-standing tradition of hedging and strategic autonomy amid major power rivalries. Last week's meeting between Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow—expected to be followed by Putin's attendance at the East Asia Summit (EAS) in Kuala Lumpur in October 2025—marks a critical moment. ASEAN was never meant to be a sanctions-driven alliance, nor an adjudicator of great power misconduct. It is a convening architecture—ASEAN+1, ASEAN+3, the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)—that emphasizes inclusion, consensus and continuous dialogue. It was designed precisely to accommodate rivals, outliers and even belligerents on the assumption that talking is always better than total disengagement. Thus, engaging Russia through ASEAN channels is not a contradiction—it is the essence of ASEAN diplomacy. Welcoming Moscow to the EAS in Kuala Lumpur is a diplomatic bet that Russia may still be seeking avenues of cooperation over confrontation. It is also a message to the world that ASEAN does not subscribe to bloc politics or enforced isolation as a pathway to peace. Malaysia and ASEAN envision an Indo-Pacific that is diverse, multipolar and strategically balanced—not one held hostage by zero-sum US-China dynamics. ASEAN's Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) is a clear expression of this intent. Russia's involvement, alongside India, Japan, South Korea and Australia, ensures that no single hegemon dominates the regional agenda. This multiplicity is ASEAN's insurance policy and safeguard against being subsumed by external rivalries. For this reason, a constructive Russian role in East Asia is not only acceptable—it is essential. It helps ASEAN retain policy flexibility and geopolitical space, allowing it to maneuver without choosing sides in an increasingly polarized world. Even amid sanctions and international condemnation, Russia remains a relevant economic actor. It is a major exporter of energy, fertilizer and arms. Russian Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jets remain in active service in Malaysia's air force. Countries such as Vietnam and Indonesia still maintain defense ties with Moscow, recognizing both cost-effectiveness and strategic diversification. Severing these links in the name of moral absolutism may satisfy some, but it could erode national security and economic resilience across Southeast Asia. For ASEAN, continued technical cooperation with Russia is not about blind dependence—it is about avoiding overreliance on any one country or bloc, especially in defense and energy security. Russia's activities in Central Asia, the Arctic and along the Northern Sea Route (NSR) may seem remote, but they matter for ASEAN's long-term connectivity agenda. The convergence of Russia's Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) with China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) signals an emerging transcontinental corridor that could reshape Asia-Europe trade flows, complementing ASEAN's regional integration ambitions. Engagement, therefore, offers ASEAN influence—however subtle—over the trajectory of Russian involvement in Eurasian and Arctic dynamics. By including Russia in multilateral dialogues, ASEAN helps steer that engagement toward peaceful integration rather than exclusionary blocs. Putin's potential visit to Malaysia in October 2025—potentially his first ever—will be closely watched far and wide, including in Washington. Putin's visit would be more than protocol; it would be a test of whether Russia can conduct diplomacy on ASEAN's terms, i.e. inclusive, peaceful and future-oriented. Will Russia remain trapped in historical resentments and revisionist impulses? Or will it see the summit as a moment to reset its engagement with Asia? The ball, diplomatically speaking, is in Moscow's court. Malaysia, as the pivotal summit's host, has an opportunity to send a clear signal. Prime Minister Anwar's stated personal commitment to justice, multilateralism and civilizational dialogue gives him standing to engage Putin—not as an apologist, but as a moral and strategic interlocutor. In an era defined by economic fragmentation and great power antagonism, ASEAN's outreach to Russia is not a betrayal of values—it is a reclaiming of diplomacy's purpose. To isolate a nuclear power is to risk escalation; to engage it is to seek transformation. Russia, under the right conditions, could evolve from a source of disruptive conflict to a contributor to regional stability. The 2025 East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur will be its opportunity to show that such a transformation is possible. ASEAN, and especially Malaysia, are offering the table. The question now is: will Russia take the seat and rise to the occasion?
Barnama
24-04-2025
- Business
- Barnama
- WHAT SHOULD ONE LOOK FOR IN THE ASEAN-GCC-CHINA SUMMIT?
Opinions on topical issues from thought leaders, columnists and editors. With the upcoming ASEAN-GCC-China Summit, scheduled for May 2025, the world is witnessing a tripartite meeting of platforms that are adept at navigating global geopolitical tectonics without provoking fault lines of friction. There are few diplomatic arrangements in the world today that command the same convening power as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Both have mastered the art of strategic neutrality, not in the sense of being passive or indifferent, but rather as conveners of competing great powers – China and the United States among them – without being seen as partisan or antagonistic blocs. The essence of this summit is not confrontation, but accommodation – of both energy needs and shifting power dynamics. Similarly, the GCC has remained resilient even after internal disputes, particularly the 2017-2021 Gulf rift, and has re-emerged with a united front when it matters most: energy diplomacy, security, and strategic autonomy. While ASEAN comprises states with diverse political systems – ranging from communist party-states to liberal democracies – it has institutionalised consensus-building through mechanisms like the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum, and now, this trilateral engagement with China and the Gulf. Unlike Cold War-era blocs that often mirrored ideological divides, ASEAN and the GCC have grown into mature regional organisations defined by pragmatic diplomacy. What both ASEAN and the GCC share is flexibility without fragmentation. They are not antagonistic to China or the United States. Rather, they serve as conduits for both powers to pursue influence without risking open hostility. Energy Security and the Transition to Green Futures At the heart of this summit is the delicate balance between energy security and ecological responsibility. The GCC remains the world's most vital energy exporter, while ASEAN, though varied in its energy profiles, is increasingly crucial in LNG trade, palm oil biodiesel, and solar panel production. China, on the other hand, remains both the world's largest energy consumer and its green technology forerunner. The United States, though momentarily inward-looking under Trump's second presidency, cannot stay disengaged for long without forfeiting its global leadership mantle. ASEAN and GCC are thus not merely 'middle powers', but pivot regions – zones where energy meets diplomacy, and technology meets political foresight. Whether it is China's Belt and Road Initiative or Washington's Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, both initiatives must pass through ASEAN and, increasingly, the Gulf. Accommodating Ambitions without Picking Sides There is a new vocabulary that defines this era – multipolarity with asymmetry. Neither China nor the United States is in terminal decline, but both are deeply aware of their limitations. ASEAN and the GCC are well-positioned to help both great powers save face, recalibrate their ambitions, and manage rivalry without rupture. These regions offer what no other actor can: legitimacy without hegemony. China's rise is structural – driven by trade, infrastructure, and digital ecosystems. The United States, however, retains decisive influence through finance, security networks, and soft power. ASEAN and GCC, by engaging both, are not 'balancing' in the traditional realist sense, but rather creating a new choreography – facilitating the ebb and flow of great power ambitions without enabling a zero-sum game. What to Watch in the Summit middle or end of May 2025 First, expect a renewed call for connectivity – digital, physical, and institutional. China's Digital Silk Road, Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030, and ASEAN's Master Plan on Connectivity are not mutually exclusive. Instead, they can be synergised for mutual benefit. Second, anticipate discussions on new supply chain routes and critical minerals cooperation, especially in semiconductors, green hydrogen, and rare earths. The GCC's sovereign wealth funds are already investing in Southeast Asian startups and infrastructure. Likewise, ASEAN firms are eyeing the Gulf for halal food exports, fintech, and construction services. Third, the summit may serve as a subtle diplomatic circuit breaker – providing a forum for China and the United States (both present in spirit, if not at the same table) to temper their tariff wars and hardline postures through third-party dialogue. Conclusion: Not a Theatre for Contest, but a Platform for Rebalance The ASEAN-GCC-China Summit should not be mistaken as a response to any one power's policy. It is, instead, a pre-emptive exercise in collective foresight – a signal that the world's most strategically positioned regions are no longer content with being arenas of competition. They seek to be authors of accommodation, drawing the contours of a world where rivalry does not collapse into rupture, and where the urgent transition to green economies can happen without sabotaging global stability. As the world moves into an era where the old rules no longer suffice, it is platforms like this summit that remind us: the future belongs not to the loudest, but to those who can convene, cooperate, and cohere. -- BERNAMA Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is Professor of ASEAN Studies at International Islamic University Malaysia.
