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IOL News
a day ago
- Business
- IOL News
A stagnant economy: The driving force behind South Africa's unemployment crisis
The writer says that we cannot keep placing our economic hopes in the hands of a state that has repeatedly failed to deliver. Image: File THERE'S no denying that a misalignment between our education system and the demands of the economy is a driver of our unemployment crisis; it's been said often, and it holds up. We produce far too many graduates with qualifications that don't match what the market is looking for. Humanities graduates, in particular, tend to be cited as an example – and there's truth to this. However, to suggest that merely closing the skills gap will resolve unemployment is to oversimplify a much deeper crisis. This line of thinking implies that jobs are readily available, and that the only thing standing in the way is a lack of relevant skills. As appealing – and partly valid – as it may be, it doesn't capture the full picture. To be clear, aligning the education system more closely with the economy is undoubtedly important. It will improve the prospects of many graduates and create pockets of new employment. Nevertheless, the positive outcomes of such reform (in the broader picture) will likely be modest, and they won't come close to addressing the massive scale of unemployment that we're facing. Reframing the underlying issue The bigger problem – which we skirt around sometimes – is that our country just doesn't have enough jobs. Regardless of the skills they bring to the table, we have an economy that isn't creating nearly enough employment to absorb millions of people. As it stands, the most affected are those with little or no education, and those with qualifications that are oversupplied and out of sync with demand. But we would be making a mistake to assume that this crisis is limited to them. We're beginning to see signs that even those with in-demand skills are not as secure as many might think. The growing number of unemployed medical doctors, for instance, is not just an anomaly, but a warning. While this trend hasn't reached crisis proportions, it clearly indicates that no one is fully insulated from an economy that isn't growing at the level it should. All this points us to key questions that we should keep are: why is our economy failing to produce the jobs we so desperately need? What are the structural issues holding us back? And more importantly, how do we build an economy that can create employment for millions of South Africans and not just those with the 'right' skills? The answer to the first question is widely understood and requires no overstating. The ANC-led Government of National Unity (GNU) remains committed to an archaic and globally discredited economic orthodoxy that simply does not confront the structural roots of our unemployment crisis. To begin addressing this, we need to look at a few key areas that aren't silver bullets, but necessary foundations for any serious structural reform. Educational policy Political analyst Prince Mashele has consistently and correctly argued that fixing our education system must be a top priority. The dysfunction in basic education is well documented, but the deeper issue is that our entire system, from primary school through to college or university, is still poorly aligned with the practical and technical demands of our modern economy. We need to move away from an overly abstract approach to learning and focus more on what equips people to participate meaningfully in the economy. This shift needs to begin at the foundational level and not when learners are preparing to exit the system. Rethinking our growth formula The idea that the state must be central to any meaningful development or job creation strategy is taken as gospel in many circles. But ironically, it is this very gospel that has failed and lies at the heart of many of our economic problems. As Senior Associate of the Free Market Foundation (FMF) Nicholas Woode-Smith has often argued, it is the market, and not the state, that has the capacity to drive growth, innovation, and employment, provided the environment allows it. This environment must obviously be created by the state, but it must understand that its role is to facilitate growth and not dominate the economy. A bloated and inefficient public sector cannot absorb labour at scale through unsustainable programs or endless grants. It also cannot micromanage growth into existence. What we need is a more open market that isn't shackled by red tape and labour laws that protect incumbency at the cost of flexibility. The notion of "exploitation" that is often used to undermine this credible argument isn't only a subjective judgment, but also a distraction from the fact that real job creation demands dynamism. Even the People's Republic of China (PRC), which is often misrepresented as a successful model of state-led growth, actually built its economic miracle on the back of aggressive liberalisation and global market integration. We would do well to take note of this. Attracting foreign investment If investment is the oxygen of a growing economy, then ours has been gasping for breath for years. As political economist Phumlani Majozi has long warned, our country is not an attractive destination for substantial investment. Some of the reasons for this are not obscure. They include rampant crime, a financially repressive policy framework in Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE), infrastructure deficits, and ongoing energy insecurity. Taken together, these factors largely explain why foreign investment has not been flowing in. Naturally, the aforementioned challenges are only part of a much larger picture. There are other vital pillars of structural reform that receive far less attention than they should. Through its Liberty First policy initiative, the FMF, in line with core research findings of the annual Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) report, has identified five of them. Three of them – sound money, free trade, and secure private property rights – are especially worth highlighting here. Liberty first A stable currency is crucial for long-term investment and planning. Without it, both individuals and businesses struggle to make meaningful decisions about saving and investing. Free trade creates access to new markets, lowers costs, and increases consumer choice. Yet unfortunately, our country continues to lean more towards projectionist measures that do more harm than good. The third pillar, and arguably the most urgent, is the protection of private property rights. The recent signing of the Expropriation Act into law is deeply concerning and constitutes a direct attack on the very property rights of all South Africans. As FMF Head of Policy Martin Van Staden has recently posited, "nil compensation" is nothing but a formal and euphemistic way of saying zero. Worse still, the Act opens the door to abuse by allowing expropriation under the vague and sweeping label of "public interest". This creates legal ambiguity and deters much-needed investment. Without secure private property rights, our economy will remain stagnant and start to regress as productive activity slows and whatever little capital we have left flees. Ayanda Sakhile Zulu holds a BSocSci in Political Studies from the University of Pretoria and is an intern at the Free Market Foundation. Image: Free Market Foundation
The Citizen
2 days ago
- Business
- The Citizen
Is the ANC quietly rewriting empowerment
Gwede Mantashe's removal of B-BBEE rules for prospecting rights has ignited criticism from labour and activists, raising fears of a shift in policy. Is the ANC-led government of national unity (GNU) about to sell out on the principle of broad-based black economic empowerment (B-BBEE), the policy which has formed the bedrock of ANC policy and which has been in the crosshairs of its critics recently? That's the question which arises from the decision of Minerals and Petroleum Resources Minister Gwede Mantashe to remove the requirement for B-BBEE participation in prospecting rights. According to some NGOs involved in the mining sector, Mantashe caved in to pressure from the mining lobby, not only on the prospecting licence rules, but also on the requirement that the minister must approve any change in control of listed companies that own mining rights. The latter means that the government would be unable to track owners and assign responsibility to them for cleaning up mining sites once an ore body has reached the end of its profitable life. That, say Mantashe's accusers, means potential environmental damage on a huge scale. ALSO READ: 'Is it greed or jealousy?': Ramaphosa fires back at critics of BEE, Transformation Fund But it is the amendment to empowerment rules which has angered groups like organised labour, because there seems to be no logical reason for the deviation. The latest development comes after Communications and Digital Technologies Minister Solly Malatsi was pilloried for allegedly trying to soften empowerment law to allow Elon Musk's Starlink to operate in South Africa. That this was an incorrect reading of both the law and what Malatsi said made no difference to his enemies, who claimed the DA minister was 'selling out' B-BBEE. There is also some concern about whether the ANC is feeling the pressure of people like the right-wing lobby and its powerful friend, US President Donald Trump, who view empowerment laws as apartheid in reverse. It seems unlikely the ANC would roll back these laws because it would be punished at the ballot box. Which leaves another question: What is Mantashe up to? NOW READ: Cosatu says debate on B-BBEE is needed for beneciaries' benefit
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Three decades into democracy, there is nothing to celebrate this Youth Day
The youth of 1994, once celebrated as 'Tintswalo' by President Cyril Ramaphosa, now face a bleak reality with little to show for their parents' sacrifices. This Youth Day, we must confront the failures of a system that has left them behind Image: SoraAI June 16 should be a moment to honour the sacrifice of the brave young South Africans who died fighting for justice. But today, we look around and ask, what exactly are we celebrating? Nearly half of South Africa's young people are unemployed. For those between the ages of 15 and 24, the figure climbs to a staggering 62.4%. These are not just numbers - they are lives left in limbo. It is a generation adrift in the very democracy that was meant to set them free. And it's an economic ticking time bomb. After three decades of ANC-led governance, the promise of a better life for all feels like a hollow slogan, especially to the youth. The children of 1994 – the so called 'Tintswalo' celebrated by President Cyril Ramaphosa – who are now adults, have little to show for the democracy their parents voted for. Instead of opportunity, they've inherited a system that failed them. South Africa's youth is a demographic goldmine. A young population should be a competitive advantage – a wellspring of energy, innovation, and growth. But because of government mismanagement, our greatest asset has become our greatest liability. We are failing our young people at every turn, in education, in training, in access to jobs, and in the simple dignity of hope. We are a country rich in mineral wealth and untapped potential, yet our young people stand in snaking queues to access a measly R350 grant. While the elite flaunt their wealth on social media, score tender after tender, fly business class, experience no load-shedding or water cuts, millions of South Africa's youth scavenge in the dust bin of opportunity for whatever dignity they can find. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading How do we justify youth unemployment rates that are the highest in the world — worse than some war-torn regions? According to figures from StatsSA, more than one in three young South Africans are not in employment, education or training. They are not lazy or waiting for a handout. They are simply shut out of a system riddled with corruption and inertia which no longer works for them — if it ever did. Thirty years into freedom, too many of our youth still go to township schools with broken toilets and overcrowded classrooms. They leave with matric certificates not worth the paper it is printed on and spend their days following the shade around their homes. It is not that they lack ambition, it's that the State lacks vision. It's our national shame. What makes this betrayal more cruel is the legacy of June 16. The youth of 1976 did not face bullets and teargas so that their grandchildren could be discarded by a government that carried so much promise when elected freely in 1994. They died to end apartheid, not to usher in a new form of economic exclusion. The ANC government has had more than thirty years to deliver on its promises. Instead, we now have a bloated cabinet, whose members call flying economy class 'sadistic', and rack up R200 million in travel expenses in a year while many South Africans live in squalor and go to bed hungry. There is nothing to celebrate this Youth Day. Not when hunger outpaces opportunity. Not when hope is rationed by who you know. Not when millions of young South Africans feel like outsiders in their own country. What we need now is not another Tintswalo speech. We need action. We need change. South Africa cannot afford to waste another generation. We need urgent, radical reforms – real skills development, real job creation, real leadership. The young must become the centre of economic policy, not an afterthought buried under slogans. Until then, spare us the Tintswalo speeches. Spare us the hashtags and the press conferences. There is no pride in pretending things are better than they are. On this Youth Day, we mourn potential denied. And we demand better. Lee Rondganger is the Deputy Editor of IOL. IOL Opinion Lee Rondganger Image: IOL Graphic
Daily Maverick
08-06-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Helen Zille eyes Joburg mayorship after DA's top picks decline post
Zille told Daily Maverick that she would decide whether to apply to run for Johannesburg mayor by next week, as candidates who want to be considered have an application deadline of 15 June. DA federal chair Helen Zille is seriously considering a dramatic return to frontline politics as Johannesburg mayor. This comes after three high-profile candidates, most from business, turned down the party's approach to throw their hats into the ring to lead the party's Johannesburg campaign. The job was too hard-charging and the pay too low – mayors earn about R1.5-million a year. The local government election will happen in either late 2026 or early 2027. Zille told Daily Maverick that she would decide whether to apply by next week, as candidates who want to be considered have an application deadline of 15 June. 'My whole family is in Cape Town,' she said, adding that her greatest joy now is seeing her grandchildren regularly and that they had a weekly adventure date. 'My husband (retired sociologist Professor Johann Maree) has always been unbelievably supportive. He supports what I decide, but won't come (to Johannesburg).' She said Maree, now 82, was happily settled in their retirement village and that if she decided to run and were successful, they would remain in touch daily. Her sons Paul and Thomas live nearby. 'My family says it's my decision.' A close associate said Zille had been troubled by the state of Johannesburg since about 2019, when she realised that most traffic lights did not work. Since last year's election, she has spent much time in Gauteng planning the party's local government campaign here and had a front-row seat to what distresses the City of Gold and its six million people. Her sister lives in Emmarentia, an old near-northern suburb often with no water or electricity due to the city's regular outages. She said that should she run, she would live with her sister in her cottage. A mayoral candidate must be a resident of the city. Several DA councillors plan to contest the party primary. They must submit a formal application, undergo a screening test and prepare a presentation on their plan for the city. This presentation is made to a group of 15 party leaders, five each from the Johannesburg, provincial, and federal executives. They are also asked unscripted questions. Asked if a race would be moot should she decide to run, Zille said, ' Not at all.' She said formidable candidates were running. A senior official who spoke off the record said Johannesburg is 'so far gone' that the party felt it needed a high-velocity candidate, as the DA has a strong chance of winning the city. An ANC-led coalition holds a slim majority in the city with the EFF, Patriotic Alliance and Action SA. Johannesburg has been under soft intervention by the Presidency since March. Its collapse has become visceral with multiday power and water outages so regular they barely make the news. Thousands of traffic lights are out at any time and potholes are so large they have become dongas and memes. Zille previously told Daily Maverick that it would take about five years to turn the city around, but she says that was an undercount. 'It will take more than five years (now) to stop the rot and turn the tide.' She noted Johannesburg had an infrastructure backlog of R200-billion and an annual budget of R86-billion. She said the city's staff complement had grown by 86% since 2010. Asked what Zille had going for her for the task, the official said she had turned Cape Town around as urban blight slowly settled in around 2006, when she became that city's mayor. Recently, she headed the party's governance unit, which worked with councillors and representatives when they entered government. Mostly, he said, whether they liked her or not, Zille enjoyed trust in her ability to govern. This graphic shows the job description that the DA set for candidates. DM Slice of political life (part satire) The Zillenator – the coalition queen sets her sights on Joburg – here's what to expect By Marianne Thamm (Trigger warning: dead sheep and stunned mice) News that former Cape Town Metro executive mayor, Democratic Alliance leader and the party's current Fedex chair since 2019, Helen Zille, is about to 'throw her hat in the ring' to lead Joburg comes as no surprise. The Afrikaans Sunday platform, Rapport, let the Zille out of the bag at the weekend, breaking the news that the veteran politician had been 'approached to run'. It was Zille in the mid-2000s who held together a fragile and fractious six-party coalition of minor parties as executive mayor of Cape Town while her government faced a hostile ANC which, in opposition, unleashed death by legal challenge. With a background in provincial and national legislatures, Zille also came with made-in-Germany batteries that seemed to be self-charging, as she warded off each challenge, going on to win award after award. Soon she was Queen of the Western Cape, like it or not. Dragging and roasting Anyone who is hoping to run against Zille, in this, the next hill in the comrades marathon that has been her political career, must arm themselves with her tactics and novel approach to bouncing back. This includes the recent Showmax special, Calamitous Caucus of Clowns – The Roast of Helen Zille, during which everyone on stage appeared to be straightjacketed by a script which sucked all spontaneity out of the room. But worth a watch, anyhow. Earlier in the year, Zille made an appearance as Zille Von Teez in full drag on the Tollie en Manila Show, also on Showmax. Zille might and could very well just stay in drag and go out and campaign… she's that good, say those in the know. Zille on the campaign trail, even in her sixties and now at 74, knows exactly what works for which constituency, including which soundtrack to play while choreographing her own dance moves. Zille can probably do a Zulu warrior kick while posting on social media and reach higher than PJ Powers. The three previous occasions that Zille offered to 'throw her hat in the ring', she won. First to lead the Cape Metro (2006-2009) as executive mayor, then the DA itself (2007-2015) while simultaneously being elected as premier of the Western Cape (2009-2019). This is an indication of Zille's unwaning political stamina and clout, whatever your views of her ways und means. They're eating the sheep In 2016, Zille published her autobiography, Not Without A Fight (say it out loud in your head in her voice), weighing in at a hefty 700 or so pages. There she documents her impressive, life-long activism in townships in and around Cape Town, where she has survived being shot at, shouted at, being arrested… the usual. Seen it all. At about this time, Zille writes: 'I should stress that my constituency work involved much more than regular visits to police stations and courts (and dodging the occasional bullet)'. She recalls that 'I was also called on to provide ambulance services from time to time, sometimes in the dead of night. At times, I transported some interesting passengers… 'Every time we had a branch launch, we would buy a live sheep, which I would fetch in my car. 'The animal would sit meekly in the back, looking out of the window as if it was enjoying the view. It gave me an insight into the English idiom that compares a calm, unwitting walk into disaster with 'a lamb being led to the slaughter'.' Zille says that during the drive, she would bond with each sheep and 'felt deeply guilty every time I dropped it off at the party venue'. Say what? You didn't stay for the tjoppies? The mouse and other tails For some time now, I have been wandering on and off stages across the country, in restaurants, bars and festivals with a piece of 'performance journalism' titled, Round of Applause – South Africa Still Standing. I have turned into a bit of roving, three-dimensional, human newspaper, a town crier of sorts, celebrating SA's victory over State Capture and the role of the media, judiciary, whistle-blowers and others while catching up with the latest news. Zille has, since 2023, when I first followed this calling, grown into a fulcrum around which some of the funniest moments of the show revolve. One of the other centrepieces (and this is a retelling audiences have demanded not be shelved, as of yet) is an incident with a mouse that I witnessed with my own Putin-blue eyes while Zille was touring Julius Malema's hood, Seshego, in Limpopo in 2011. I will not let the mouse out of the bellbottom here (so to speak), but let's just say the incident is indicative of the stamina and discipline of Helen Zille when she is on a mission. The Government of National Unity was pulled together during a 10-minute comfort break, requested by Floyd Shivambu (still then dressed in red) while new MPs were being sworn in after the 2024 elections, enabling Zille and the ANC (and others) to sign a Memorandum of Agreement that had been left hanging. And voila, we have our Republiek van Alle Kante with Baie Kante in Die Parliament. Since the rugby incident, I take it no translation is required. Of the future political horizon in Joburg, where Zille has set her sights, all we can say is beware of the politician in drag who comes bearing sheep. DM
IOL News
03-06-2025
- Business
- IOL News
GNU's Fragile Unity: Israel and the Ideological Crisis Within SA's Ruling Coalition
A child waits with others to receive food at a distribution point in Nuseirat, central Gaza Strip, June 2, 2025. The supposed GNU is not united on core policy pillars, particularly foreign affairs. This dissonance undermines South Africa's moral authority and strategic coherence, says the writer. Image: Eyad BABA / AFP Clyde N.S. Ramalaine Since the 2024 national elections, South Africa has been governed by a new coalition misleadingly branded as a Government of National Unity (GNU). This alliance, led by the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), excludes major opposition parties like uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) while it accommodates much smaller parties like the PA. Despite its name, the coalition resembles a Grand Coalition formed out of electoral necessity, and political machinations, not ideological consensus. This dissonance is increasingly visible in policy disputes, most glaringly in the lack of a unified foreign policy, especially on South Africa's stance toward Israel. While the term 'GNU' is repeatedly invoked by the state and its coalition members, some of us have persistently argued that it inaccurately describes the coalition's identity and structure. The 7th Administration, inaugurated in June 2024, has already faced serious internal tensions: National Budget : The DA and Freedom Front Plus (FF+) voted against it, exposing fiscal division. BELA Bill : The DA challenged President Ramaphosa's assent to the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill through legal action. Expropriation and NHI Bills : The DA declared formal disputes, accusing the ANC of violating coalition commitments. Internal Trust : The ANC has been accused of unilateralism, particularly after Ramaphosa claimed the ANC remained ' in charge ' despite lacking a majority. Cabinet Disputes : The DA initially rejected the six ministerial positions offered, demanding greater power. Policy Vacuum : The coalition lacks a coherent agenda, with criticism that economic and industrial interests are prioritised over urgent social needs. While each of these tensions merits attention worth unpacking, this article focuses on the coalition's failure to articulate a coherent foreign policy, with particular attention to the South African state's position on Israel. The ICJ case against Israel, alleging genocide in Gaza, was initiated under the ANC-led sixth administration before the coalition's formal establishment. However, its continuation under the 7th Administration places shared accountability on all coalition partners. The critical question: Can these parties, having entered into government, reasonably distance themselves from state actions on the international stage? Can coalition members simultaneously maintain pro-Israel positions while serving in a government prosecuting Israel for genocide? These contradictions expose not just fragility within the coalition but a deeper ideological incoherence. This has implications for both domestic accountability and South Africa's credibility on the world stage. A closer look at the DA and Patriotic Alliance (PA), two vocal coalition partners, reveals shared support for Israel. Often painted as ideological rivals, both parties converge in their staunch backing of Israel, underpinned by different but overlapping motivations. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading The DA frames its support through a purported liberal-democratic lens, casting Israel as a fellow constitutional democracy. It has routinely criticised the ANC's pro-Palestinian stance as biased, reaffirming Israel's right to security and sovereignty. This position is echoed by party leaders and in parliamentary debates, often aligning with mainstream pro-Israel rhetoric. The PA's support is more overtly religious, grounded in its alignment with Coloured Pentecostal and Charismatic communities. The party has sent several delegations to Israel, praising its economic and security frameworks. This pro-Israel stance is not incidental; it reflects both ideological affinity and, arguably, strategic political alignment. Though unproven, allegations persist that both parties receive support from Israeli-linked institutions. Regardless of their accuracy, the frequency and visibility of DA and PA engagements with Israel, amid a state-led genocide case against that very country, raise at least three critical questions. 1. Can coalition partners conduct parallel diplomacy that contradicts official policy? Parallel diplomacy by coalition members, especially when it directly opposes formal state positions, raises serious constitutional and political challenges. It undermines South Africa's diplomatic identity, weakens international trust, and confuses global partners about who represents the state. While ideological diversity is inherent to coalition governance, the lack of a binding foreign policy framework risks turning pluralism into instability. 2. Does public support for Israel breach collective governance and cabinet responsibility? In parliamentary systems, coalition members with executive roles are bound by collective governance and cabinet responsibility. Public dissent, especially on significant matters such as the ICJ case, can erode cabinet cohesion and undermine state credibility. Yet, the current coalition lacks a transparent agreement that clarifies such responsibilities. Without a formalised framework, parties like the DA and PA may argue their actions fall within party autonomy, especially if they do not control foreign affairs portfolios. 3. What does this reveal about South Africa's foreign policy credibility under the so-called GNU? The contradictory positions of coalition partners on Israel reflect a broader governance crisis. The supposed GNU is not united on core policy pillars, particularly foreign affairs. This dissonance undermines South Africa's moral authority and strategic coherence. Without a clear, binding coalition framework, foreign policy risks becoming a terrain of partisan expression rather than a reflection of national interest. The ANC's long-standing solidarity with Palestine, rooted in anti-colonial struggle, clashes with the DA and PA's pro-Israel stances. This ideological disconnect renders key diplomatic positions vulnerable to internal sabotage or ambiguity, weakening South Africa's moral clarity and domestic trust in the state's international engagements. The invocation of 'national unity' masks what is, in reality, a fragile arrangement between actors with divergent worldviews. The absence of a formal coalition agreement available to the public deepens concerns about the ad hoc nature of governance. Foreign policy, like other key domains, appears to be negotiable rather than principled. The Israel question thus becomes a prism for understanding deeper contradictions within South Africa's coalition government. Until the 7th Administration resolves these ideological fractures, it remains a government of convenience, not unity. The claim of national consensus is untenable when major foreign policy initiatives are undermined by internal dissent. Conversely, it can be argued that parties like the DA and PA have every constitutional right to maintain independent foreign policy positions. The coalition was not founded on ideological unity or a detailed agreement binding all members to specific international stances. The Grand Coalition 'GNU', born of electoral arithmetic and political sophistication rather than shared vision, does not require unanimity on all matters.
