Higher power bills to kick in from July
The Australian Energy Regulator released a draft decision on power price rises in March for consultation with power companies and other stakeholders.
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Its prices have remained relatively stable, with the average default offer in Victoria rising $8 in the final determination. Essential Energy in regional NSW had the highest variation between the draft and final determination, with a rise of $28.
Price rises were attributed to a range of factors affecting renewable and fossil-fuel sources.
A significant driver of higher power prices, the regulator said, was breakdowns at coal-fired power plants, which require increased reliance on gas-fired power plants that draw on the highest cost fuel source.
Renewables were also a contributing factor, with rising infrastructure costs to pay for new transmission lines needed to link wind and solar farms to population centres, as well as stretches of low wind that forced increased reliance on fossil fuels.
Renewables currently supply more than 40 per cent of the electricity in the grid, and the Albanese government is aiming to make it 82 per cent by 2030.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese promised at the 2022 election that the green power shift would cut power bills by $275 by 2025.
However, bills have risen by up to $400 for some residents in NSW and up to $250 for some Victorians since the Albanese government was elected.
Albanese said the renewables transition was an important element of the government's plan to cut emissions to address the impact of climate change
'People who question the science need to look out their window,' Albanese said on Monday as he addressed media from the National Situation Room, where he was briefed on the impact of floods on NSW North Coast.
'We know the cheapest form of new energy is renewables, backed by gas, backed by batteries and backed by hydro for firming capacity.
'We've always had floods and droughts in Australia … but what we do know is that they are more frequent and they are more intense.'
The regulator's chairwoman Clare Savage said customers could get better deals than the default offer by shopping around using the free, independent Energy Made Easy website.
'You cannot have a shift to renewables without having confidence because you will lose community support if people walk into this room here and flick on the switch and the lights don't go on,' Savage said.
'We need to make sure that there is security of energy supply at the same time as we support the transition.'
Savage said while the cost of expanding electricity networks had contributed to higher bills over the coming 12 months, she expected the new infrastructure to help lower bills over the medium to long term.
'As we start to see increased use of the system, from increased demand, we should see that cost pressure in bills come down,' Savage said, noting the uptake of electric cars and appliances such as hot water heaters and reverse cycle air conditioners.
Energy Minister Chris Bowen announced in April that the government would offer another round of energy bill relief worth $150 for households, valid until the end of the year. Homeowners with solar panels can also save 30 per cent on a one-off home electric battery purchase, in a scheme to start on July 1.
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'It's clear energy bills for Australians remain too high, and we're providing help for people doing it tough as we deliver longer term reform,' Bowen said.
The default market offer operates as a price cap and offers up to 27 per cent cheaper are available, depending on location.
Bowen said around 80 per cent of households are not on the cheapest plan and he encouraged people to visit the Energy Made Easy website or energy.gov.au.
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Sky News AU
2 hours ago
- Sky News AU
'Fence sitting and confusion': Iran strikes show the growing gap between Canberra and Washington
The Albanese government is finding it hard to come to terms with the way the world works now and that's particularly obvious in its approach to Washington under Donald Trump. But it's also means the government is caught flatfooted when important things happen – like the weekend's US strikes on Iran's nuclear sites, for example. The government's stumbles and confusion are starting to have consequences for Australia's security and for our alliance relationship with America. This is probably going to get worse as the gap between Canberra and Washington grows. The mounting policy differences are in areas that matter to Washington and that are getting harder to hide. Australia has shifted away from the US when it comes to our approach towards Israel, the Palestinians and the Middle East. Mr Albanese left Australia's reaction to the US strikes on Iran to an unnamed spokesperson over the weekend. It wasn't until Monday that foreign minister Penny Wong belatedly said Australia supported the strikes. And not only has Australia shifted its UN vote for the first time in 20 years from support to Israel and the US, but minister Wong has gone further, saying Australia might recognise a Palestinian state before a peace process concludes. The government's default position of being critical of Israel because of the destruction in Gaza has left it flatfooted on efforts to stop the Iranian regime's nuclear program. The result is fence sitting and confusion. It was Monday afternoon before we heard briefly from the prime minister, echoing Penny Wong's words. That's well after other world leaders reacted to the upending of Middle Eastern security. Trump has told us he doesn't make a final decision until the last second. Mr Albanese seems only to know what to say and think well after the event. Australia's confusion seems to be noticed in Washington. It's telling that President Trump contacted UK prime minister Keir Starmer, before the US strikes, but didn't call America's other AUKUS partner, Mr Albanese. At the heart of things is the uncomfortable fact that the Albanese government's instincts and policies are widely divergent from Trump's America. That played to the government's advantage in our recent election. Voter anxiety about the early, chaotic days of Trump's second term let Mr Albanese paint Peter Dutton as the 'mini-Trump' and ride a wave of anxiety back into office. Great for domestic politics, but not great for alliance relations. The larger problem, though, is the growing gap between Australia and America on China as a security threat and on defence investment. The Albanese government has made a lot of domestic political mileage out of 'stabilising' the relationship with Beijing. Mr Albanese has already met Xi Jinping three times – in Bali, Beijing and Rio. In May he announced he would fly to Beijing to meet Xi for the fourth time. Yet six months into Trump's second term, he has yet to meet the US President and we hear he has nothing planned except perhaps at September's UN General Assembly. Beyond the personal level, the Albanese government looks at least as conflicted and confused on China policy as it does on the Middle East. At the National Press Club a couple of weeks ago, Mr Albanese couldn't bring himself to put 'China' and 'security' into the same paragraph when asked was China a national security threat. Instead we got a word salad about complexity, relationships, the broader region and binaries. He's out of step with the majority of Australians who polling shows see an aggressive China as a security threat to Australia and the region. For Washington, China is the priority security challenge. Mr Albanese has added to Australian weakness on security by dismissing American calls for us to invest enough in our own security. He's made spending two per cent of GDP on defence into some kind of statement of sovereign strength, when he must know that won't even pay for the conventional military he plans, let alone eight nuclear submarines. To American eyes and ears, this is a heady brew that undercuts Australia's reliability as an ally. It can only make hardheaded folk in Washington wonder why on earth America should weaken its own Navy by handing over nuclear submarines from its own fleet to strengthen Australia when we seem determined to free ride on American taxpayers and American power. And far from working closely with the US and its other regional partners and allies to deter China, we seem willing to discount the threat and double down on our trade dependency on Beijing. After all, AUKUS exists to deter Chinese aggression. If Australia doesn't share that purpose, then AUKUS no longer makes sense. As we get further into Trump's second term, Australia and the US are drifting further apart. That might make many critics of the Trump administration happy, but the growing gap between Canberra and Washington undercuts our decades long reliance on the US for our security. And it seems the Albanese government is yet to notice. Michael Shoebridge is a contributor and the founder and director of Strategic Analysis Australia

Sydney Morning Herald
2 hours ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
War in the Middle East is dangerous; Albanese missed his opportunity
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's belated abandonment of Australia's neutral stance on the US joining Israel's attack on Iran is a continuation of the defensive and slow-footed reaction that has marked his record over the 18 months since the Middle East reignited. With US President Donald Trump posturing for days on taking military action against Tehran, Albanese had adequate preparation time. Yet, when the attacks came, the prime minister stayed silent on support. Instead, his office issued a statement by an anonymous government spokesperson calling for de-escalation, dialogue and diplomacy. Such lame silence opened the door for the opposition's canny acting foreign affairs spokesperson, Andrew Hastie, to seize the initiative and back the US strikes and scramble the government onto Monday morning television programs, Foreign Minister Penny Wong and Social Services Minister Tanya Plibersek eventually confirming that the government did indeed support Trump's strikes. Albanese then emerged on Monday to declare that, while the attacks were unilateral action by the US, 'Iran cannot be allowed to get a nuclear weapon, and we support action to prevent that'. He should have said it loud and clear on Sunday. That is not to say the prime minister was letting down our ally by not automatically endorsing American action. The US has been so erratic of late that we do not owe it that, not least because so many unanswered questions flow from the weekend. The legality of the US action is wide open to interpretation and Trump's declaration that Iran's nuclear program had been 'completely and totally obliterated' sits awkwardly beside assertions a day later by senior US officials they did not know the fate of Tehran's stockpile of near-bomb-grade uranium. Further, the UN's nuclear watchdog confirmed all three Iranian facilities had been badly damaged, but said it was not yet in a position to assess the impact underground and Iran has told the International Atomic Energy Agency there has been no increase in off-site radiation levels at the three sites. Trump's withdrawal in 2018 from the Iran nuclear deal reached by seven countries after two years of gruelling negotiation may have helped push Tehran down its current obstinate path. But in the 10 days of war with Israel this month, Iran has received little but verbal support from allies and is perhaps now the most isolated it has been since the 1979 US embassy hostage crisis.

Sydney Morning Herald
3 hours ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
US acted alone, Albanese declares while abandoning neutral stance on attack
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