Trump's new agenda leaves Israel marginalized

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When Air Force One left the tarmac in Abu Dhabi after US President Donald Trump concluded a whirlwind four-day visit to the Gulf this month, the general consensus was that it was a major success that brought the region and the US closer than they have been for a long time.
For someone not known for his discipline and predictability, there was much coherence in Trump's approach to the engagement with his hosts, aimed at building a long-term partnership. But there was also robust gesturing to Benjamin Netanyahu's Israeli government that it is increasingly being seen as a liability for US interests in the region.
Trump no doubt enjoyed the lavish hospitality, but there was also a combination of building close personal friendships, interwoven with much substance beyond the ambience and optics of this visit, as was illustrated in his speech during an investment conference in Riyadh.
Much of the focus for Trump reflected his transactional approach to foreign politics, agreeing major long-term economic deals that also reflected a commitment to the security and stability of the countries he visited. However, there was clear departure from the past when it came to the overall approach of dealing with this region, and probably others too. Trump's declaration that the world's most powerful superpower will refrain from 'giving you lectures on how to live' and from interventionism was met with a mixture of approval and a sigh of relief, but this also has implications for Israel.
For Israel, this sends a different and worrying message, beyond the fact that Trump and his administration are reportedly growing weary of the way Israel is conducting the war in Gaza. One of the pillars of the close alliance between the US and Israel — even when the US' hardcore interests have dictated otherwise — emanated from them sharing democratic values.
Trump and his administration are reportedly growing weary of the way Israel is conducting the war in Gaza
Yossi Mekelberg
For decades, Israeli leaders effectively utilized these shared values to gain enormous benefits that no other country in the world has enjoyed: military aid that includes the most advanced and expensive weaponry; intelligence cooperation; economic aid; defending it in international forums including the UN Security Council; and a free trade agreement, in addition to close cultural ties.
However, Trump does not believe that close ties between countries have to be based on similar systems of governance. And in any case, Israel's democracy is in dangerous retreat, not to mention its record on human rights regarding the Palestinians on either side of the Green Line, which no longer qualifies it for special treatment as a democracy.
Even Trump's decision not to have a stopover in Israel on his first visit abroad — and one to the Middle East at that — was a clear and painful reminder to Tel Aviv that, at least under its current government, it is quickly being relegated in importance by the US. And more concerning for Israel, America is fast becoming an obstacle to what it is trying to accomplish.
The American president is still broadcasting mixed messages about the future of Gaza and the sooner he abandons his idea of pushing the Palestinian population out of the Strip, the better. Nevertheless, Trump seemed to be receptive to the unified warnings he heard during his visit to the Gulf, which called for prioritizing an end to the suffering of the people of Gaza.
The writing for Israel was already on the wall before Trump arrived in Riyadh: Netanyahu no longer calls the shots in Washington. When he visited the White House last month, he sat next to the president as the cameras rolled and Trump revealed, for the first time, that the US was engaged in 'direct talks' with Iran over its nuclear program. In diplomatic terms, this was a public slap in the face for Netanyahu, who vehemently opposes diplomacy with Tehran as a tool to prevent it from acquiring nuclear weapon capability. Israel's leader favors a tightening of the sanctions on Iran or, preferably, a joint US-Israeli military operation to destroy its nuclear program.
It was not only America's direct negotiations with Iran that caused displeasure to Netanyahu and his far-right government, but also its talks with Hamas over a ceasefire and the release of the remaining hostages. For better or for worse, Trump and many of his advisers have not arrived in politics the conventional way and they do not abide by diplomatic conventions, traditions or history.
Gradually, in the case of Gaza, the intransigence of Netanyahu is seen as an obstacle to reaching a ceasefire
Yossi Mekelberg
A case in point is Trump's surprise meeting with the interim president of Syria, Ahmad Al-Sharaa, along with the decision to remove the sanctions imposed on the country. At a time when Israel's dealings with the new Syria are solely through occupation and military force, Washington is prepared to strengthen Al-Sharaa's position as a potentially moderate and stabilizing figure. And one would not be surprised if Washington's next step was to demand that Israel refrain from flexing its military muscles with its northeastern neighbor.
Despite the inherent contradictions in Trump's attitude to Gaza, he seems increasingly upset by the images of civilian suffering. Trump is looking for quick solutions, including in Gaza, instead of the open-ended war — with its horrific consequences for innocent people of all ages — that the Netanyahu government is conducting.
It goes against how Trump sees conflicts. Maybe simplistically, for him all wars and conflicts are resolvable and it is those leaders who do not understand the art of the deal and fail to recognize that this can bring wars to an end who frustrate him. And gradually, in the case of Gaza, the intransigence of Netanyahu is seen as an obstacle to reaching a ceasefire and as harmful to regional stability; hence, it also harms American interests.
Whether Trump did threaten to abandon Israel should the war not be 'wrapped up,' as has been reported, is not clear, but the gist is that he is losing patience with Netanyahu. The latter must make a choice: continue to cave in to the hell-bent pursuit of mass war crimes by the ultranationalist religious zealots in his coalition — and as a consequence further jeopardize relations with Washington and other countries — or do what his own countrymen and the international community demand of him: bring the war in Gaza to an end.
If Netanyahu's choice is to continue the war in Gaza for his own political ends, and by that to further damage relations with Washington, it will be yet another reason why Israelis must be the ones to democratically bring an end to his time in office.

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