LDF & UDF trade barbs over support
Kozhikode: Welfare Party's support for UDF and PDP's backing of LDF have triggered a sharp political clash between rival fronts in Nilambur as they compete for electoral gains. Welfare Party is the political wing of Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI), while People's Democratic Party (PDP) is led by Abdul Nazar Madani, an accused in the 1998 Bengaluru serial blasts case.
JEI and PDP announced their support for UDF and LDF respectively on Monday.
CPM state secretary MV Govindan termed JEI a communal organization with global ties and an agenda to create an Islamic theocratic state. He slammed UDF for accepting JEI's support but defended the LDF's acceptance of PDP's backing, claiming PDP had suffered mistreatment in Kerala.
Govindan slammed UDF for aligning with JEI, calling it 'a coalition of communal elements'.
"They've followed this pattern in several elections, including Palakkad bypoll. UDF has become an alliance of communal forces and will face the consequences," he added.
When asked about LDF accepting PDP's support, Govindan said PDP does not aim to establish a theocratic state. CPM leader Elamaram Kareem also attacked UDF, saying JEI promotes an ideology that supports terrorism. "How can the Congress claim to be secular while joining hands with them?" he asked.
Opposition leader VD Satheesan accused CPM of double standards, saying it had previously held talks with JEI and accepted its support in past elections. "How is it okay for LDF to get support from Jamaat-e-Islami but not UDF? Those who criticize Welfare Party's support for UDF stay silent when PDP backs LDF. People will see through CPM's double standards—they once called JEI's support 'hopeful and exciting'. So why is Congress being targeted for accepting it now?" he asked.
Satheesan also reminded Govindan of chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan's earlier comments about JEI, in which he described it as "one of the Muslim organizations with a clear political stand on national and international issues."
Satheesan said that in all six elections he contested, JEI and Welfare Party had backed the LDF candidate. He added that after 2019, they shifted to support the Congress at the national level to fight communalism. "When they supported CPM, they were called secularists. Now that they support UDF, they're branded communalists? This is typical CPM hypocrisy," he said.
BJP leader K Surendran accused UDF and LDF of seeking support from religious extremist and terror-linked groups just to win elections, warning that such alliances would harm society.
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MC Davar's first meeting with Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in Calcutta is not recorded, but in his interview to the NMML Davar recalls meeting the great leader a few years later in Dalhousie: It was 1938 and I went to Dalhousie and there Subhas Chandra Bose was staying as a guest of Dr Dharam Vir…I went to see Sardar Joginder Singh Mann, who became afterwards a Minister and Speaker of the Punjab Assembly. I had gone to treat his wife. Subhas Bose was there and he said: 'Dr Davar, I had wished long ago that you should stop your practice and take up the work which you were doing in Calcutta, that is revolutionary work. But today's revolutionary work, political activities and sufferings of all of us are going waste due to the simple reason that Muslim League comes in the way, and so why should we not devote all our time for unity of Hindus and Muslims?' Dr Davar replied: 'The task is very difficult, moreover this requires a great deal of patience.' But [Bose] said: 'I know your capacity and the way you are tackling the problems…I wish you could leave the practice or depend only on your practice for a few hours to earn your bread, and devote all your time to Hindu-Muslim unity, and especially Congress-Muslim League understanding.' This conversation with Subhas Bose made a deep impact on young Davar's mind. As the new year began, he met Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, the Liberal leader who exactly ten years ago at the Calcutta session of the Congress, presided over by Motilal Nehru, had made a brave attempt to reconcile the differences between the Congress and Muslim League over the provisions of the 'Nehru Report'. The All India Parties Conference of 1927 had authorised Motilal Nehru to prepare a report on the Constitution of free India that would address the concerns of the Muslims in a country with a dominant Hindu population. But the report was rejected by the Muslim League, and an early opportunity, two decades before independence, for keeping India united was lost. The Muslim League's demand for the partition of India and the carving out of a separate Muslim country grew stronger and louder. When the now 26-year-old Davar met Tej Bahadur Sapru in Delhi, where he now lived after spending almost eight years in Calcutta during and after his Homoeopathy studies, he suggested to the veteran leader that he should call another All Parties Conference, like the one in 1927 which had resulted in the Nehru Report. Things might turn out differently this time. Initially hesitant, on health grounds, Sapru finally gave in to Davar's persuasion, and agreed to call an All Parties Conference. Meanwhile, the Aga Khan came to Delhi and met Sir Mohammed Yakub, the Deputy Chairman of the Central Assembly, and later Commerce Member of the Viceroy's Executive Council. Dr Davar received a message from Yakub that he was unwell and wanted homoeopathic treatment as by now, through word of mouth, many eminent people had come to know that Dr Davar was 'the best' homoeopath in Delhi. When the Doctor was examining his patient, the latter said: 'Dr Davar, why should you not do anything for the country? His Highness the Aga Khan came to me yesterday. He was feeling miserable that people are not united here. I'm suffering from fever but just talking to you I'm getting much relief. Why don't you take up this work?' To Davar's answer that he had decided 'to do his humble bit', Yakub replied, 'You can do much more, you have better capacity to do it.' Davar told Mohammed Yakub: 'Then with your blessings and His Highness Aga Khan's blessings, and also as advised by my leader, Netaji Subhas Bose, I will take up this work.' Yakub then advised Davar to go to Lahore and meet Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, the then Prime Minister of Punjab who was totally against the partition of the country. Yakub also gave him a letter of introduction to the Punjab premier. This was the beginning of the year 1940. After his meeting with Mohd. Yakub Khan, Davar left for Lahore the very next day by Frontier Mail. So passionate was he to the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity – the only way, he felt, the partition of the country could be prevented – that he didn't care that he was leaving his newly married wife, Lila Vati (not Dr Lilavati, whom he had met earlier in Calcutta), alone in their rented flat in Connaught Place. But fortunately for Lila Vati, she had parents residing in Karol Bagh, which was not far from the couple's flat. It was a biting cold morning, in the first week of February 1940, when Davar reached Lahore railway station. After a bath at the residence of his cousin Chaman Lal, he went straight to the bungalow of Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan. Before he could hand him the letter of introduction given by Mohd. Yakub, Hayat Khan said, 'Don't bother about the letter, I know the purpose of your coming here.' Obviously Mohd. Yakub had telephoned Hayat Khan about Davar's mission at his instance. As Davar was about to begin talking, the brother-in-law of the Punjab premier, Mir Maqbool Mahmud, the brain behind the Unionist Party, arrived and joined the talks. In a lighter vein, Hayat Khan told his brother-in-law, 'Look, Maqbool, Davar has left Punjab, and with it, Punjabi too.' Davar told him this had happened because of the influence of the cosmopolitan culture of Delhi, where one gets used to speaking more in Hindustani or English. But for the remaining conversation, he spoke in Punjabi. Davar presented 26 points against Partition, one of which read: If Pakistan comes into being, it is not the Hindus only who will suffer, but the Muslims will suffer much more, and along with Muslims, naturally, India will suffer and, along with India, the whole of Asia will suffer, and one day Pakistan will become a danger to world peace. When Davar was on the 13th point, Maqbool interrupted and said, 'Dr Sahib, there is no need to go further. We have fully understood your views and appreciate the points you have enumerated here.' Sikandar Hayat told Davar to convey to Sir Mohd. Yakub and the Aga Khan that 'Punjab will remain for all Punjabis – Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. As long as Sikandar lives, there will be no Pakistan; no partition of Punjab. And if no partition of Punjab takes place, there will be no Pakistan…Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and all others will enjoy equal opportunities, all are my own kith and kin, we Punjabis cannot be divided.' After a week, Sikandar Hayat came to Delhi, where Sir Mohd Yakub and Davar met him and the three of them had a long discussion at the end of which Sir Sikandar repeated his pledge: 'Jab tak Sikandar ke dum me dum hai, koi partition nahi hoga. (As long as Sikander breathes, there will be no partition.)' But soon after he returned to Lahore, an extremely violent incident took place in which many Muslims were killed in a clash with the police who were trying to prevent them from forcibly taking over a Gurudwara. The situation thus became tense just before the Muslim League session was to take place. This was the session in which Muhammad Ali Jinnah had planned to pass the famous 'Lahore Resolution' demanding Pakistan. But he knew that the Punjab premier was strongly opposed to the demand. However, the Gurudwara incident had adversely affected Sikandar Hayat's image, and Jinnah grabbed this opportunity. Through his emissaries, he managed to have the Punjab leader attend the session. Once there, Sikandar Hayat was asked to second the resolution for Pakistan moved by Fazlul Haq, Vice President of the Muslim League of Bengal. In the charged atmosphere of the session, it became impossible for Sikandar Hayat to decline, and he stood up only to say, 'I second the resolution.' He did not say a word after that and immediately left the meeting. Davar met Sikandar at Shimla a month later and asked him point blank: 'Sir Sikandar, what have you done?' The Punjab premier replied: 'What could I have done when the situation was such? The whole Muslim community would have risen in revolt if I had not spoken. But I assure you again that I will honour my pledge made earlier.' When Hayat Khan returned to Lahore, he was invited to speak at the Islamia College. There, true to his word to Davar, he spoke passionately against Partition, and warned that if Pakistan came into existence, Muslims would suffer much more than any other community. His speech came as a great relief to all his followers and admirers, Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs alike. But the Lahore Resolution of the Muslim League created an atmosphere that led to the widening of the already growing Hindu-Muslim differences. Excerpted with permission from He Almost Prevented Partition: The Life and Times of Dr MC Davar, Praveen Davar, Speaking Tiger Books.
