Putin sends warning to Germany over Ukraine supplies: ‘Serious damage'

Vladimir Putin has warned Germany against supplying Ukraine with missiles, stating that it would do 'serious damage' to the two nations' relationship.
Speaking to reporters in St Petersburg on Thursday (19 June), the Russian president said he would consider the deployment of Taurus cruise missiles to Kyiv as a sign that Berlin is directly involved in the war.
He said: "What is this, if not the involvement of the Federal Republic in a direct armed conflict with the Russian Federation? It can't be called anything else.'
German defence minister Boris Pistorius said earlier this month that Berlin is not going to be giving weapons to Ukraine, despite Kyiv's repeated requests.
Putin also said that he is willing to speak with German chancellor Friedrich Merz, stating: 'We are always open to this.'

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The Guardian

31 minutes ago

• The Guardian

Cult of celebrity feels like a fundamental tension at the heart of the game

It is in the details that the truest picture emerges. Quite aside from the endless politicking, the forever-war with Uefa, the consorting with autocrats and the intriguing broadcast rights and partnership deals, there has been, not a new, but growing sense during the Club World Cup that Fifa doesn't really get football. There is something cargo-cultish about it, creating outcomes without engaging in processes. Perhaps that is inevitable with Gianni Infantino's style of leadership; like all populists, he is big on vision and short on practical reality. It was there in the expansion of the World Cup to 48 teams. OK: how will the tournament be organised? Sixteen groups of three. Won't that mean either lots of potential dead rubbers (one team from each group goes through) or opportunities for collusion (two go through)? Oh, actually, the four-team groups at the 2022 have worked so well, we'll go with 12 groups of four. Sure, but then you have eight best third-place teams going through which: a) diminishes jeopardy; and b) undermines sporting integrity by giving an advantage to teams in later groups because they have a clearer idea of what is needed to progress, again offering opportunities for collusion. No response, because all that matters is a bigger tournament equals more votes for the president and (in the short term) more revenue. One of the oddest aspects of the Club World Cup has been the way players are greeted on to the pitch individually, like swimmers before an Olympic final. At Ulsan HD v Mamelodi Sundowns, they may as well have gone on and introduced the crowd as well. Who needs this? Who wants this? Why does the first player out have to hang around for several minutes waiting for the 22nd player? For well over a century the two teams have walked out side by side. This has always been part of the gladiatorial ritual of football. This is the contest: one team against another. But as Fifa has sought desperately to improve attendances and stimulate interest, its focus has become more and more on the individual. That is why there was all that talk, much of it emanating from Infantino, about Cristiano Ronaldo potentially securing a short-term deal with a qualifier, and why qualifying was gerrymandered to ensure the presence of Lionel Messi's Inter Miami. But there is a potentially self-defeating short-termism to this. While the desire to see Messi is entirely understandable, especially as he enters the late autumn of his career, Inter Miami are sixth in MLS's Western Conference, their form having disintegrated since the end of March. From an MLS point of view, the ideal scenario would have been for one of their sides to beat a storied opponent, perhaps push on to the quarter-finals, generating interest in North America's domestic league. The best way of doing that would have been to have the best-possible MLS representation, but Inter Miami are in no sense one of the best three sides. As it is, none of the MLS sides won their opening game, although Porto's dismal form and Messi's dead-ball ability may get Inter Miami through anyway. It might also be pointed out that Auckland City are not the best side in New Zealand, nor are Red Bull Salzburg one of the best 12 sides in Europe, but the consequences are greater for the host nation, particularly when there is apparently so much potential for growth. The celebritisation of football is not new, but it is intensifying. When Paul Pogba returned to Manchester United in 2016 and, rather than speaking of the Premier League or becoming a European champion, said he dreamed of winning the Ballon d'Or, it felt shocking, a player elevating his own interests and a silly bauble above the glory of team success. But that has become normal. Improving his Ballon d'Or chances is one of the reasons Neymar left Barcelona for Paris Saint-Germain; even Trent Alexander-Arnold mentioned the Ballon d'Or as a motivation for joining Real Madrid (good luck with that from right-back). Sign up to Football Daily Kick off your evenings with the Guardian's take on the world of football after newsletter promotion The marketing of football is almost all focused on individuals. That's been particularly so at the Club World Cup, but it is true of almost every competition. Even the way lineups are introduced on Sky's Premier League coverage, with the players performing a fake celebration, seems designed to introduce them as characters. Yet there is a tension there. While individual players are celebrated, the increasing use of data means image and self-projection may never have mattered less. The stats will find the talent, even if the talent has no gift for self-promotion. At the same time, the best teams have never been so cohesive, so integrated. PSG provide a useful case study. For years they signed stars with seemingly little thought to how they might play together. Although their immense resources won them the French league, they habitually choked in Europe. Then there was a change of approach, the money was spent not on Neymar and Messi but on players on the way up who still had a hunger for success and who could play together. The result was the Champions League and, despite their defeat by Botafogo, possibly the inaugural world title in the expanded format. If it was conceived as a two-stage strategy – build the brand through celebrity, then win the actual competitions – it has worked to perfection; in reality, it's probably trial and error that has brought them to this point. At Real Madrid, meanwhile, Florentino Pérez still seems locked in his galáctico vision of football, insisting on adding Kylian Mbappé to a squad that already contained Vinícius Júnior and Rodrygo, resulting in imbalance and an expensive downturn in form. This goes deeper than transfer policies, though. This feels like a fundamental tension at the heart of the game. What, after all, is success in modern football? Manchester City for the past decade have been a much better football team than PSG, and yet they have nothing like the brand awareness. Is success winning trophies, or making money? Is it winning trophies or becoming more famous? Is it winning trophies or marketing the individual? The individual walk-ons only blur the lines further, suggest organisers who struggle with the concept that football, perhaps more than any other sport, is a game of the team.

Telegraph

an hour ago

• Telegraph

Labour must put energy security ahead of net zero ideology

British Government ministers appear to enjoy nothing quite so much as interfering with complex systems they don't entirely understand. Research commissioned by the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero has highlighted one set of clearly unintended consequences that could soon come about as a result of Energy Secretary Ed Miliband's fanatical pursuit of his 2050 target. Interactions between high temperatures, solar panels, heat pumps and the transmission network may result in a greater likelihood of 'electricity shortfalls and loadshedding', a polite euphemism for controlled blackouts. The driving mechanisms are straightforward: heat pumps, soon to be mandatory in newbuilds, and highly incentivised in older properties, offer cooling capabilities that are likely to increase electricity demand during hot periods. At the same time, Britain's distributed renewables grid will be more exposed to degradation of performance due to these same high temperatures as solar panel efficiency falls and transmission networks are pushed to their limit as carrying capacities fall, increasing 'the likelihood of widespread blackouts'. It is a fascinating combination of incentives and outcomes, particularly for a department with 'energy security' in its title. It is also an excellent illustration of why we should be deeply sceptical of government schemes that seek to remake society on a grand scale: the choices to push certain approaches has created this pathway to instability. It is far from the only way in which net zero puts energy security at risk. There are the dark, windless winter days where neither solar nor wind provide significant inputs into Britain's grid, potentially leaving us reliant on backup power sources – an additional source of capital costs – or on interconnectors to European countries, which may also find their generating capacity limited. At the other end of the spectrum, a report into Spain's April blackouts has highlighted that particularly sunny days may drive prices negative, causing producers to switch off in a cascading failure. Britain does at least seem to have learnt this lesson ahead of time, taking steps to prevent a similar incident here. As the UK report has highlighted, however, it would be foolish to assume perfect foresight of future risks. It is surely time the Government put energy security ahead of net zero ideology.

Times

an hour ago

• Times

Inside Mary Lou McDonald's plan to shake up Sinn Fein

Without a doubt, last year was something of an annus horribilis for Mary Lou McDonald, the Sinn Fein leader. The early omens were not good: February polling showed a surprising six-point drop in support as her party came under pressure over its stance on immigration. In the summer, McDonald's strategy to field a record 335 candidates in the local elections fell apart spectacularly. It was a disastrous day out, given that Sinn Fein took under 12 per cent of the national vote and more than 230 unsuccessful candidates were left picking up the pieces. For the first time, grassroots members of Sinn Fein began muttering about McDonald's future in charge of the party. With five months until a general election, the pressure on the leader was intense. At the same time, she was dealing with huge personal upheaval. Having recovered from a hysterectomy, McDonald and her family took a trip to Biarritz. In the airport in France, her husband, Martin Lanigan, became seriously ill. He later underwent surgery and was diagnosed with colorectal cancer. Then her father, Patrick, with whom she had a complicated relationship, died last summer. In October, a series of scandals rocked Sinn Fein, right as the country was on the precipice of a general election. A 'complete overhaul' of the party's governance structure was ordered by McDonald, and The Sunday Times can now reveal the outcome of those reviews and the new rules which TDs, senators and staff members will have to follow. The first big controversy last October came when it emerged that two press officers had given job references for a former colleague under investigation for child sex offences, for which he was later jailed. Seán Mag Uidhir, a well-known Sinn Fein figure who headed the party's media operation in the north, and his colleague Caolán McGinley left Sinn Fein when it emerged that they provided references for Michael McMonagle. McDonald said that McMonagle was immediately suspended when he was questioned by the PSNI about the allegations in 2021, and yet the following year, his two co-workers provided the references. As part of the 'complete overhaul' of governance, a review of human resources practices took place. An internal memo has been given to party members which lays out new rules. From now on, all requests for job references for staff who work or once worked for Sinn Fein need to be referred to the party's HR manager. Members and staff have been told they shouldn't give any references at all. If clearance is given by HR for former and current employees, only brief factual references should be provided, confirming only the person's start and finish date and their job title. References should not mention the person's character or ability, and line managers are now the only people authorised to provide these references. Furthermore, references should also not be given for elected representatives or activists, except in exceptional circumstances that must be approved by Sam Baker, the party's general secretary. Not everyone in the party is a fan of the rules, which are laid out in a private memo, but the new diktat will remain in place. Another huge issue that arose last October came with the shock resignation of the Laois TD Brian Stanley. After he left, he described an inquiry into a complaint made against him as 'seriously flawed'. A Sinn Fein draft report into a complaint made against Stanley came to the opinion that his conduct in an incident constituted 'sexual harassment', something he strongly denied. The internal inquiry into the complaint dragged on from late July of last year until early October, with claims and counter-claims being made. The second big piece of work as part of the overhaul was to look at how Sinn Fein disciplines its members. Barry Mulqueen, a Belfast barrister, undertook an in-depth review, looking at how the disciplinary committee had handled complaints to date. He was due to supply a report to Sinn Fein at the end of May. Sources say that what has emerged is that the party's disciplinary processes are not fit for purpose. Issues that are likely to be addressed will be the structure of internal inquiries, who carries them out and, crucially, the amount of time an inquiry takes. There is a view that complaints drag on for far too long, and that a structure needs to be put around the 'back and forth' nature of serious complaints. The third serious blow for Sinn Fein last year was the controversy over a former senator who was secretly suspended and later resigned from the party over inappropriate messages sent to a teenager. Niall Ó Donnghaile, a former Belfast lord mayor, was suspended by Sinn Fein over the issue but the party let him resign on health grounds without revealing the complaint against him. The teenager in question then said McDonald's tribute to Ó Donnghaile was 'like a mental stab'. At the time, she issued a statement thanking him for his service to the party, something she later apologised for. On foot of all of this, Gareth McGibbon, a registered social worker, has completed a new draft of the party's child protection policy. A source said that a part of this work involved making sure that everyone in Sinn Fein knew exactly what steps to take, and how to conduct themselves, if a matter of concern involving a minor arose. There has also been work done to make sure the policies are aligned north and south. All of these revelations, and the resulting follow-up questions, emerged for Sinn Fein in a drip-feed manner that created a huge sense of dread, especially as the country was on the verge of a general election. One party member described the period as the party being 'in a death spiral'. Although Sinn Fein painted the results of the election as a triumph, it failed to replicate its quota-smashing performance of 2020, and ultimately failed to cross the threshold into Government Buildings. Since then, the results of the election have been studied carefully by strategists. Sinn Fein is ultra-secretive by nature and prefers to keep a tight lid on what is happening behind the scenes. However, The Sunday Times spoke to sources at all levels of the party to get a detailed insight into the mood within the camp. Sinn Fein's decision to present a united front with the rest of the 'combined opposition' of Labour, the Social Democrats, People Before Profit and others has gone down well with supporters, who feel voters might, in future, buy into the idea of a government made up of a left-wing bloc. 'Grassroots members are happy with this strategy, and with Mary Lou being front and centre of that. It was good red meat,' a local party member said. Close observers of Sinn Fein's daily attacks during leaders' questions may also have noticed a subtle shift. While TDs spent the five years leading up to last November's general election presenting the public with credible alternative policies, this time the plan of action is attack, attack, attack. There was, a source said, 'a certain amount of preparing for government that went on in recent years but now we are sticking to the principles of equality for the working class. It is going back to our roots on issues like neutrality, housing and health and disability services.' Away from the Dail chamber, the party is refocusing itself on its bread-and-butter issues. 'We are in a period of regrowth,' the insider said. 'Our focus from an activism and membership point of view is unity and the unity message. There is a big, big push now to focus on unity in messaging, for discussion and in terms of organising events. Party members have been asked to coalesce around this again.' Another criticism of Sinn Fein made after last year's elections came from John Hearne, the respected Waterford councillor. He said the party was being run by 'armchair generals'. Sinn Fein is actively trying to re-engage its membership base, and the decision-making process around the presidential campaign has been a case in point. 'There has been an interesting shift in attitude from the hierarchy,' a party source said. 'Every member was asked to consider making a submission to the party or through the structures to give their thoughts based on four scenarios.' The first option was Sinn Fein running its own candidate; the second was Sinn Fein promoting and backing a candidate with the united left; the third was giving tacit support to that candidate on the left; the fourth involved the party sitting it out on the sidelines. Some of the feedback so far has indicated strong support for option two: fully backing a candidate of the left. One decision from the top that has not gone down quite so well is the decision to cancel the ard fheis this year, and hold an annual conference in April 2026, which will happen in Belfast. The party cited 'logistical and strategic challenges' and said it was 'increasingly difficult' to find a suitable venue for the autumn and 'particularly one large enough to accommodate our growing attendance'. Party members who spoke to The Sunday Times said they were not consulted about this decision and they also said they had doubts about the reasons given for putting it off. A source with knowledge of the decision said it was taken because the party simply would not get enough media attention for an ard fheis when a presidential election is happening and a budget was being announced, particularly on TV shows. There are other pressing decisions to be made, however — decisions which may yet divide the party. On Saturday, July 5, in Dublin, selected party members will gather for a special conference on gender policy. It comes after Sinn Fein was banned from taking part in a trans Pride march in Dublin next month over its stance on rights for transgender people, despite meetings with LGBT+ groups. These groups want Sinn Fein to clarify its stance on puberty blockers in Northern Ireland, but also on the UK Supreme Court ruling on sex, gender and equality. David Cullinane, the Sinn Fein health spokesman, was 'rapped on the knuckles' by the party leadership after he posted on X that a Supreme Court ruling defining women by their biological sex was a 'common sense judgment'. He later deleted the message and apologised. The issue is particularly sensitive for McDonald given that she has a trans woman for a sibling. More liberal members within Sinn Fein are pushing for clear change and more conservative members are urging the party 'not to get involved', as one person put it, adding: 'It is not coming up on the ground.' Beyond this, members around the country are reporting that Sinn Fein remains under serious local pressure on immigration. 'We are still bruised from last year. Misinformation continues to fly across social media,' one said. There is a push among the membership for Sinn Fein to formulate a very clear and accessible immigration policy, but the sense is that, like many of the party's big plans, this is some way off in the future.