Realme's new flagships squeeze in enormous 7,000mAh batteries
After exclusively launching its GT 7 smartphone in China last month, Realme has finally announced two global versions of the phone that feature a massive 7,000mAh battery: the GT 7 and the slightly cheaper GT 7T.
The GT 7 comes in black and blue color options and starts at €749.99 for 12GB of RAM and 256GB of storage. There's also a limited Dream Edition of the GT 7, created in collaboration with the Aston Martin Formula One Team, configured with 16GB/512GB for €899.99. The GT 7T, available in an additional yellow color option, starts at €649.99 for a 12GB/256GB configuration. Both versions are now available for preorder through Realme's website for the European and Indian markets.
Despite all that battery power, the GT 7 is just 8.3mm thick (the GT 7T is 8.25mm thick). For comparison, the iPhone 16 Pro is 8.25mm thick with a 3,582mAh battery, while the Samsung Galaxy S25 Ultra measures in at 8.2mm with only a 5,000mAh battery.
The Realme GT 7 is powered by a MediaTek Dimensity 9400e processor and features a 6.78-inch AMOLED display with a 2780 x 1264 pixel resolution, 120Hz refresh rate, and 6,000 nits of peak brightness. The phone's 7,000mAh battery will keep it running for up to three days of light usage, claims Realme, or up to seven hours with intense gaming. There's no wireless charging, but with its included 120W charger and a USB-C cable the GT 7 can be charged to 50 percent capacity in 14 minutes, while a full charge takes 40 minutes.
On the back of the GT 7 you'll find a 50MP telephoto camera with 2x optical zoom capabilities, another 50MP camera with optical image stabilization, and an 8MP ultrawide shooter. On the front is a 32MP selfie camera, and an optical fingerprint scanner hidden beneath its display. The GT 7 offers IP69 dust and water resistance; supports Wi-Fi 7, NFC, and Bluetooth 5.4; and launches with Android 15. Realme promises four additional OS updates and six years of Android security updates.
The cheaper GT 7T is instead powered by the MediaTek Dimensity 8400-Max processor, and although it has a slightly larger 6.8-inch screen with a small bump in resolution, the display's max brightness is limited to just 1,800 nits. The 7T variant also only features two cameras on the back, ditching the GT 7's telephoto offering for just a 50MP main camera and a second 8MP option with a wide-angle lens.
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Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
Trump wants one thing from the NATO summit. Europe is going to give it to him.
President Donald Trump wants one big thing from next week's NATO leader's summit — and European leaders are itching to give it to him. That doesn't guarantee the president will be satisfied. The 32-nation transatlantic military alliance will pledge to dramatically increase spending on defense to 5 percent of gross domestic product — 3.5 percent on hard military expenditures and 1.5 percent on more loosely defined defense-related efforts. The commitment, a watershed moment that could rebalance transatlantic security, will allow Trump, who's been demanding Europe pick up more of the burden for its own defense, a significant victory on the world stage. 'There is no way they would be going to 5 percent without Trump,' said one administration official, who was granted anonymity to share the president's views. 'So he sees this as a major win, and it is.' Trump intends to deliver a speech Wednesday at the summit's conclusion heralding the new spending pledge and his own catalytic role. But Trump's victory won't prevent him from pressuring countries to do even more, faster, which could prove difficult for some in the alliance. Spain, the NATO member with the lowest defense spending rate, isasking for an exemption from the new pledge and there is broad disagreement over the date by which this spending pledge is to be met. 'They're thinking of a timeline that is, frankly, a decade,' said Ivo Daalder, a former U.S. ambassador to NATO under President Barack Obama. 'Trump is probably thinking of a timeline that is by the end of this decade, if not sooner. That's where I think [the summit] can blow up.' While NATO allies are at odds over the details of the security pledge, there is broad agreement about the overriding importance of keeping Trump happy and maintaining a united front in The Hague, with Russia's war in Ukraine nowhere near an end and America's foreign policy focus increasingly shifting to Asia and the Middle East. In service of that aim, summit organizers have streamlined the meeting, reducing what is typically a two-day affair to 24 hours and focusing it around Trump's pledge, which has been negotiated ahead of time, and almost nothing else. 'He has to get credit for the 5 percent — that's why we're having the summit,' said one European defense official, granted anonymity to speak candidly about private government-level conversations. 'Everything else is being streamlined to minimize risk.' Asked about the pledge on Friday, Trump expressed support for allies spending more but added the 5 percent target shouldn't apply to the U.S., which is at 3.4 percent. Trump's saber-rattling toward Iran,teasing the possibility that the U.S. would join Israel's military campaign to destroy the country's nuclear development infrastructure and potentially topple the regime, has injected new uncertainty into a summit NATO officials had hoped to tightly script. But as of Friday, there were no formal plans to meet with allies to discuss the situation in the Middle East, though it could provide an opportunity for the president to tout the need for increased defense spending. NATO officials decided to pare down the agenda before Trump abruptly left the G7 halfway through the two-day program, a move that the administration official later attributed largely to his impatience with largely ceremonial multilateral meetings. In The Hague, as was the case in Canada, there will be no lengthy communique, only short statements about new commitments. The shortened NATO schedule allows for only two main events: a welcome dinner at the Dutch royal family's castle and a single meeting of the North Atlantic Council rather than the usual two or three, according to five people familiar with the planning. It is not clear if Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, invited only to the summit's opening dinner on Tuesday, will attend. And there won't be a meeting of NATO's Ukraine council in The Hague. It's another concession to the U.S., which, despite the urging of some allies to hold such a session, wasn't interested in heightening the focus on the war that Trump has been unable to resolve as he promised during last year's campaign. Paring down the summit is also a way for NATO allies to gloss over the persistent divide among countries about a critical detail of their pledge: how soon they'll be expected to reach the new spending benchmark. While the U.S. — and countries in eastern Europe already above the 3.5 percent benchmark — prefer a deadline of 2030, smaller countries, struggling to reach the new goals, want until 2032 or 2035. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte floated 2032 as a compromise but, amid pushback from several smaller countries in recent days, the final wording of the pledge could give countries until 2035 to hit 5 percent, according to a European official familiar with private negotiations. 'For a lot of countries, this is the whole issue,' the European defense official continued. 'It's not so difficult to say, 'Yes, we will, we will agree.' But it's very difficult to find the right path and to actually find the budget for that path. So that's why nobody, nobody wants to talk about it anymore.' It's possible that the matter of the timeline won't be resolved during the summit. 'The priority is really to announce success in The Hague,' said another European official, also granted anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly. 'The longer-term perspective is less important.' NATO officials and European allies are determined to avoid a repeat of the 2018 summit in Brussels, which Trump upended by threatening to withdraw the U.S. from the alliance altogether if other countries didn't get serious about reaching the 2 percent spending benchmark they'd agreed to four years earlier. More than anything since, Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 altered defense calculations for Europe, pushing several countries to meet the 2 percent threshold and prompting Sweden and Finland, after decades of neutrality, to join the alliance. With the war ongoing and Trump back in office, the increased spending commitments are at least as much about Europe's long-term defense as they are appeasing the unpredictable Trump. In his speech this week at London's Chatham House, Rutte began to publicly lay out NATO's new capability targets — the amount of military equipment needed to implement a defense plan against a potential Russian attack — that defense ministers agreed to earlier this month. The alliance, Rutte said, needs 'a 400 percent increase in air and missile defence … thousands more armored vehicles and tanks, millions more artillery shells, and we must double our enabling capabilities, such as logistics, supply, transportation, and medical support.' Over time, that will lead to Europe carrying more of the burden for its own defense — and having more sway within the alliance. 'You now have a road map for Europeanizing NATO that you never had before, and that ultimately will lead to a more successful alliance,' Daalder said. 'Everybody wants to move in that direction, the U.S. and the Europeans.' Trump has long groused that the U.S. shoulders too much of the cost for defending the world and has pushed more than just NATO members to increase their defense budgets. The administration is also pressuring Japan, a non-NATO ally pursuing a new trade deal with Washington, to boost its defense spending significantly with the Pentagon describing the 5 percent benchmark as a new 'global standard.' It's a standard many countries may struggle to reach. Spain, far from the alliance's eastern flank, has been difficult to convince, as have other smaller countries such as Italy and Belgium that are still not hitting the 2 percent level the alliance adopted in 2014. Even Great Britain, one of Europe's biggest military powers, has balked at the 2032 deadline. Laying out a plan for boosting defense spending, Prime Minister Keir Starmer promised the U.K. would be at 2.5 percent by 2027 and expressed confidence about getting to 3 percent by 2034, at the latest. Paul McLeary contributed to this report.
Business Insider
3 hours ago
- Business Insider
A company on Russia's doorstep that sent its war robots to Ukraine got a crash course in what soldiers need
A European defense firm's ground robots are being used by Ukrainian soldiers. The experiences there have led to key changes in its products, the Milrem Robotics' CEO told BI. He said Europe's militaries should be learning from Ukraine's fight in case Russia attacks. A military robotics company based in a NATO country bordering Russia says battlefield use of its machines in Ukraine provided valuable insight that led it to rethink its technology and how it could better meet wartime demands. Estonia 's Milrem Robotics makes autonomous ground robots that can be used to gather intelligence, evacuate wounded troops, dispose of explosive devices, and carry weaponry like machine guns. Its THeMIS model, which can carry a payload of up to 2,645.5 pounds and travel at up to 12 miles per hour, is in Ukraine, clearing mines, carrying cargo, and moving out injured soldiers. Kuldar Väärsi, the founder and CEO of Milrem Robotics, told Business Insider that Western weapons makers and militaries need to be learning from what's happening in Ukraine and that the company's experiences there have led to some changes in its products. Väärsi said that developments in Ukraine are "totally different" from peacetime, when weapons are used in training and exercises. The company has been closely watching for ways to make its robots better, both to help Ukraine and to help Europe if needed. One key area has been the simplicity of use. He said the THeMIS was "already quite simple and very easy system to control," but the needs on the battlefield meant it had to be even simpler. He said that in peacetime, equipment might only be used by experienced troops with training. "In Ukraine, in real war, you can't follow that," Väärsi said. "Basically, anybody who needs that equipment will use it, and the more intuitive and simple you make the user interface and you make the usability, the more certain you can be that actually it'll be properly used and efficiently used and it'll be useful for the troops." The electronic warfare battle in Ukraine, in which both sides are jamming and spoofing everything — drones, comms, GPS, and more— has also sparked big changes in uncrewed systems technology. "What we have learned and changed and implemented in our systems is everything related to EW, communication, and cyber," the Milrem CEO said. Evolutions in countermeasures like electronic warfare have led to developments like fiber-optic drones and AI-enabled drones that are resistant to enemy jamming. "What we can see as a trend in Ukraine is that technologies around communication change basically weekly," Väärsi said, referring to the combat systems that rely heavily on stable signals. The feedback from Ukraine means "we have changed quite significantly our design and our products," he said. Väärsi said the company was "very eager" to provide its systems to Ukraine it is based in Estonia, a country once part of the Soviet Union like Ukraine and a current Russian neighbor worried about the possibility of an attack on its sovereignty. Estonia is among the biggest defense spenders in NATO as a proportion of GDP and one of the countries sounding the alarm the loudest about Russia. "It's our mission to support Ukraine as much as we can, to help them win this war. And even if it's as little as sending our vehicles, then we should certainly do it," Väärsi said. He said it's a good business move, too. "If you look at it from the validation perspective, the equipment which doesn't justify itself in Ukraine, why should that be even necessary?" Milrem was founded in 2013, and Väärsi said that before this war, "quite a lot of people were talking about unmanned ground vehicles in defense," but there were also "lots of doubts around it." This war "has demonstrated that unmanned ground vehicles have a really important place on the battlefield," he said. Learning from Ukraine Many Western governments want their countries' battlefield technology in Ukraine so companies can learn how best to be ready for any potential conflict with Russia — something many European countries warn could happen. It's something many Western defense companies want too. Their products can be battle-tested and updated, proving their worth and increasing sales. Luke Pollard, the UK's armed forces minister, said last month:"If you are a drone company and you do not have your kit on the front line in Ukraine, you might as well give up." Väärsi said that Milrem Robotics has a team that regularly visits Ukraine, meets military units, and works directly with the operators who use the company's equipment. It will also soon have a team based in Ukraine to "be closer to Ukrainian forces and to support them even better," he shared. Many companies work closely with soldiers to aid development. A Ukrainian drone operator previously told BI that he texts and FaceTimes with drone makers about their products to encourage a better iterative design and development process. Robots of the future Ground robots are particularly useful on the battlefield because they can be used to move a lot more weight than the flying drones and often more than humans can, fire from positions that are not safe for soldiers to fight from, and travel closer to Russian positions than any human fighter can safely. Väärsi said he sees the robots' role "as a first line of defense or offense," keeping troops safer. That benefits Ukraine, which doesn't have manpower to spare. "You don't move your troops in front, but you move your unmanned systems," he said. Väärsi noted Ukraine, which has a rapidly growing defense industry, has also developed a "very capable" ground robots industry. It's a technology the West and others as well are looking at more and more. Germany's ARX Robotics opened Europe's largest production facility for ground military robots this year, and companies across the continent are making new models. Milrem is playing a leading role, heading a consortium developing unmanned ground systems that received $56 million in funding from the European Defense Fund. Its robots are capable platforms that Russian researchers actually put a bounty on, encouraging soldiers to try to steal one to advance Russia's work in this space. The company's other products include larger combat vehicles, like HAVOC, which has a payload capacity of 5 tons. It also has an AI-enabled intelligent functions kit, which lets the vehicles move autonomously. It says that its products are part of robotics programs or in service in 19 countries, including the US, UK, and Germany. Ground robots are one of many things Ukraine's international partners are watching closely as they look into what sort of tactics, weaponry, and so on they should adopt. Milrem collaborates with companies that are in Ukraine, and Väärsi encouraged other foreign defense companies to do the same. "What I consider very important is that in Europe we need to learn and very seriously learn what is ongoing in Ukraine: what works, what doesn't work, what mindsets need to be shifted to be better equipped if — hopefully that never happens — but if Russia decides to expand their activities in the warfare."
Business Insider
3 hours ago
- Business Insider
South Africa leads Africa in the latest global press freedom ranking
Only three African countries rank in the top 30 globally, while economic pressure, political control, and insecurity undermine press freedom across the continent. The 2025 World Press Freedom Index ranks South Africa 27th, marking it as the top African nation for press freedom. Namibia and Cape Verde also feature in the top 30 globally, showcasing their commitment to press freedom standards. The report highlights the interplay between economic and political instability and diminished media freedom across the continent. In the newly released 2025 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), South Africa has been ranked as the most press-friendly country in Africa, placing 27th out of 180 countries globally, a notable jump of 11 positions from its ranking last year. The country retains its position in the 'satisfactory' category, lauded for its reliable legal protections, pluralistic media landscape, and relative independence from government and corporate interference. Namibia (28th) and Cape Verde (30th) also rank in the same category, joining a small group of African countries that uphold press freedom standards alongside European and Asian counterparts. However, the continental trend remains concerning, with most African nations falling into the "difficult" or "very serious" press freedom zones and several experiencing record declines in media safety, legal protection, and financial sustainability. What the World Press Freedom Index Measures The World Press Freedom Index evaluates media freedom in 180 countries and territories using five key indicators: Political context, Legal framework; Economic context; Sociocultural context and Safety of journalists Score Range Zone African Countries Meaning [85 - 100 points] Good Journalism is fully protected; few or no constraints. [70 - 85 points] Satisfactory South Africa (27), Namibia (28), Cape Verde (30) Media is mostly free, but vulnerable to institutional or commercial pressure [55 - 70 points] Problematic Ghana (49), Mauritius (50), Senegal (74), Seychelles (59), Botswana (65), Malawi (72), Gabon (41) Structural issues and pressure from political or economic actors exist. [40 - 55 points] Difficult Nigeria (122), Tunisia (129), Cameroon (131), DR Congo (133), Somalia (136), Libya (137), Kenya (117), Benin (92), Togo (121), Guinea (103), Burkina Faso (105), Mali (119), Uganda (143), Burundi (125) Press freedom is significantly constrained; journalists often self-censor [0 - 40 points] Very Serious Rwanda (146), Ethiopia (145), Egypt (170), Eritrea (180 Journalism is dangerous or impossible; extreme censorship and violence occur RSF's findings highlight a concerning trajectory between economic elites' influence over media and editorial self-censorship. In many African countries, media outlets rely heavily on advertising revenue from state actors or politically aligned corporations, compromising their independence. Although some African nations demonstrate stability and openness, the media advocacy agency warns that the economic and political climate in much of Africa is becoming increasingly hostile to journalism. Despite challenges, RSF identifies South Africa, Namibia, and Cape Verde as examples of how legal protections, institutional accountability, and civic engagement can safeguard press freedom.
