Civil society calls for decent jobs for the marginalised working class at G20 build-up event
Tanya van Meelis who serves as the Head of the Policy Unit and Labour Market Policy Coordinator at Cosatu, addressed delegates to the C20 South Africa launch at The Capital on the Park in Sandton on Sunday.
South Africa's controversial National Dialogue must not be dominated by conservative and divisive voices. These are the words of Levy Singh, Youth 20 (Y20) South Africa Sherpa during his address at the first day of the three-day C20 South Africa launch held at The Capital on the Park in Sandton on Sunday.
When South Africa hosts the G20 summit later this year, it will be the first time the gathering takes place on African soil.
The country recently officially assumed leadership of the Y20 — the G20's dedicated platform for youth engagement — at a high-profile event recently held at the historic Rand Club in Johannesburg.
"As civil society, we have to be bold and defend our core quality principles. As the Y20 We are committed to working with all the working groups. We also need to continue to deepen our unity and aligning over the next 23 weeks. South Africa will be handing over the G20 Summit to the US, and there is no certainty that our working groups will be sustained beyond this year under Donald Trump's regime. However, we must continue to be robust and rigorous and put forward our progress agenda."
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Daily Maverick
4 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Floyd Shivambu and our politics of churn
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It now appears likely that he will be expelled from the party and will start a new party. In historical terms this is part of a much longer process. As the African National Congress (ANC) continues to fracture, so more parties are flowing from its former members. It should not be forgotten that this process started with the expulsion of Bantu Holomisa from the ANC. He formed the United Democratic Movement. Since then, there have been many parties that have fought one or two elections and then fallen from view. The Independent Democrats, Congress of the People (Cope) and Agang are good examples of this. But now it appears that the process has sped up, and we can expect many more such parties. While some were clearly non-starters, others fell victim to the kind of palace politics that Shivambu has clearly been involved in. Parties such as Cope and Agang disappeared mainly because of disputes among their leaders. 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This then leads to a large percentage of churn — parties that come and go based on the whims of their leaders. This has a huge impact on our politics. And it can lead to absurd consequences In Joburg, Colleen Makhubela became the Speaker after representing Cope as a proportional representation councillor. The party had won just 0.22% of the vote. She used this position to bargain, as she appeared to hold the balance of power between coalitions led by the ANC and the DA. Then she left Cope (or was expelled, depending on whom you care to listen to) and formed the SA Rainbow Alliance. That received 12,450 votes in last year's elections. Following all of that she joined… you guessed it… the MK party. Someone who is able to do that can have no ideology. But apart from the absurdity there are more important consequences. Declining trust The first is that these smaller outfits make forming and maintaining coalitions almost impossible. 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In turn people will be less inclined to stay involved in our politics. Why vote if you know a party is just a personal vehicle for someone who is not interested in improving your life? This is a difficult dynamic to stop; individuals and groups must be allowed to move from party to party and to form parties when they wish. Some measures, such as those that would limit representation in legislatures to parties that get over a certain percentage of support, might help. But in the end, it appears as if we are destined to have a lot more churn in our politics, with serious consequences as a result. DM
Daily Maverick
4 hours ago
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National Dialogue? NMB wants its own metro dialogue, based more on action and solutions than talk
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The envisaged outcome of a 'programme of action to shape the future of the country' is also all well and good, but any plan is only as good as the people who implement it – their capacity and commitment, the support and resources at their disposal and how they are held accountable for delivery. Functioning municipalities are the foundation of service delivery to citizens and an enabling environment in which business can operate and create new jobs. Municipal dysfunction is now a critical hindrance to economic growth, and improving this level of government should be the absolute key priority. The Auditor-General's latest report on municipal audit outcomes presented a damning indictment of the dire state of financial management and performance management, stalled and delayed infrastructure projects and absence of accountability, which underpin failing municipal service delivery and crumbling infrastructure. The extension of Operation Vulindlela into addressing municipal service delivery, along with the review under way on the white paper on local government, are urgent and critical interventions that must lead to local government reform. Central to such reform must be the appointment of capable, qualified people and the effective performance management of officials and contractors that leads to actual consequences for non-delivery, underperformance and criminal actions. However, we are not operating in a policy vacuum in the meantime. South Africa is highly effective at developing policies and plans – we have a lot of very good structures and systems on paper; we are just not very good at implementing them. Our own version of dialogue That is why the Nelson Mandela Bay Business Chamber proposes that this metro has its own version of a dialogue, focused less on talk and more on action. Dialogue, by definition, is a two-way street, a place where all parties can have their say. Just as important, if not more so, is that dialogue involves listening. Listening to the people on the ground who have first-hand knowledge and lived experience of the problems and who know what needs to be done to fix them. Dialogue is not mere conversation; it needs to come to a resolution, followed by action. That is the only way we will advance along that two-way street towards achieving positive change. Otherwise, we are endlessly circling a roundabout of conversation with no way to change lanes and exit onto the road towards our destination. Like the National Dialogue, such a 'metro dialogue' must be broad-based and participatory, involving local government, the business community and representative civil society organisations. The provincial government should be involved too, as well as relevant organs of the national government and state-owned entities such as Eskom and Transnet, because their support will be required to effect the change required. The difference is that this local dialogue would focus on solutions and actions, on enabling the implementation of plans and policies already in place and holding those doing the work accountable. The principle is local solutions to local problems. Local communities – in a broad sense of a business community in a particular sector or area, residents of a neighbourhood or township, NGOs working on similar issues – know what the problems are in their areas, they know what needs to be done about them, and they must be heard. A top-down approach driven out of a government office is not the answer. More than 70% of this municipality's income is derived from business customers. Business must be listened to, and through the Business Chamber, we have a business community incredibly willing to roll up their sleeves and offer expertise and resources to support the municipality in fixing problems. 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The city is regularly faced with threats of the National Treasury withholding essential grants because of under-performance and non-compliance with grant conditions, and serious under-spending on capital and maintenance budgets (less than a quarter spent halfway into the 2024/25 financial year). The required infrastructure investment and maintenance can take place if suitable contractors are appointed timeously and the money available is spent effectively. An inability to spend money should be an entirely solvable problem, particularly if the supply chain management is capacitated and permitted to do its work without interference. In the news just this past week, the municipality announced plans to spend more than R1-million refurbishing dysfunctional 'business hubs' meant to support township entrepreneurs. The reason for this? The three facilities have decayed because of vandalism and theft, some hijacked by other organisations and one relying on illegal electricity connections. 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Similarly, technical task teams on electricity and sanitation, comprising engineers, other experts from business and senior municipal officials, are recording successes in improving the performance of the sanitation system and key electricity networks. This shows that partnerships and collaboration work, that fixing the metro's problems is possible. As much as we are tired of 'talk-shops', one of the great things that does come out of not only talking but listening to each other, is the formation of collaborations and partnerships – where we meet in mutual interest across boundaries of place, race, class, culture, religion or competing business interests and act together to bring about change. The municipality's acceptance of the help offered and agreement to work with business and civil society on the myriad problems requiring attention across the metro will be key to driving action and implementing solutions coming out of our proposed metro dialogue. In announcing the National Dialogue, President Ramaphosa said the idea was not a new concept in South Africa, that 'having dialogues is part of our DNA as a nation'. Yes, as the President said, we did end apartheid and establish a democracy through dialogue. But we are 30 years down the line and still face possibly even worse poverty, inequality and unemployment than we did in those days of optimism and hope of the 'rainbow nation'. Action and change – that is what we want to see out of any kind of dialogue, and it is up to us as 'ordinary' South Africans to make it happen. DM
IOL News
5 hours ago
- IOL News
Peace Fund and the Quest for Peace and Security in Africa
In 1993, the Peace Fund has remained dormant due to African leaders' lack of commitment and political will to act on their resolution and financially support the AU. Image: Pixabay In June, thirty-two years ago, in its quest to ensure and implement African-led peace and security initiatives, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which preceded the African Union (AU), resolved to establish a Peace Fund. This was seen as a strategic and vital financial instrument for achieving home-grown peace and security in Africa. However, since its establishment in 1993, the Peace Fund has remained dormant due to African leaders' lack of commitment and political will to act on their resolution and financially support the AU. The fund was revitalised in 2016 and officially adopted by the AU in 2018 after 25 years of dormancy. The revitalisation happened after the African heads of state resolved in Kigali, the capital city of Rwanda, that Africa, more than ever before, needs financial autonomy and ownership of its peace and security initiatives to practically implement the fourth aspiration of the AU Agenda 2063 of building a peaceful and secure Africa through the critical step of silencing the guns by 2020. Unfortunately, this target has not been met to date. The resolution further indicated that the peace fund, as one of the pillars of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), must encompass critical areas of stabilisation, including preventive diplomacy, mediation, institutional capacity building, and peace support operations (PSO), while also financing the preparedness of other APSA structures. The AU urges its member states, individuals, and the private sector to contribute to the peace fund. Following the restructuring and adoption of the funding model for the peace fund, the secretariat launched an intensive and extensive resource mobilisation strategy aimed at raising at least US$400 million by 2021. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading This target was only achieved in June 2025. However, research by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) reveals that before 2024, of the US$392 million mobilised for the peace fund, AU member states contributed 98% of the budget, while US$6 million (2%) came from individuals and the private sector. Towards the end of 2024, however, contributions from member states decreased by 34%, while private donations rose from 2% to 36%. Despite all these interventions and resource mobilisation efforts, Max Boqwana (October 2024) argues that Africa still accounts for 70% of global conflicts. And, almost eight years after revitalising the peace fund, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation convened the inaugural African Peace and Security Dialogue from 4 to 6 October 2024. The dialogue critically analysed, discussed, and provided insights into the root causes of prolonged violent conflict in Africa, focusing particularly on two regions: West Africa and the Horn of Africa. Many panellists and participants expressed concerns about the lack of strong leadership and political will to mobilise domestic resources for financing peace and security initiatives. Some argue that Africa is home to the most critical minerals, which should be harnessed and utilised for the continent's development. The ongoing protracted violent conflict and civil wars in Africa necessitate a thorough analysis of the effectiveness of the peace fund, more so since there is a narrative that the financial contribution of the member states towards the fund continues to face a spiral decline. It is essential to highlight that over two weeks ago, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation held its annual governance symposium in Marrakech, Morocco, where Ibrahim raised a serious concern regarding the fact that 70% of the AU's annual budget comes from Europeans under the pretext of 'development partners'. Africa's dependency syndrome continues to undermine its agenda of achieving socio-economic and political self-reliance in pursuing development and home-grown peace and security initiatives. At the next summit in February 2026, I still contend that the AU needs to discuss and develop a criterion for selecting the so-called 'development partners', as even parasitic partners are masquerading as genuine partners of Africa. It can be posited that if this partnership and resource mobilisation issue is not effectively addressed, it will continue to obfuscate and derail the intended purpose of the peace fund. Asuquo (2025) argues that one of the reasons African States fail to fund the AU's peace fund sufficiently is 'a (created) culture of external mediation: Post-independence, African nations have routinely turned to external actors like the UN, World Bank, and Western powers for arbitration and funding, setting a precedent that weakens pan-African accountability'. It is time for the AU to develop its African-led conflict resolution, mediation and peacebuilding. Critically, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda have been locked in a prolonged diplomatic crisis, leading Kinshasa (DRC) to seek sanctions from France against Kigali (Rwanda). This shows that some African leaders still perceive European nations as having the most effective solutions to African problems; this belief persists despite the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) attempting to de-escalate tensions in the Eastern DRC. However, the reality is that there was inadequate coordination among mediators, compounded by insufficient financial support. Evidence shows that only US$5 million was allocated from the peace fund for the conflict in Eastern DRC. The budget proved inadequate to the point that the PSC utilised its annual council-to-council meeting with the European Union to request additional funding for mediation. The AU has also urged its member states to contribute their dues to the peace fund. A crucial question must be addressed: who and how has the peace fund been financially managed since its revitalisation? For instance, two weeks ago, the AU advertised positions for an independent fund manager and the hiring of a custodian bank for the AU peace fund. It is concerning that the post-criteria are not clearly stated within the context of the peace fund's objectives, which may further undermine the AU's financial autonomy and ownership of its peace and security architecture. Regarding the conflict between Kinshasa and Kigali, it is evident that there has been no adequate preventative diplomacy, PSO, and well-coordinated mediation, as these essential interventions fall within the mandate of the peace fund as stated in Article 21 of the PSC protocol. In South Sudan, Africa's newest state, which has experienced violent conflict since it seceded from northern Sudan in 2011, effective interventions through the peace fund have yet to be effectively implemented. As a result, South Sudanese established a non-governmental organisation (NGO) called the Peace Canal in 2019 and adopted a fundraising strategy, 'Peace Opportunity Fund,' to finance locally led peacebuilding initiatives in South Sudan. Seventeen advisors from four major ethnic groups lead the NGO; unfortunately, this initiative has attracted donors from beyond the continent, and some have undermined the noble intention of inclusive peacebuilding, particularly the integration of indigenous peacebuilding methods and strategies into the broader post-conflict reconstruction and development. This is a great initiative that AU was supposed to effectively support through the peace fund in a quest to realise its strategic objective of African-led peace and security initiatives. On the other hand, two weeks ago, Naomi Kilungu, an armed conflict expert in Africa, predicted that 'Africa will have spent over US$ 300 billion by the end of this year (2025) on armed conflicts'. However, because AU has only managed to secure US$400 million for the peace fund, there will be a shortfall of at least US$ 299.6 billion. If the shortfall cannot be mobilised domestically, the so-called 'development partners' would take over and continue their nefarious agenda in Africa. Indeed, Africa needs the emergence of Pan-African thought leaders who will act locally and think globally with unflinching love for the people of this continent. Leaders who will genuinely end parasitic partnerships and colonialism in its forms and content. Orapeleng Matshediso is a Masters graduate of Pan African Development Studies and Research Associate at the University of Johannesburg (Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation). The author is also an alumnus of the then Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute (TMALI). Orapeleng Matshediso is a Masters graduate of Pan African Development Studies and Research Associate at the University of Johannesburg (Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation). Image: Supplied.
