
N. Korea denounces US for deploying B-1B strategic bombers to Japan
North Korea on Friday denounced the United States for deploying B-1B strategic bombers to Japan, arguing that such deployment would pose a threat to security in the region.
The North's state-run Korean Central News Agency published the criticism in an article, accusing Washington of stationing its bomber in Japan for a long-term period and escalating tensions in the region to a record high by using Japan and South Korea as outposts.
On April 15, a US bomber task force, comprising B-1B Lancer aircraft, airmen and support equipment from the US Air Force's 9th Expeditionary Bomb Squadron, arrived at Misawa Air Base, Japan, to reinforce regional stability in the Indo-Pacific, according to the Indo-Pacific Command. It marks the first time a US Air Force bomber task force has been deployed to Japan.
The US has also deployed a B-1B bomber to South Korea three times so far this year, including during a South Korea-US exercise in mid-April.
The B-1B Lancer is one of the three strategic US bombers, with the capacity to fly 12,000 kilometers non-stop at supersonic speeds and carry up to 57 tons of weapons.
The KCNA accused the US of the long-term deployment and permanent stationing of its strategic assets deep within the Indo-Pacific, saying, "It clearly marks a threatening development to the regional security."
"The Asia Pacific region is not a fragile area where the US can shift the balance at will using a few units of strategic combers," the KCNA said, warning the US would face "due backlash" from people in the region for its schemes. (Yonhap)

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Korea Herald
a day ago
- Korea Herald
[Lee Byung-jong] President Lee's pragmatic diplomacy
Less than two weeks into office, President Lee Jae Myung is already busy shaping a new course for South Korea's foreign policy — one he describes as 'pragmatic diplomacy.' His packed diplomatic calendar signals both urgency and ambition. Earlier this week, he attended the G7 summit in Canada at the invitation of the host, marking South Korea's return to global diplomacy after six months of absence during the country's turbulent leadership transition. Later this month, he is scheduled to travel to the Netherlands to participate in the NATO summit as a representative of the alliance's Indo-Pacific partners. Despite criticism over the rushed pace and pending domestic challenges, Lee is determined to reestablish South Korea as a central player on the global stage. 'Democratic Korea is back,' declared national security adviser Wi Sung-lac. Still, many are asking: What does 'pragmatic diplomacy' actually mean in practice? Lee's approach marks a distinct departure from the 'values-based diplomacy' of his predecessor, Yoon Suk Yeol, who prioritized alliances with countries sharing democratic values. In contrast, Lee's strategy is rooted in flexibility and realpolitik — prioritizing economic interests and strategic outcomes over ideological alignment. In today's volatile geopolitical environment, with mounting tensions among global powers, Lee seems to be betting that ideological rigidity is a liability, not an asset. While the full contours of Lee's diplomatic doctrine are still emerging, his initial moves offer important clues. The order of his phone calls to world leaders in his first days in office has been particularly telling. As expected, his first call was to US President Donald Trump — a nod to the enduring importance of the South Korea-US alliance, especially on issues of trade and security. The 20-minute call reaffirmed the long-standing priority Korean presidents place on their alliance with Washington. More surprising was his second phone call — to Japanese Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru. Coming from a liberal background, Lee had been expected by some to reach out to China's Xi Jinping next, following the pattern of previous liberal leaders like President Moon Jae-in. Lee has, in the past, been critical of Japan's stance on historical issues, leading many to doubt whether he would prioritize Tokyo early on. However, this decision was widely interpreted as a signal of Lee's practical mindset and willingness to improve ties with Japan despite lingering historical grievances. Lee's third call to Xi Jinping was hardly unexpected, given that China remains South Korea's largest trading partner. But his fourth and fifth calls did raise eyebrows: He spoke with the leaders of the Czech Republic and Vietnam, countries often overlooked in the early stages of diplomatic outreach by past presidents. His rationale, again, was pragmatic. The Czech Republic recently awarded a 26 trillion-won nuclear power plant construction deal to a South Korean bid — a hard-won contract that edged out fierce competition from France. Lee's outreach aims to solidify that economic relationship and possibly expand it. Vietnam, meanwhile, is South Korea's third-largest trading partner and the leading destination for Korean foreign investment, making it a natural choice for early engagement. The sequence of these conversations echoes one of Lee's key refrains: 'The economy is security, and security is the economy.' His decision to attend the G7 and NATO summits underscores this philosophy. At the G7, discussions focused heavily on global trade friction — particularly the fallout from President Trump's protectionist tariffs. With trade accounting for 80 percent of South Korea's GDP, these are matters Seoul cannot afford to ignore. His participation in the NATO summit is more delicate. Lee had previously expressed reservations about Korea getting too involved in European security matters, especially the war in Ukraine. However, Europe is now a growing market for South Korean defense exports. From that angle, attending the NATO meeting is less about ideology and more about ensuring access to new economic opportunities. But Lee's pragmatic diplomacy will soon face its toughest challenge: North Korea. A purely practical foreign policy could falter if Lee reverts to the liberal camp's traditional approach of engagement with Pyongyang at the expense of alignment with key allies. President Moon Jae-in, for example, pursued such a strategy, which strained Seoul's trilateral coordination with Washington and Tokyo. That fragile alliance, revitalized under President Yoon, President Biden, and former Japanese Prime Minister Kishida in the 2023 Camp David summit, could be tested once more — especially now that all three leaders have exited the political stage. Despite his calls for pragmatic diplomacy, Lee may find himself pulled back toward a more ideological, nationalistic foreign policy. Personnel choices offer early signs of this tension. National security adviser Wi Sung-lac is widely viewed as an advocate of strong alliances, particularly with the US and other democratic partners. But Lee's pick for National Intelligence Service chief, Lee Jong-seok — a former Unification Minister — is a well-known proponent of an independent foreign policy that places inter-Korean relations above external alliances. These two key advisers, representing opposing schools of thought, could end up pulling President Lee in divergent directions, risking confusion and inconsistency in policy execution. In short, President Lee's diplomatic approach shows promise in its economic focus and global engagement. His outreach to non-traditional partners and participation in key summits signal an intent to broaden South Korea's international standing. But this pragmatic posture will only succeed if it can maintain consistency and resist being derailed by ideological pulls — especially when it comes to North Korea. The balancing act between idealism and realism, between national pride and global cooperation, will define the credibility and effectiveness of Lee's foreign policy in the years to come.


Korea Herald
2 days ago
- Korea Herald
Campbell warns substantial USFK troop adjustment will be 'misinterpreted' as reduced US commitment
A former senior US diplomat cautioned against any substantial adjustment to the US Forces Korea troop level on Wednesday, saying it could be "misinterpreted" as a sign of America's weakened security commitment to South Korea and the broader Indo-Pacific region. Kurt Campbell, who served as deputy secretary of state during the former Biden administration, made the remarks, warning against steps that could lead to a "crisis in confidence," as speculation has persisted that President Donald Trump's administration could consider a drawdown of the 28,500-strong USFK to focus on deterring China. "My worry will be that any substantial adjustment will be misinterpreted ... will be interpreted as somehow the United States reducing its commitment to peace and stability, or raising questions about whether the US is somehow withdrawing from fundamental commitments in the Indo-Pacific," he said during a forum hosted by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Campbell voiced his concerns, portraying collective deterrence between South Korea and the US as an "essential" element in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula at a time when he said North Korea is poised to take "much more" provocative actions, including deploying troops to Russia. "The fact is we were able to work hard with our ROK friends to take some steps to buttress and underscore our continuing commitment to extended deterrence over the Korean Peninsula," he said. ROK is short for South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea. "I can imagine us taking steps that lead to a crisis in confidence that is very much not in our strategic interest." Extended deterrence refers to the US commitment to using the full range of its military capabilities, including nuclear arms, to defend its ally. The former diplomat underscored the need to bolster military capacity in the Indo-Pacific rather than being distracted from it. "For me, one of the biggest questions and challenges is can the US, over time -- not over one administration, but several -- continue to invest the necessary bureaucratic, political, strategic and military resources to make clear that the Indo-Pacific is going to be the dominant theater for the 21st century?" he said. "If you look today at the disposition of our forces, where we are spending a large amount of our time, you would find again that Europe and the Middle East take a substantial portion of those capacities." At the same forum, Sen. Andy Kim (D-NJ) said that the Trump administration's reported consideration of a USFK troop drawdown is a "perfect" way to derail the Seoul-Washington relationship "at a critically important moment" for the alliance. "I think that the next couple of months are vital to really solidifying US-South Korea relations with these two new leaders," he said, referring to South Korea President Lee Jae Myung and Trump. Kim expressed concerns over what he termed a "neo-isolationism" policy of the Trump administration that he said is reducing alliances to "transactional" relationships. The senator also pointed out that failing to treat US allies and partners differently from adversaries and competitors is a "huge" mistake. "I think that this is something that's causing unnecessary friction between us, and our allies and our partners," he said. The Wall Street Journal reported last month that the Pentagon was weighing the idea of withdrawing some 4,500 USFK troops to other locations in the Indo-Pacific, including Guam. A senior US defense official later said that the US is looking to calibrate US force posture in Korea to deter China, apparently leaving open the possibility of adjustments to the USFK presence. (Yonhap)


Korea Herald
3 days ago
- Korea Herald
Why Putin's top aide Shoigu keeps meeting Kim Jong-un
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and Russia's top security official, Sergei Shoigu, agreed to step up Pyongyang's military support for Russia's war in Ukraine, North Korean state media reported Wednesday. However, North Korean media made no mention of Security Council Secretary Shoigu's separate disclosure that 5,000 military construction workers and 1,000 sappers would be sent to Russia's Kursk region. Shoigu, Russian President Vladimir Putin's longtime ally, made his third trip to Pyongyang this year on Tuesday to meet with Kim Jong-un, following earlier visits on March 22 and June 4 — all of which included talks with the North Korean leader. The meeting 'discussed the items of immediate cooperation and long-term plans arising in implementing the important matters agreed by the heads of states of the two countries through the exchanges of personal letters for several weeks,' state-run Korean Central News Agency reported in its English-language dispatch. Kim and Shoigu discussed and agreed on several ideas and plans to commemorate and pass down the 'heroic feats displayed by soldiers of units of the Korean People's Army' during the operations in the Kursk region, KCNA added. 'Proceeding from a correct understanding of the current situation in the special military operations and Kursk Region, Kim Jong Un confirmed the contents of the DPRK's cooperation within the range of the treaty between the two countries, accepted the relevant plans and discussed in detail the necessary cooperation plans,' KCNA read. The DPRK stands for the official name of North Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Kim and Putin signed the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty, which includes a mutual defense obligation, on June 19, 2024, during Putin's visit to Pyongyang — his first since 2000. The Russian Security Council on Tuesday said Shoigu arrived in Pyongyang on "special instructions" from Putin to hold talks with the North Korean leadership. 'Chairman of the State Affairs of the DPRK Kim Jong-un has decided to send 1,000 sappers to Russia to clear mines on Russian territory, as well as 5,000 military construction workers to restore infrastructure destroyed by the occupiers,' Shoigu was quoted by Russia's state-run TASS as saying. When asked about the discrepancies between North Korean and Russian media reports, the Unification Ministry assessed that "Russia's disclosure suggests that there was a bilateral agreement on making the matter public externally." 'The fact that Russia disclosed not only the existence of the troop dispatch but also its scale suggests that Pyongyang may have requested this disclosure in order to secure reciprocal benefits," a ministry official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said. 'However, it is possible that North Korea refrained from mentioning any decision on additional troop deployments out of consideration for domestic public sentiment." South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff said in March that North Korea sent around 11,000 troops to Russia last year, with over 3,000 more deployed in early 2025. The UK's Defense Intelligence estimated on Sunday that North Korean casualties have likely exceeded 6,000 in the Kursk region. N. Korea's gains, Russia's needs Doo Jin-ho, director of the Eurasia Research Center at the Korea Research Institute for National Strategy, said Shoigu's three visits to Pyongyang in just three months were ultimately aimed at securing additional troop deployments — a rare display of urgency that underscores both the visits' symbolic weight and Shoigu's status as one of Putin's closest, longest-serving confidants. 'Moreover, the dynamic between North Korea and Russia is clearly shifting; the power balance is no longer one-sided," Doo told The Korea Herald. "This underscores how significantly Russia has come to depend on North Korea's support, (which is) now materializing in the form of 6,000 rank-and-file combat engineers.' Doo explained Russia seems to be bracing for a protracted war, signaling its intent to secure victory through endurance rather than placing hope in US-brokered negotiations, which have stalled. 'In this equation, North Korea's support is decisive,' Doo said. Hong Min, a senior research fellow at the government-funded Korea Institute for National Unification, also noted, "Russia appears to have determined that solidifying control over recaptured territories is essential to gaining the upper hand in future ceasefire negotiations." "Russia is therefore moving swiftly to advance additional troop deployments through Secretary Shoigu's visit to North Korea," Hong said. Regarding what North Korea could gain in return for dispatching troops, Doo pointed out the most pressing issue is the launch of a reconnaissance satellite — something North Korea attempted four times between May 2023 and May 2024, with Pyongyang claiming a single success in November 2023. 'There are strong strategic incentives for North Korea to proceed with a satellite launch,' Doo said. 'With the 8th Party Congress cycle concluding this year, Pyongyang is under mounting pressure to deliver on the objectives it pledged at the congress.' Doo further explained that Russia could provide maintenance, repair and overhaul support for North Korea, with Rajin Port emerging as a key hub for Russian-assisted upgrades. This support could enable North Korea to accelerate the modernization of its aging naval and air force systems.