GE2025: Play nice, focus on the east and 'keep quiet' elsewhere – inside the PAP's successful electoral strategy

The People's Action Party (PAP) may have had an uninterrupted streak of governing post-independence Singapore for almost 60 years, but this record did not stop some party activists and members from going into the recent General Election with a good amount of pessimism.
They chalked this up to the growing desire among voters for greater political contestation and diversity in parliament, based on online chatter and 'coffee-shop talk' among friends.
As they entered the campaign season proper, one PAP member who was involved in the hustings in an eastern constituency said the strong support for the Workers' Party (WP) was also unnerving.
'There was a long queue to enter the Workers' Party rally and it was really crowded, with the pitch almost full and the seated areas full,' the member said, declining to be named.
'In contrast, the PAP rally (in Tampines) was one-third full on the pitch and it did sound lacklustre. And there was quiet anxiety online and at the rally.'
Mr Eric Chin, the treasurer for the party's branch in Boon Lay, said there was also 'some nervousness' given that it was the first election helmed by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, who is also PAP's secretary-general.
Historically, the elections immediately after a handover of leadership typically will see a dip in vote share for the ruling party.
'The stakes were high,' Mr Chin said. 'The messaging about a dangerous world wasn't just political rhetoric – we saw first-hand how global instability affects daily lives.'
In short, while they were hopeful, activists and party members on the ground were bracing themselves for all eventualities.
'The party was prepared to lose seats,' another party member of more than 10 years said. He has been involved in two election campaigns and like some of the others who were interviewed by CNA TODAY, spoke on condition of anonymity.
Despite the initial apprehension about the election outcome, the party insiders said that the support they received while campaigning on the ground was warm.
Mr Chin said: 'We also sensed that residents were still open and willing to listen. Many just wanted to be heard.'
Ultimately, on Polling Day, the seven party members interviewed by CNA TODAY said that there was a general sense of surprise. Not only was the party returned to power, but it had successfully improved its vote share and staved off any expansion by the opposition.
PAP won 65.57 per cent of valid votes, up from 61.24 in 2020.
As for WP, it managed to retain the three constituencies it won in the last election, but its vote share in the places it contested dipped slightly by 0.45 percentage point to 50.04 per cent.
One unnamed PAP member helping with the campaigns in the east said: 'For some, like Ang Mo Kio GRC, the results were not surprising. For others, especially the ones reported to be hotly contested areas, we were surprised by the victories, even if they were small.'
Ang Mo Kio Group Representation Constituency (GRC), helmed by Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong, was handily won by PAP with healthy margins in several past elections.
In the hours after all the results were announced last weekend, political pundits pointed to voter discernment and the party's successful messaging as key contributors to PAP's successful campaign.
However, speaking to PAP activists who helped carry the party message to the masses on the ground, the picture is more nuanced. They highlighted three prominent strategies that they believe helped to deliver the strong mandate that the party ultimately garnered.
These were:
Focusing resources and attention on the hot spots in the eastern and north-eastern parts of Singapore
Refraining from personal attacks to focus on big-picture issues
Doubling down on incumbency advantage by highlighting municipal and constituency issues
SAVING FIREPOWER FOR THE EASTERN FRONT
With WP, the only opposition party with elected seats in the previous parliament, known to be focusing on eastern Singapore for its expansion plans, PAP leaders directed more attention and resources towards the east, party activists said.
'From the ground level, it did feel like resources and attention were being calibrated across constituencies. The East saw tighter contests so, naturally, more energy flowed there,' Mr Chin said.
Mr Inderjit Singh, a former PAP MP, told CNA TODAY: 'I think the PAP was more worried about the WP winning another GRC and it focused all its firepower on the east side. It knows that once lost, it would be very difficult to win back a constituency.'
On the ground, this focus on the east manifested in a few ways.
One, the ruling party kept its cards closer to its chest when it came to the east – line-ups for most other GRCs were unveiled way ahead of those for eastern constituencies – and even then, some last-minute shuffles happened.
For instance, Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong was shifted to Punggol GRC on the morning of Nomination Day itself, a move that Mr Wong explained was necessary due to the retirement of Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean in the east, but which was widely seen as an electoral manoeuvre to secure the hotspot for PAP.
Ms Indranee Rajah, who previously served in Tanjong Pagar GRC, was moved to Pasir Ris-Changi GRC just two days before Nomination Day, while the retirement of some big guns such as then- Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat and Mr Teo were announced only on Nomination Day.
These 'last-minute movements of chess pieces' were frustrating for the PAP activists because they had to work even harder in introducing the newly moved candidates to constituents in a short period of time, the party member of more than 10 years said, though he conceded that the strategy worked in the end.
'So long as in the grand scheme of things it supported the overall percentage the party scored, I don't really have any complaints,' he added.
Another way in which the focus was put on the east was in terms of airtime.
Although PAP held 20 rallies throughout the campaign period, not all constituency anchors took the stage.
Mrs Josephine Teo, who anchored Jalan Besar GRC, and Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, who anchored Holland-Bukit Timah GRC, were among those who notably did not deliver any rally speeches. Their teams had each won with more than 65 per cent of votes in 2020 and they improved on that with more than 75 per cent of vote share this year.
Teams fielded in the western and central regions were also generally either less willing or less proactive in engaging the media throughout the election campaign compared with the teams contesting in the eastern hot spots, CNA observed.
The party member of more than 10 years said the general strategy was to 'keep quiet'.
'Tampines and Punggol GRCs – the high key ones – they have to talk, but the ones that are not relevant, and we think are in an 'okay' position, the stance was, 'Don't talk. You'll add fuel to the fire',' he added.
This minimised the risk of candidates accidentally making comments to the media that may take away attention from the debates in the hot spots.
In the last stretch of the campaigning period, Mr Lee and Mr Wong paid a visit to Tampines GRC to throw their weight behind the PAP team contesting there, helmed by Social and Family Development Minister Masagos Zulkifli.
When asked about the thinking behind these visits, the activists said that it was to emphasise to the residents how the party took the campaigning at those constituencies seriously, adding that the party leaders went where they were ' most needed '.
Notably, Mr Wong also gave his last two rally speeches this year in the hot spots of Punggol and Sengkang.
TAKING THE HIGH ROAD
Those who have had to vote in past elections would likely recall moments where the PAP launched aggressive attacks against opponents during campaign season, sometimes singling out particular individuals.
Independent political observer Felix Tan recalled a letter written by the PAP's Tan Wu Meng in the party's online newsletter on Jun 19, 2020, taking aim at WP chief Pritam Singh for his support for vocal playwright Alfian Sa'at.
Mr Pritam Singh said then that Dr Tan Wu Meng's letter, published mere days before the writ of election was issued that year on Jun 23, cast doubt on his and the WP's loyalties to the country and was 'politically motivated'.
Dr Felix Tan also pointed to past elections where the PAP targeted Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) chief Chee Soon Juan for attacks.
During GE2020, after a televised debate where Dr Chee had brought up the government's population policies and claimed that the incumbent party "toys with the idea of bringing our population to 10 million", the PAP swiftly issued a statement saying that this was a falsehood.
The ruling party said the population issue, which formed the basis of SDP's campaign, "renders the campaign pointless, and calls into question the integrity of the whole party".
It then went on to cite an incident in 1996, where Dr Chee had 'refused to apologise for his use of wrong data on healthcare subsidies at a Parliamentary Select Committee', before comparing him to a leopard that never changes its spots.
During GE2015, political office holders in the PAP also resurfaced past incidents involving Dr Chee to publicly question his character.
PAP members and activists who spoke to CNA TODAY largely agreed that the party moved away from such tactics in the GE2025.
'There was a more grounded tone, a bit more humility and a focus on listening. Internally, we were reminded constantly that we're here to serve, not just persuade,' said Mr Chin from the Boon Lay branch.
Agreeing, Mr Inderjit Singh added: 'Compared to the past GEs, this time the PAP candidates did not directly attack any candidates but actually the social media of PAP supporters was actively pointing out flaws and doing personal attacks on many of the opposition candidates.'
While the efforts seem to be coordinated, Mr Singh is unaware whether it is done on the direction of the party or just by enthusiastic supporters on their own.
Party members and political observers attributed this strategy change to voters' growing desire to see a mature political discussion, and the party's new batch of leadership being willing to take a fresh approach.
'The 4G leaders, they know to move with the times, take a different approach,' said Mr Anil Kumar Vijai Narain, a party member who was involved in campaigning for the first time this year.
'No more banging table and all, that era is over.'
One notable instance of this shift was how midway through the campaigning period, Mr Wong held a press conference in his capacity as prime minister, to caution against foreign interference, activists said.
A Singaporean preacher based in Malaysia had also taken to Facebook during the election season to throw his support behind the WP while encouraging Singaporeans to vote along racial lines.
Nonetheless, Mr Wong did not make any references to WP during his press conference.
The long-time PAP member who has volunteered for two general election campaigns said that had Mr Wong held the press conference in capacity as PAP secretary-general or named WP outrightly, it may not have been taken well by voters.
Various opposition parties, including the WP, responded the morning after the press conference by saying they were committed to protecting the integrity of Singapore's election process, rejecting foreign influence and keeping religion and politics separate.
That same day, however, Mr Lee questioned the opposition for not acting swiftly with regard to the issue, saying they only spoke out after the ruling party had done so.
'You didn't notice, you didn't know or buat bodoh?' asked the senior minister, using the Malay term for deliberately feigning ignorance.
Mr Zainal Sapari, a former PAP MP said: 'While the overall approach was to focus on constructive politics, there's also a role for calling things out when needed.'
He said it is part of a wider effort to ensure voters 'get a full picture, even as the main thrust of the campaign stays positive.'
Mr Inderjit Singh added: 'The retiring MPs had credibility and have developed goodwill with voters and their voices helped the new candidates get ground support.'
More generally, Dr Felix Tan said that where any "targeting" happened this year, they mainly centred on the parties' electoral campaign moves involving certain candidates rather than taking issue with their character per se.
He cited the examples of how PAP zeroed in on Dr Chee moving to Sembawang West SMC, and WP taking aim at Mr Gan's eleventh-hour deployment to Punggol GRC.
That's not to say that allegations of dirty politics did not surface at all during GE2025.
Shortly before the official campaigning season began, screenshots surfaced online purportedly showing PAP activists planning among themselves to disrupt walkabouts held by an opposition party.
The party did not respond to CNA's queries about these screenshots when asked about them during the hustings.
Members who spoke to CNA TODAY said they were not not aware of the alleged plan, but added that generally, the decision-making for ground campaigning activities are decentralised to the respective branches.
They said that such alleged behaviours are not in line with the party's values, and if they were indeed true, may have come from some overzealous members.
Separately, a snippet from the draft of a speech by the PAP's Edward Chia was circulated online, which included a line indicating that after Mr Chia had delivered a particular paragraph, a PAP supporter in the crowd would shout negative remarks about the SDP.
This did not happen eventually – Mr Chia delivered his speech and that paragraph as prepared but there was no audible response from the crowd.
Mr Chia, who contested Holland-Bukit Timah GRC, was speaking at the rally for Bukit Panjang SMC, which was being contested by SDP.
Asked by alternative media site The Online Citizen about the draft, Mr Chia responded that he had overruled it as it was 'not my style'.
MUNICIPAL MATTERS MATTER
While issues such as the aborted Income-Allianz deal, last-minute candidate deployments and the GST hikes dominated debates in hotly contested areas, other constituencies doubled down on their track record on the ground.
Ms June Lim, a PAP member involved in the campaigning at Pioneer SMC, described this as one of the factors that helped the party win with such decisive margins, as 'voters know what we are talking about and could see the outcomes for themselves'.
'Ultimately, they are more inclined to vote for a candidate that will take action to address their daily needs or take their feedback. It could be as simple as a traffic shortcut or a new covered linkway,' she said
In Pioneer SMC, labour MP Patrick Tay was defending his seat against the Progress Singapore Party's Stephanie Tan, a candidate who gained prominence for representing the opposition party during Mediacorp's General Election round-table discussion.
Mr Tay widened his winning margin this year to about 64.4 per cent of votes, up slightly from the 62 per cent he garnered against a PSP and an independent candidate in 2020.
'I had confidence that the national media and overall party campaign would cover the macro narrative. So by going hyperlocal, we could better speak about results and initiatives, which are tangible to the voters in Pioneer,' said Ms June Lin.
Mr Anil, who had helped out with the campaign in Bishan-Toa Payoh GRC, said that based on his engagement efforts, ultimately what won the voters over was their familiarity with how the MPs had helped the estates over the last five years, and the tangible plans they have to offer in the next term.
Mr Chee Hong Tat, anchor minister for the constituency, promised a new hawker centre and a slew of other rejuvenation plans for the mature estates in the constituency. The PAP won the GRC with 75.12 per cent of votes, up from 67.23 per cent in 2020.
In Bukit Panjang SMC, which was touted as a close fight, the rematch between PAP's Liang Eng Hwa and SDP's Paul Tambyah saw Mr Liang make significant gains this year – from 53.73 in 2020 to 61.43 per cent.
Here, Mr Liang had also doubled down on the role he played as an MP there and took effort in his rally to highlight examples of how he had lobbied for his residents' interests, as he countered Dr Tambyah's argument that all development projects can still carry on regardless of which party was in charge of the ward.
RESPECTING VOTERS PAID 'HANDSOME DIVIDENDS'
According to an online poll conducted by Blackbox Research, the PAP's overall advantage came from campaign discipline and long-term planning. The poll was conducted with 500 Singaporeans on Apr 29 and 30, at the tail end of the campaigning period.
"Operationally, they outperformed the opposition on nearly every key campaign metric, particularly in local ground efforts and policy articulation," said the firm.
For instance, on the performance metrics of "strength of their policies and ideas" as well as "local campaigning in your area", the ruling party led WP by 16 points, the survey found.
Giving his overall assessment of the strategies deployed by the PAP this year, political analyst and associate professor of law Eugene Tan said that the party 'ran a disciplined campaign'.
The PAP portrayed itself as the ruling party rather than a 'party under siege', even in the face of the opposition's collective attacks on issues such as the GST hikes, said the former Nominated Member of Parliament.
'By not being unduly defensive, the PAP was able to keep themselves and voters focused on the key issues of the day. This obviously worked to their advantage, as the PAP had long-standing performance legitimacy and street credibility,' said Assoc Prof Tan from the Singapore Management University.
Asked about the possible risks of the strategies deployed, such as holding back their punches when dealing with the opposition, Dr Felix Tan said the choices made were ultimately 'for the better', and worked in the PAP's favour.
'Because going for the jugular, as you've seen in previous elections, didn't bode well for PAP at all,' he said.
Both political experts also noted that the court trial against Mr Pritam Singh was not brought up in this campaign, which they felt was a deliberate choice on the part of the PAP.
More broadly, any strategy would have its inherent risks and potential drawbacks, said Assoc Prof Eugene Tan.
But taken together, the PAP's overall strategy was to make the call for stability, continuity and security, qualities that the PAP has a track record to show for, without having to 'pooh-pooh' on the message of having a more balanced political system advocated by the WP and opposition parties, he said.
'It is fundamentally about earnestly engaging and respecting the voter's autonomy to decide without being browbeaten by the dominant ruling party,' he continued.
'This healthy respect for the voter, seeking to connect with them at the level of both the intellect and affect paid handsome dividends.'

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