
DA is pragmatic on matters of style, principled on matters of substance
CAPE TOWN - The Democratic Alliance (DA) may have navigated recent court battles against government and still managed to stave off being thrown out of the coalition but party leader John Steenhuisen said that his party doesn't plan to become a pushover on matters of principle for the party.
This includes the Expropriation Act and the National Health Insurance (NHI), which were signed into law during the previous administration.
Saturday marked one year since the statement of intent was signed, which governs the coalition.
ALSO READ:
• EFF says 'there's nothing that has improved' under GNU, which is a govt of convenience
• DA's Steenhuisen admits being in govt harder in reality than it appears from opposition benches
• Steenhuisen says biggest surprise of past year is how well GNU partners stuck together
• GNU at 1: Analysts believe not enough has been done to transcend party lines
However, in the absence of terms of reference for the Government of National Unity (GNU)'s dispute mechanism, exactly how does the party plan to negotiate the challenges that lie ahead?
Steenhuisen said that his party would prefer to iron out matters of contention within the GNU and not by heading to the courts.
But he said that the statement of intent recognised parties' rights to approach the judiciary on matters of dispute.
Steenhuisen said that while the party had made several compromises on new legislation, including on the minimum wage, it was unapologetic for going up against the finance minister over a proposal to increase the value-added tax (VAT) rate.
"I think we've demonstrated that we are pragmatic on matters of style, but we are principled on matters of substance, and I think that's very important, particularly in the VAT fight, and it showed as well that we can prevail."
Steenhuisen said that the party's commitment to the GNU can't be second-guessed and it was unfair to say the party still behaved like an opposition party when it disagreed with the African National Congress (ANC).
"The last year has been tough because all of us have had to unlearn muscle memory of the previous 30 years. The ANC muscle memory is that they are the majority party and they can do what they like. The DA's muscle memory was opposition, and so all of us have had to relearn new muscle memory to navigate the new environment that the voters have thrust upon us."
Steenhuisen said the party still wanted the Expropriation Act to be returned to Parliament for refinement.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


eNCA
2 hours ago
- eNCA
Language row erupts during Kouga council meeting
JEFFREYS BAY - The Kouga Municipality in the Eastern Cape is embroiled in a language controversy. Opposition parties allege that isiXhosa-speaking councillors are being silenced for speaking their mother tongue during council meetings. The Speaker, who reportedly does not speak isiXhosa, is accused of insisting that councillors use only English or Afrikaans, threatening action for non-compliance. The Speaker maintains, however, that English has always been the primary language of council proceedings. The caucus leader for the DA in the Kouga Municipality has dismissed the language bias claims. Bornman Hattingh, who is also the mayor, says they've always used English and Afrikaans.


Mail & Guardian
16 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Labour department denies racial quotas in Employment Equity Amendment Act
Minister of Labour and Employment Nomakhosazana Meth. (File photo) The department of employment and labour has rejected claims by the Democratic Alliance (DA) that the In April, the DA But labour department spokesperson Pertunia Lessing, told the Mail & Guardian that the Act 'does not have quotas'. The DA, whose challenge will be heard in the coming weeks, says the new amendments will 'make employers self-implement sectoral racial quotas', which give employers the right to identify and record an employee's race if the employee chooses not to disclose it voluntarily. In a written reply to a DA question in parliament, Employment and Labour Minister Nomakhosazana Meth said the amendment was meant to ensure 'reliable, existing historical data'. This would mean that an employee would either need to disclose their family history, which is considered personal information, or have their race assumed. DA spokesperson on labour Michael Bagraim said Meth's 'generic' definitions of persons of colour cannot stand in a democratic South Africa. 'This is a preposterous suggestion and appears to expect employers to conduct race inspections to tick a box, in order to avoid being fined,' he said. According to the Employment Equity Act, 'black people' is a generic term that includes African, coloured and Indian people. This definition in the Act has not been amended since 1998. According to the 2025 amendments, employers with 50 or more workers are required to ask each worker to fill out a form to declare their occupational level in terms of race, gender and disability status information. If an employee refuses to fill out the form or gives incorrect details, the employer is allowed to use reliable past or current information to determine the person's race, gender or disability status. This process must be done at the workplace and is the employer's legal duty. The DA accused the minister of not conducting a formal investigation based on evidence to establish the 'South Africa continues to be one of the most unequal nations on Earth, with more than eight million South Africans unemployed and a small elite enriched, making the evidence against employment equity regulations undeniable,' Bagraim said. The Act as amended further sets hiring quotas for 18 economic sectors, from mining and transport to construction and agriculture, in a bid to increase employment opportunities for 'designated groups' including black people, women and people living with disabilities. The DA noted that South Africa no longer uses the Population Registration Act, an 'It cannot stand that employers become racial classification agents,' Bagraim said.

IOL News
16 hours ago
- IOL News
The weaponisation of intelligence in SA politics
Nco Dube a political economist, businessman, and social commentator. Image: Supplied The recent revelation by former uMkhonto weSizwe Party Secretary General Floyd Shivambu, who claims he was sacked on the basis of a fake intelligence report, is neither new nor surprising in the context of South Africa's post-apartheid political landscape. Instead, it is the latest in a long line of controversies where unverified intelligence reports have been deployed as weapons in intra-party feuds, factional battles, and the broader contest for power, often with former president Jacob Zuma at the centre. The use of intelligence reports—real, doctored, or entirely fabricated—as tools for political ends is deeply embedded in our recent history. The so-called 'Browse Mole Report' is a prime example: a controversial document that allegedly implicated various political figures and was used as justification for decisive political actions, despite its questionable provenance. Throughout Zuma's presidency and beyond, a series of unverified intelligence reports have surfaced, each conveniently appearing at moments of heightened political tension, often to the detriment of Zuma's rivals or critics. These reports have not only been used to discredit opponents but have also served as pretexts for removals, suspensions, and even criminal investigations. The pattern is clear: intelligence, or at least the suggestion of it, becomes a bludgeon in the hands of those seeking to manipulate outcomes within the ANC (or its offshoots like the EFF and the MKP) and the state at large. Another one of the most infamous cases was the so-called 'Operation Check Mate' intelligence report. In March 2017, then-President Jacob Zuma abruptly instructed Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan to cancel an international investor roadshow and return to South Africa. The only explanation offered was an 'intelligence report' alleging that Gordhan was plotting with foreign interests in the UK and the US to overthrow the state. The report's existence and authenticity were never substantiated, and it was widely dismissed as a fabrication designed to justify Gordhan's removal and facilitate a cabinet reshuffle. In December 2021, journalist Thabo Makwakwa received a purported State Security Agency (SSA) report alleging that the United States had infiltrated the ANC's leadership to the point of influencing or subverting national policy. The report was used to justify a High Court gag order preventing publication, ostensibly for reasons of national security. However, the Supreme Court of Appeal later ruled that the classification of the report as 'secret' was unjustified and that its suppression served the political interests of the ANC, not the country. The court's decision exposed how the SSA's mechanisms were misused to fight internal ANC battles and highlighted the blurred lines between party and state. There have also been instances where fake intelligence reports were used to push false claims of judicial corruption. Political figures like Bantu Holomisa, Julius Malema, and former Public Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane have been accused of leveraging such reports to undermine the judiciary's credibility. These tactics not only damage individual reputations but also erode public trust in key democratic institutions. Another example is the 'enemy of the state' dossier targeting the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa). This fake report surfaced during a period of intense labour and political contestation, aiming to discredit Numsa leaders and justify state surveillance or action against them. The report was later exposed as baseless, but not before it had caused significant disruption within the union and the broader labour movement. The Supreme Court of Appeal's rulings and investigative journalism have repeatedly shown how the SSA has been weaponised to serve the interests of particular ANC factions. The agency's resources and credibility have been compromised by their use in intra-party feuds, often with little regard for legality or national interest. Shivambu's claim that a fake intelligence report was used to justify his removal fits seamlessly into this established pattern. His experience reflects the broader reality of intelligence being weaponised in the service of political factionalism. The implications of his allegations are profound: they highlight the persistent challenge of verifying intelligence in a context where its very existence is often shrouded in secrecy and where the mere mention of a 'report' can be enough to destroy reputations and careers. Why Intelligence Is So Easily Weaponised South Africa's intelligence community has its roots in the clandestine operations of both the apartheid regime and the liberation movements. The skills, networks, and mindsets developed during those years did not simply disappear with the advent of democracy. Instead, they were repurposed, sometimes for noble ends, but often for the pursuit of personal or factional power. The ANC, as the dominant political force, has long been riven by internal divisions. Intelligence operatives and their reports are frequently drawn into these battles, not in the service of national security, but to gather dirt on rivals, discredit them, and sway internal elections. This dynamic has only intensified as the stakes have grown, with control of the state and its resources hanging in the balance. The Zuma Factor Jacob Zuma's career is inextricably linked with the intelligence world. As a former head of intelligence for the ANC in exile, Zuma has always understood the power of information and disinformation. His rise to power and his presidency were marked by a proliferation of intelligence-related scandals, from the so-called 'spy tapes' to the endless stream of dossiers implicating his enemies in plots, corruption, or treason. Zuma's embedded relationship with intelligence operatives, both official and shadowy, allows him to cultivate an aura of omniscience and threat: his opponents could never be sure what he knows, what he was willing to fabricate, or how far he would go to protect himself. The Mechanics of Fake Intelligence Reports Fake intelligence reports are typically crafted by individuals or groups with access to the language, format, and networks of the intelligence community. They are then leaked, sometimes anonymously, sometimes through willing intermediaries, to the media, party structures, or law enforcement agencies. The reports are rarely subjected to rigorous verification; their power lies in their ability to sow doubt and suspicion, not in their factual accuracy. Once in circulation, these reports serve multiple functions, discrediting political opponents by associating them with scandal or criminality. They then justify suspensions, removals, or investigations under the guise of 'due diligence,' creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust, deterring would-be challengers from stepping out of line. The media, often hungry for scoops and exclusives, can become unwitting amplifiers of these reports. Even when journalists are sceptical, the mere existence of a 'leaked intelligence report' is newsworthy, and the damage to reputations is often irreversible, regardless of subsequent denials or debunking. Few, if any, of those responsible for producing or disseminating fake intelligence reports are ever held to account. The ephemeral nature of these documents and the secrecy that surrounds them make it difficult to trace responsibility or impose consequences. For those in power, the ability to instill fear and uncertainty is a potent weapon. Zuma's Legacy: Intelligence as a Source of Power and Control Zuma's presidency did not invent the use of intelligence as a political tool, but it did elevate it to an art form. By cultivating relationships with both official intelligence operatives and shadowy figures, Zuma created an environment where information, real or fabricated, became the currency of power. His willingness to deploy intelligence innuendo, to hint at plots and conspiracies, and to use reports (however dubious) as justification for political action has left a lasting mark on South African politics.