Kaamatan: A call for unity in the land of Huminodun

As Sabah welcomes the radiant glow of Kaamatan and the haunting strains of the sompoton fill the valleys, this sacred period, rooted in the legend of Huminodun, prompts deep introspection and thankfulness. Huminodun, the revered maiden whose selfless act brought forth the first rice harvest, embodies unity and altruism.
This leads to a critical question: How can a person who honors such a powerful symbol of cohesion remain entangled in political disarray? The Kadazandusun, Sabah's largest indigenous community, holds vast potential. However, their true strength can only be unlocked by embracing the ancient wisdom of Misompuru (Unity) and forging a collective vision for what lies ahead.
At the core of Kadazandusun beliefs is the touching narrative of Huminodun. Faced with devastating famine, Kinoingan, the creator deity, made an unimaginable choice: to save humanity, he had to sacrifice his only child. With immense love and dedication, Huminodun willingly offered herself. Her body was laid into the earth, from which the first rice emerged, sustaining countless generations. This ultimate sacrifice, commemorated yearly during Kaamatan through ceremonies like the Magavau, transcends a mere story of sorrow; it stands as a powerful testament to the strength of unity and the profound connection between individuals and their community.
The Unduk Ngadau, or harvest queen, chosen during the festival, personifies Huminodun's purity, wisdom, and grace. Her symbolic role reminds the community that leadership must serve the greater good. Yet, in today's political landscape, this sacred covenant appears forgotten. How has a people united by the legacy of a heroine who gave her life for unity allowed themselves to splinter into factions that seem to thrive on division?
Sabah's political sphere has become increasingly fragmented, with multiple parties — UPKO, PBS, PBRS, STAR, among others — jostling for influence under the banner of Kadazandusun rights. Despite their common cause, internal rivalries, shifting alliances, and competing agendas have weakened their collective voice. This political disunity has led to tangible consequences. Native land rights, enshrined in law, are routinely undermined by external interests, yet without a united political front, enforcement remains elusive.
Economically, many rural Kadazandusun communities continue to face hardship, trapped in cycles of poverty and underdevelopment, while disjointed leadership fails to marshal coordinated advocacy. The cultural cost is no less grave. A 2017 Borneo Post Online article, 'The Kadazandusun language dilemma,' highlighted that many district youth under thirty struggled to speak Kadazan. This aligns with a 2005 UNESCO report deeming Kadazandusun endangered, a critical indicator that the culture risks disappearing without targeted efforts.
This is not the legacy Huminodun died to bequeath. Her act was a call to unity, not a license for petty squabbles. Kaamatan, at its core, has always been more than a celebration of harvest — it is a time of renewal, of reconciling differences, sharing abundance, and reaffirming kinship. In the past, rituals led by the bobohizan or bombolian were not only spiritual acts but mechanisms for healing and consensus. Elders resolved conflicts, families shared the first rice harvest, and the community danced the sumazau in harmonious rhythm, reflecting a society at peace with itself.
Today, Kaamatan risks becoming a hollow shell — reduced to pageantry and performance, stripped of its deeper meaning — unless its essence is reclaimed. Imagine if political leaders, instead of trading barbs, genuinely shared tapai under the roof of Hongkod Koisaan, pledging collaboration over competition.
Picture the unveiling of a unified agenda for the Kadazandusun people — rooted in land protection, cultural preservation and educational reform — delivered not in separate party platforms, but as a collective vision.
Envision young people and women — torchbearers of Huminodun's spirit — leading campaigns that transcend partisan lines, igniting hope in both village halls and digital spaces. The image of Kadazandusun leaders joining in the sumazau, moving in unison like the intertwined roots of the rice plant, could become a powerful living symbol of Misompuru — not just a concept, but a call to action.
Around the world, indigenous peoples have found strength in solidarity. The Māori of New Zealand, by uniting under the framework of the Treaty of Waitangi, secured not only land reparations but a firm voice in parliament. In the United States, the Navajo Nation, despite its internal diversity, consolidated political power to protect its resources and secure federal support. These examples show that unity is not a surrender of identity; it is a strategy for survival and growth. The Kadazandusun, with their profound cultural heritage, could likewise wield greater influence through cooperation and shared purpose. Perhaps, like the Māori Kingitanga, a central movement rooted in cultural pride and political coordination could emerge.
To make Misompuru a reality, several key steps are needed. The formation of a Kadazandusun Political Council — serving as a neutral platform akin to the bobohizan's role as mediator — could help align party priorities and push for crucial legislation, from protecting Native Customary Rights (NCR) land to intensifying Kadazandusun-language education and developing sustainable rural economies. Grassroots initiatives should accompany this political reawakening. A 'Tumahui do Huminodun' campaign could mobilize youth around the symbolism of her sacrifice, linking tradition to activism through art, dialogue, and community action. Even simple efforts, such as rival politicians co-hosting Kaamatan activities or jointly planting rice, can plant seeds of trust and solidarity.
As the gongs echo and the scent of hinava drifts through the air, this Kaamatan, the Kadazandusun are called to make a choice. Will they continue down a path of fragmentation, or rise together as people bound by the same moon that once witnessed their ancestors dance in unity? Huminodun's story is not merely a legend to be admired; it is a roadmap waiting to be followed. Just as her body became the rice that sustained a people, today's leaders must transform their ambitions into nourishment for the collective good. This moment goes beyond politics. It is about safeguarding a heritage — the terraced paddies, the chants of the bobohizan, the laughter of children speaking the language of their forebears. It is about honoring the spirits of those who came before by securing a dignified future for those yet to come.
Let this Kaamatan mark a new beginning. Let it prove that Misompuru is not a forgotten dream but a living, breathing force. For as the proverb reminds us: 'Ounsik do Huminodun, ounsik do Kaamatan.' Without Huminodun, there is no harvest. And without unity, there is no future.
Nokoturu ti Huminodun, moginum ti tapai do Misompuru (Follow Huminodun's path, and drink the rice wine of unity.)

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Daily Express

19 hours ago

• Daily Express

It's all about the seats

Published on: Sunday, June 22, 2025 Published on: Sun, Jun 22, 2025 By: Datuk Teddy Chin Text Size: NOW that Kaamatan is over and Hari Raya Haji has just been celebrated, the question of when is the State election is the hot topic in coffeeshops again. Sabah is not short of soothsayers or Nujum Pak Belalang to borrow P. Ramlee's words. Whatever it is, dissolution of the State Assembly is not expected before TYT's birthday celebration on the 3rd weekend of this month followed by Awal Murharram holiday at the end of the month. Neither is election expected before National Day or Merdeka cum Sabah Day on August 31, if you like, and Malaysia Day on September 16. The State Assembly is set to meet for two days in early July so it got to be after that. But when? However, dissolution of the State Assembly and the actual election dates are two different things. The dissolution date is up to the State Government of the day with the consent of the Governor while the election date is up to the Election Commission. Election must be held within 60 days from the date of dissolution. Meaning if the Assembly is dissolved in September, election is likely to be in October or early November. A little bird on the tree told me that the Assembly might be dissolved in September. But which part of September remains to be seen for example whether it's after Malaysia Day pn Sept 16 or…. most probably late September as the present State Government was elected late 2020. Advertisement Next comes the question of whether the State ruling coalition of GRS+ will maintain its cooperation or GRS may go solo as hinted a few times. The + here refers to GRS plus PH comprising DAP, PKR, Upko and Amanah. Recently PM Anwar floated the idea of including BN in the 'Plus' but by now it is obvious that GRS is only keen on cooperating with PH but not the Umno-led BN. So it's either GRS going solo or the present arrangement of GRS+PH to continue. CM and GRS chairman Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Hj Noor recently indicated that he prefers the present arrangement to continue. This was echoed by GRS Secretary-General Datuk Seri Panglima Masidi Manjun who said that everything will be finalised at the GRS Supreme Council meeting expected end of this month or early July. So all signs point to a GRS+PH coalition. But for the purpose of this article and for argument sake, let's first assume that GRS goes solo for understandable reasons. If GRS goes solo, Tan Sri Pandikar Amin, Datuk Seri Panglima Yong Teck Lee and Datuk Seri Panglima Dr Jeffrey Kitingan will be the happiest persons because this is what they wanted all along. Pandikar leads Usno, Yong SAPP and Jeffrey Star. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to figure out why the trio wants GRS to go solo. For the record, both Usno and SAPP failed to win a single seat in the 2020 State election. Star won half a dozen but it is no secret that Dr Jeffery wants his party to be given as many seats as possible. He reasoned that every party has a right to request for seats and whether they get what they want is another matter. PBS, with whom Star was supposed to have merged, has remained silent on the number of seats it is aiming. This is good strategy. It is better to silently discuss at closed-door meetings then shouting through the Press. If GRS goes solo, then the eight component parties will have 73 seats to divide among themselves. PGRS, the leader of the pact or being the 'Tai Koh' as it is the CM's party, is expected to be given the lion's share. Even parties (including LDP, PCS and PHRS) which did not win a single seat in 2020 will then have a better chance to contest. I don't expect them to be given a lot of seats though. Maybe a few lah. I understand that the formula is that it will be status quo. Meaning, for example, if a seat is currently represented by PGRS, then it goes back to PGRS. I suppose that includes assemblymen from Warisan and Umno who had crossed over to PGRS. The PGRS assemblymen won their seats on PN/Bersatu ticket in 2022 but they are now in PGRS. They 'jumped' before the law was amended. So they are safe. One of Umno's conditions if it's a PH-BN-GRS is that it must contest the seats that it won in 2020 (13 I think). Don't know yet if they would ask for more. If you were GRS, would you agree? What more if it were a GRS-PH-BN coalition, even within GRS itself also all is not well as indicated by Pandikar's threat to quit the coalition recently. As Dr Jeffrey said, naturally each part wants to get as many seats as possible. That being aside, it is only to be expected that each party will respect its coalition partner. Even if you are aiming for the same seat, at least respect your coalition partner lah. I may be wrong and stand to be corrected. Recently a very senior PBS leader openly stated that his party is aiming for the Kukusan seat in Tawau. May be his reason is that Kukusan was won by Warisan and therefore it's everybody's cake now. Fair enough. But he seems to forget that the Kukusan YB has since crossed over to Tan Sri Liew Yun Fah's party PHRS and is now that party's sole elected Assemblyman. How do you think PHRS will feel? You don't do that to your coalition partner. There are 72 other seats for you to grab apart from Kukusan. Leave Rina Jainal alone lah. Out of the 8 GRS component parties, only 3 – PGRS (formerly Bersatu), PBS and Star – won seats in the 2020 State election. So why admit the 5 who didn't wina a seat? This is Hajiji's political style. He wants to bring as many local parties as possible under GRS's wing. Hajiji has seen how powerful local parties can be when they are united, as proven by Sarawak. Nobody can touch Sarawak. It is perhaps this style of Hajiji which made certain people unhappy to the extent that they tried to topple him in January 2023. But they underestimated Hajiji and failed miserably. Today, they try to team up with GRS indirectly. First, they got the PM and Unity Government to announce that PH and BN to face the Sabah election together, expecting GRS to follow suit. But Hajiji is not stupid. He is not someone to be pushed around. He has been a YB since 1990. He knows what he is doing. OK now let's assume that the GRS+PH arrangement will go on. The present arrangement was made when Datuk Seri Panglima Christina Liew was PH Chairman for Sabah early 2023. But things have changed. Christina is no longer the Chairman. The new Chairman is Upko Chairman Datuk Ewon Benedict. It is an open secret that he and Sabah DAP leader Ginger Phoong 'clique' like abang adik since Warisan time when they were described as the two young turks. So we don't know what is in these two young men's mind. Soon after his election as Sabah DAP chairman, Ginger already issued a statement saying that his party would reconsider its alignment with the State Government in the light of the so-called minerals 'scandal'. I understand that DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke has no problem with DAP working with GRS. All this talk about State autonomy, to me, is only egoistic. On Upko's part, it shouldn't forget that the party won only one seat (Ewon's own) out of the one dozen it contested. So when they make demands I hope they are realistic. Hajiji is keen on the GRS-PH coalition partly to give face to PM Anwar as PKR is his party. But if Sabah PH makes unrealistic demands, what do you expect oh? Hajiji bukan bodoh bah. If Sabah PH's demands are too much, then the only way is masing masing lah. GRS go solo lah. Pandikar, Yong and Jeffery will be happy. Sabah PKR chairman Datuk Mustapha Sakmud said certain areas may see friendly contests. But if there are too many friendly contests, then it defeats the purpose of a coalition. May as well go all out. The idea of 'Friendly Contests' first surfaced when Usno and Upko participated in the 1967 state election. And again during Berjaya in 1982. Both Berjaya and Usno were components of BN in 1980s. That was just before Usno was kicked out of BN for opposing the Labuan handover. Berjaya planted Independents in 4 MP areas where Usno represented BN. All 4 Berjaya-sponsored Independents won. New PKR deputy president Nurul Izzah Anwar mentioned that the party hoped to contest 13 seats in Sabah, presumably under coalition with GRS. Sabah DAP has said it intended to contest 10 including the 6 it won in 2020. That's already 23 total. PH members Upko and Amanah have not mentioned how may seats they intend to contest. So the total is expected to be more than 35 if not more. The magic number to form the Sabah Government is 37 to make a simple majority. GRS is not expected to contest less than 50 to be on the safe side. PGRS Vice Chairman Datuk Masiung Banah recently hinted that GRS might contest 52 seats, leaving PH with 21. From where he got the figures or whether he spoke for the party, I don't know. Will PH accept 21? Just the expectations of PKR and DAP is already 23. Where does that leave Upko? Never mind Amanah. This seat thing can be a headache and I don't want to be in Hajiji's shoes right now. He can't offend both GRS and PH. But trust me, Hajiji is an old hand in politics and more than capable in handling this. Each party, be it from GRS or PH, needs to give and take. If nobody wants to give in, free for all lah? Lastly, politics is dynamic. Any pre-election pact does not necessarily materialize after the election. This is politics. Enemies can become friends and vice-versa. The best example is prior to the 2022 MP election, BN or Umno's stand was 'No DAP, No Anwar'. But look what happened after the election? Umno president Ahmad Zahid supported Anwar to be PM just to frustrate Muhyiddin Yassin and PAS. And DAP is a PH component. It's Zahid swallowing his pride. As the Malay proverb says, 'Jangan ludah ke langit kerana dia akan jatuh ke muka awak'. Can history repeat itself in Sabah end of this year? Anything is possible. Politics is a number game. We will only know after the election. For example, Warisan and KDM with only a few seats each (no offence meant) can turn out to be the kingmakers after the election. Who they team up with, be it BN or PH or even GRS is another matter. Politics is the art of the possible. Sabah Umno chairman himself admitted that any coalition can only be finalised after the election, although it is unlikely that GRS would want to work with him. A good example is what happened in Sabah after the 2018 election. BN, short of two seats, managed to form the government with Star's two seats. Then suddenly Upko with its few assemblymen changed allegiance and supported Warisan. The rest is history. It is believed that Sabahans 'punished' Upko in 2020 when only one of its 12 candidates won. The president then was Wilfred Madius Tangau who also lost. After the 2020 election, each of the Warisan+ parties went their own way. Upko joined Anwar's PH and it turned out to be a wise decision. From just one MP (Tangau) previously, Upko won two in 2022, the other being Ewon Benedict who replaced Tangau as Upko president. Upko was given a new lease of life. Someone said it rose from the dead. It is believed that DAP's Ginger influenced new Upko president Ewon to join PH. The gamble paid off. One of the things that voters will be looking at in the forthcoming election will be the GRS+ government's performance past few years. Sabah has just been named 'Malaysia's Most Outstanding State for 2024' at the International Business Review (IBR) Asean Awards 2025. Need I say more? When PM Anwar was in town recently, he personally launched a multi-billion ringgit project. Need I say more? The Chinese and Koreans have poured in billions over the last few years in Sabah by way of investments. Need I say more? Of course there will be issues. If the Opposition don't bring up any issue, how are they going to win a single seat? Whatever the Government does will be wrong to the Opposition. That's why they are called Opposition. They can only see what the Government has not done. Not what the government has done. They cannot afford to give credit to the government. Sabah Maju Jaya. The views expressed here are the views of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of the Daily Express. If you have something to share, write to us at: [email protected]

Borneo Post

2 days ago

• Borneo Post

Could MA63 cause a defeat of Malayan parties?

The Peninsular-based national parties risk losing substantial number of votes – and some seats? – in the forthcoming 17th state general election (PRN17) given their current continued neglect of the Sabahans' demand for fulfilment of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). The issue has spiked in its sensitivity, having been a thorn in the flesh of voters in Sabah for a full four decades! Since 1985, PBS had consistently included MA63 and Sabah rights in its election manifestos, speeches and party congresses. In 1990, PBS demanded a '50–50 redistribution' of revenue from Sabah's resources, setting the stage for a continued MA63 advocacy. And since years ago until this very day Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan has been the no-nonsense advocate of the issue. To anticipate significant losses for national or Malayan parties come PRN17 is a mild prediction compared to the dire warning by Professor James Chin in a May 15 interview with Khoo Hsu Chuong during which he, without mincing words, said, 'Give the East Malaysians what they want or risk losing the elections!' Who can argue that the MA63, having a dosage potency greater than the combined potency of all the other issues, is expected to be a powerful and highly contentious issue in the upcoming Sabah state election, potentially becoming a major challenge, or even a Waterloo, for Malayan-based political parties contesting in Sabah. It no longer requires reexplaining that MA63 pertains to Sabah's rights and autonomy as agreed upon during the formation of Malaysia in 1963, with its key demand being the fulfilment of Sabah's entitlement to 40% of revenues collected by the federal government from the state, which Sabah leaders claim has been unpaid since 1974. This point of contention invokes, as its consequences, the images of bad roads, dilapidated schools and pathetic standard of basic amenities in 'the poorest state in Malaysia'. Sabah voters, especially the youth and rural communities, are highly sensitive to the MA63 issue which is now a key factor influencing voter sentiment and political alignments in the state. The mere mention of this deeply ingrained terminology of 'MA63' never fails to infuriate the common voter who sees it as a betrayal, the example of a blatant lie and ultimately a moral insult to Sabahans. This perception is no exaggeration knowing leaders like Dr Jeffrey, Deputy Chief Miniter 1, describes Sabah as 'colonised'! Tied to the matter is the issue of Borneonization written in the 20 Points. Sabah-based parties emphasize the need for Sabah to be managed by Sabahans, reflecting a 'Sabah for Sabahans' sentiment. There is strong local opposition to Malayan parties governing Sabah, as history has shown that non-Sabah parties have not always acted in the state's best interests. This local-first sentiment is non-negotiable for many voters. The entry and involvement of Malayan political parties in Sabah's political landscape are viewed as undermining the autonomy guaranteed by MA63. This is seen as hegemonic encroachment that threatens Sabah's unique cultural, economic and political identity and fuels distrust among Sabahans towards Malayan parties. The ruling Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) coalition, which includes local parties, has been criticized for not pushing hard enough for MA63 rights, choosing instead to work alongside the federal government. This pragmatic approach contrasts with more pro-Sabah parties like STAR, which strongly advocates for MA63 and 'Sabah for Sabahans'. The situation puts Malayan parties such as Umno and the Pakatan Harapan coalition into a formidable corner, facing a challenge to resolve factional conflicts and local resistance. Umno's internal factionalism, with three internal leadership blocks, renders it weakened, lacking of a strong local ideological foundation. Sabah Umno leader, Datuk Seri Bung Mokhtar Radin, has resorted to branding GRS as actually a Malayan-founded coalition, and unable to present a coherent and solid vision for Sabah under Umno/BN. And ironically, Prime Minister Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim had tried to reign in support from Sabahans by reprimanding the Sabah leaders for 'shouting and cursing' in their demands for Sabah rights – hardly an effective strategy of love and care. Pakatan Harapan's current approach to secure local support for the federal (Madani) government has veered off the rail and doesn't fully resonate with local sentiments. The PM still believes Sabahans can be cowed into submission and subservience with a sharp whip, which by itself is definitive of the Malayan political attitude towards the peoples of the Borneo states. Given the strong local-first sentiment, the centrality of MA63 in voter concerns, and the perception that Malayan parties undermine Sabah's autonomy, MA63 is likely to be a critical and potentially divisive issue in the next Sabah state election. It could indeed be a bane, possibly destructive, for Malayan parties if they continue to be seen as neglectful in convincingly addressing Sabahans' demands for autonomy and economic rights under MA63. As such, local parties advocating for Sabah's rights and autonomy are expected to have a much higher advantage in mobilizing voter support. Could then Malayan parties, post-PRN17, be going back home to Kuala Lumpur limping in defeat? And could Professor James Chin be in another interview with a gloating smile saying, 'I told you so!'?

Daily Express

4 days ago

• Daily Express

PBS confident of retaining Matunggong for GRS

Published on: Thursday, June 19, 2025 Published on: Thu, Jun 19, 2025 Text Size: Julitah posing for a photo with Dr Joachim and other leaders at the event. MATUNGGONG: Matunggong Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) is confident of defending its constituency in the coming 17th state election, with party machinery and members remaining united and prepared for any eventuality. Matunggong PBS Division Chief Datuk Julita Majungki, who is also PBS Secretary-General cum Assistant Finance Minister I, expressed confidence that the party and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) coalition can retain the seat if they remain united. Advertisement 'Elections can happen anytime within the next three to four months. If we stay united and prepared, I believe we can maintain our victory,' she said in her policy speech at the PBS Matunggong PBS Division's 40th annual general meeting held at Dewan Terbuka Pekan Matunggong, recently. The meeting was officiated by PBS Acting President Datuk Seri Dr Joachim Gunsalam. Julita said PBS's struggle remains relevant and based on its original principles. She said as a 40-year-old local party, PBS continues to champion the rights of Sabah's people and the state, particularly through the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) framework. 'We must remember that the spirit of demanding MA63 rights, which was once seen as an act of defiance, has now become the main agenda of many parties, including those who once opposed this effort,' she said. She urged the public to be wise in their assessment and not be deceived by those who are eloquent speakers but have a record of betrayal. Julita regards GRS as the best platform for Sabahans, reflecting the State's political maturity in forming a local coalition that no longer depends entirely on external powers. She pointed out the State's economic achievements under GRS, with State revenue jumping to RM6.4 billion in 2023 compared to RM4.4 billion in 2021 - a 44-per cent increase resulting from policies implemented under the Sabah Maju Jaya (SMJ) roadmap. Key GRS initiatives include the SMJ Rumah Mesra Programme, Sentuhan Kasih Rakyat (Syukur) and the Sabah People's Insurance Scheme, with 80 SMJ houses allocated to Matunggong. Under the Syukur scheme, RM300 monthly assistance has been distributed to selected families since early this year, while the Sabah People's Insurance Scheme offers protection to all Sabah MyKad holders for injuries and permanent disabilities due to accidents. Julita detailed PBS Matunggong's achievements based on five main pillars implemented since the 16th State Election, namely education, infrastructure, economy, socio-culture and inter-racial relations. She said a total of RM475,000 was allocated for student development through excellence incentives and school assistance. Three new kindergartens built in Kg. Panikuan, Tuid and Lotong, with air conditioning installed in three school halls. 'Two new longhouse blocks completed in Kg Toporoi, 60 SMJ houses handed over to residents with 20 more in progress. 'Over 200 village road and agricultural road construction and upgrade projects implemented since 2023 with more than RM43 million allocation through State and Federal government cooperation,' she said. Additional projects include construction of 10 shop units, Matunggong town community hall, and implementation of Indarason Pata-Rondomon and Teringai road projects by the Public Works Department. A total of 281 land grants issued in 2022, while the 2,169.7-hectare Safoda land issue is being resolved through cooperation with LUC and related agencies. Julita dismissed allegations that she sold Safoda land as cheap slander, saying that resolution is ongoing for the people's benefit. She also noted that the study to upgrade Matunggong sub-district to full district status has been completed, including the master plan for Matunggong town development. PBS Matunggong has also helped build and repair non-Islamic places of worship through Adun allocations and special State Government provisions. She expressed appreciation for Dr Joachim's attendance despite his busy schedule, describing his presence as great moral support for grassroots party members. * Follow us on our official WhatsApp channel and Telegram for breaking news alerts and key updates! * Do you have access to the Daily Express e-paper and online exclusive news? Check out subscription plans available. Stay up-to-date by following Daily Express's Telegram channel. Daily Express Malaysia