Cabinet to discuss uniform allowance, housing crisis
Social Protection Minister Dara Calleary will seek Government approval to extend access to the back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance to 2,300 children being cared for by foster families in receipt of the Foster Care Allowance.
The once-off payment helps eligible families with the cost of uniforms, clothes and footwear when children start school each autumn.
It is payable in respect of children between the ages of 4 and 17 and children between the ages of 18 and 22 who are in full-time second level education.
The Taoiseach, alongside ministers Jack Chambers and Paschal Donohoe, will look to publish the Analysis of Well-Being in Ireland report for 2025, which will be used to help set out priorities for Budget 2026.
While performance is positive overall, the analysis identifies areas where work is needed.
It highlights that unemployed people, younger workers, people in bad health, single-parent households, lower income households, and renters paying market rates are faring less well than other groups in society.
Tánaiste Simon Harris will outline the significant preparations underway for Ireland's presidency of the European Union next year.
This will be the eighth time Ireland has hosted the Presidency of the European Council and the first occasion to do so since 2013.
During the presidency term there will be 23 informal ministerial meetings hosted in Ireland and a quarter of them will be held outside Dublin.
There will also be a summit of the European Political Community (EPC) and an informal meeting of the European Council, both of which will take place in Dublin. The EPC summit will be the largest meeting Ireland has ever hosted involving leaders of 47 states as well as several heads of EU institutions and international organisations.
The Tánaiste will tell colleagues that resourcing and delivering a successful presidency in the second half of 2026 is essential for Ireland's position, influence and reputation in the EU.
Work is underway across the Government to define Ireland's policy priorities for the presidency and will intensify in the autumn. In addition to these ministerial meetings, there will also be a range of conferences and other large-scale events which may be held in locations outside Dublin to help ensure an appropriate regional distribution of presidency events.
The Tánaiste will tell ministers it is essential to have strong relationships established with key figures in the parliament in advance of the presidency and to be on first-name terms with their counterparts in other EU countries.
There are also plans for a programme of community, youth and schools engagement around the presidency, which will have a particular focus on children and young people, and will be designed in a way which takes the views of young people on board.
Minister for Finance Paschal Donohoe will seek Cabinet approval for committee stage amendments to the Local Property Tax Bill, including one that relates to property adapted for use by disabled people.
This will provide for a reduction of €105,000 in the chargeable value of a property which has been adapted for use by a disabled person, subject to certain criteria being met.
Proposals to address housing crisis
Housing Minister James Browne will bring three proposals to Cabinet in an effort to address the housing crisis.
The proposals include legislation to quickly extend rent pressure zones across the country, to expand the remit of the Land Development Agency and to establish Coimisiún Pleanála to replace An Bord Pleanála.
Later this evening the Dáil will debate an opposition motion calling for emergency action on housing while a Raise the Roof protest will take place outside Leinster House.
Priority legislation that will bring the 17% of tenancies currently outside the Rent Pressure Zones within the 2% rent cap rule is now expected to quickly progress through the Oireachtas.
Minister James Browne will tell Cabinet the move is a practical measure to protect any renters from rent hikes in advance of the new rent control system that will be introduced next March.
Separately former HSE boss Paul Reid is expected to be named as the chairperson of An Coimisiún Pleanála, which will replace An Bord Pleanála.
It is expected Minister Browne will bring a memo to Cabinet to establish the new body which is aiming to speed up planning decisions.
The Cabinet will also hear that the Land Development Agency is to be tasked with delivering more homes across the country.
The agency will get stronger powers to find and acquire land suitable for housing from both public and private sources.
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RTÉ News
2 hours ago
- RTÉ News
€122 billion investment needed by 2030 to meet housing targets
A new survey reveals that a total investment of €121.6 billion is needed between now and 2030 if Ireland is to meet its housing targets. Deloitte's new Crane Survey Report found that an investment of €16.4 billion is required this year, rising to €17.2 bilion in 2026, €19.3 billion in 2027, €21.3 billion in 2028, €23.3 billion in 2029 and €24.1 billion by 2030 to achieve the Government's target of 60,000 homes a year. Deloitte said that given the scale of the challenge, Ireland is unlikely to reach or maintain the annual output of 60,000 homes. The Deloitte Crane Survey Report is a comprehensive analysis of construction activity across Irish cities, tracking what is being built and where and what this means for the country's economic and social priorities. The latest Crane Survey report estimates a total housing output of 33,000 this year, below the Government's target of 41,000. Risks to delivery in 2025 are "tilted to the downside", according to the report, which adds that in the absence of a "healthy planning pipeline" it is very difficult to see the required level of 60,000 homes a year being achieved in the first instance or maintained. A total of just over 30,230 new homes were delivered in 2024, a drop of 7% on 2023. Meanwhile, just 32,400 homes were granted planning permission last year, down 3%. Deloitte said this figure is "particularly stark" as it represents just two-thirds of what is needed each year if Ireland is to deliver the 60,000 homes a year required to meet current housing need and future population growth. Its analysis shows the drop in granted planning permissions was driven by a substantial reduction in the number of apartments which received planning, down 39% year on year. It noted that commencements soared to 69,060 units in 2024, up 121% year on year, but this was linked to expiring incentives, which were ultimately extended. Commencements have been subdued in the opening months of this year, it added. Deloitte said the Government's decision last month to extend planning permissions for schemes due to expire shortly is welcomed. It also said the recently announced reforms to the current Rent Pressure Zone (RPZ) model are a welcome step in the right direction, but, on their own, are unlikely to yield a significant activation in commencements. Today's survey notes that just 895 purpose-built student accommodation bedspaces (PBSA) completed construction last year. This was down from 1,630 bedspaces in 2023 and represents the lowest level since Deloitte's records began in 2016. The delivery of PBSA bedspaces was confined to Cork and Dublin - with 620 at NovelBottle Works at the former Coca-Cola bottle factory on the Carrigrohane Road in Cork and 190 bedspaces at The Residence on Prussia Street in Dublin. The remaining bedspaces were delivered at Blackhall Place in Stoneybatter in Dublin where a refurbishment added an additional 80 beds. The report noted that by the end of the first quarter, 1,400 PBSA bedspaces were under construction across six schemes, compared to 1,160 bedspaces at the same time last year. Construction is spread across Galway, Dublin, Limerick and Kildare. Today's report also shows that completions in the Dublin office market rose last year to 169,500 square metres, a substantial increase on 2023 volumes of 95,400 square metres. But Deloitte said this rise was expected and should not be regarded as an indication of increased construction activity within the sector and reflects the completion of an overhang of stock. The report says that the only delivery expected in 2027 based on current construction statistics is 1 Adelaide Road, which is already pre-let in full. This means 2027 may be the first year since 2015 that no new office space will be delivered in the city, it added. Meanwhie, the volume of new rooms added to the hospitality market declined by 17% last year with just 1,358 new rooms. Some 4,060 rooms were under construction in the first quarter of this year, however, with Dublin absorbing the lion's share. This represents a significant rise on last year's Crane Survey (2,850 rooms) as several large hotels commenced construction, including at Dublin Airport, where 412 rooms are set to be delivered. In total, 1,410 new rooms are due to be added in 2025. A further 2,510 beds are due to be delivered in 2026, with the remaining beds under construction due to be delivered in 2027. Kate English, Chief Economist at Deloitte Ireland, said we are seeing cranes across the skyline, but not enough where they are needed most. "What this research reinforces is that the biggest issue facing Ireland right now isn't demand, it's supply. Whether it's homes, student beds, or affordable units, we're simply not building enough to meet the needs of a growing population and a resilient economy," Ms English said. "A stable policy environment is crucial in Ireland, as inconsistency in housing policy will deter and dampen investor confidence in Ireland. Without stability, capital will be redirected to jurisdictions offering more predictable and investor-friendly environments. This is not a hypothetical risk, it is a market reality," she cautioned.
RTÉ News
3 hours ago
- RTÉ News
The EU's indictment of Israel in Gaza: the hard work begins
The review into whether Israel is in violation of its obligations under its trade relations with the European Union, due to its conduct of the war in Gaza, was shrouded in secrecy and hobbled by last minute timing. National capitals only got the assessment late on Friday afternoon - foreign ministers are supposed to give a detailed response at a meeting in Brussels on Monday. Diplomats complained about having little time to assess the review's contents. The less time they have, the more potential for a divisive debate at the Monday meeting. The paper was circulated not long before EU ambassadors were scheduled to meet to discuss it at 6.30pm Brussels time on last night. "Until a few days ago, we had no idea if it would be just an oral presentation," an EU diplomat said yesterday morning. "Now we have confirmation it will be a written report, which for us is extremely important. The value of a written report is greater." The review was ordered by the EU's Foreign Policy Chief Kaja Kallas after a majority of EU foreign ministers supported a Dutch proposal last month to assess whether Israel was in breach of the human rights and international humanitarian law obligations enshrined in Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. The review was carried out by the EU's Special Representative for Human Rights. It essentially collated existing findings produced by a plethora of UN bodies. Yet, over seven pages it was a searing indictment of Israel's alleged failure to abide by human rights law, and the rules governing the protection of civilians during war, both in Gaza and the West Bank. It focused on Israel's complete blockade of any food, medicine and fuel entering Gaza for 11 weeks from 2 March, before Israel eventually permitted a "militarised" food distribution service which was accompanied by "deadly" shootings of Palestinians. Since the Hamas 7 October attacks, discrimination, oppression, and violence against Palestinians had increased in the West Bank, with a "significant increase in Palestinian fatalities" and attacks by Israeli settlers, accompanied by "sustained settlement expansion". There were road closures, checkpoints, and barriers that "permanently or intermittently restrict the movement of Palestinians across the West Bank." These increasingly undermined Palestinians' access to livelihoods, healthcare, education and other essential services. The "unprecedented level of killing and injury of civilians" in Gaza was "a direct consequence of the Israeli Defense Forces' (IDF) failure to comply with fundamental principles of [International Humanitarian Law]". The report said of the verified Palestinian deaths caused by attacks on residential buildings in Gaza, 44% were children - "mainly young children and babies." The fact that these deaths did not reflect the demographic of Hamas combatants "points to indiscriminate attacks." The use of heavy weapons, including airstrikes, on civilian shelters (including tent encampments and schools) "raise concerns about Israel's compliance with the principles of precautions in attack, and proportionality". Attacks on hospitals and medical centres in Gaza included "direct strikes, sieges, the use of snipers, raids, and the apparent arbitrary detention and ill-treatment of medical staff, patients and their companions, and internally displaced persons (IDPs) sheltering at hospitals", and the killing of many emergency medical workers. Israel had failed to comply with binding International Court of Justice (ICJ) rulings in early 2024 to provide humanitarian aid in Rafah "with a view to prevent the commission of acts within the scope of the Genocide Convention." And on the review goes… Needless to say, the report found that Israel's obligations under human rights and international law to protect civilians were in breach, as were its obligations under Article 2 of its agreement with the EU. Ireland and Spain first highlighted concerns last year that Israel was in breach of Article 2. The trenchant support for Israel by Germany, Austria, Hungary, the Czech Republic and others meant there was no consensus for a review to take place. That changed after the Israel-Hamas ceasefire collapsed in March and the IDF intensified its assault on Gaza, including the prolonged humanitarian blockade. Dutch foreign minister Caspar Veldkamp revived the Irish-Spanish initiative in April, and at a meeting of his counterparts in May, the pendulum swung in favour of action. 17 member states - including Ireland - supported a review of Article 2 compliance (two countries joined the list afterwards); sentiment at EU level was clearly shifting. Yet, the divisions remain. Despite last night's report, we are in for a protracted period of step-by-step diplomacy. Ms Kallas will canvas the views of 27 foreign ministers on Monday, and then brief EU leaders during their summit in Brussels next Thursday. Yesterday, diplomats were emphasising the need for unity. So sensitive is the Israel-Gaza issue, that a menu of options against Israel will be kept off the table for now. "There are those among the 17 (member states) who wanted the review but who don't actually want any measures against Israel to be taken," says a senior EU official. "They want to use this as a way of applying pressure to Israel. There are those who definitely want measures to be taken, and there are those who didn't even want the review in the first place." A senior EU diplomat, from a country in favour of the review, said: "It's clear what needs to happen: first of all, we want as broad agreement as possible on the outcome of the review. We know it will not be unanimous, it will not be consensual, but we hope that a big group of member states can subscribe to the conclusion of the review." That would, in theory, allow Ms Kallas to take the findings to the Israelis and use the threat of punitive measures to encourage Israel to massively increase humanitarian support and to move towards a ceasefire. Preserving unity next week will be challenging. When EU ambassadors had their first meeting on the forthcoming review on Wednesday, the divisions were already clear. "You could see the different positions of member states reflected in the more procedural interventions," says one diplomat. "The Irish, Belgians, Spanish and Slovenians were pushing for an immediate discussion among ministers about next steps and consequences, whereas others were fiercely pushing back on that: the Hungarians, the Czechs, the Germans and - to a lesser extent - the Italians." It is understood the Irish government initially wanted Ms Kallas to lean towards some kind of list of options the EU could take against Israel, now that it had been found in violation of Article 2. However, Dublin had apparently accepted the prevailing view that unity was vital and that the threat of further action could convince Israel to change its policy towards humanitarian aid, and towards a ceasefire. In this scenario, we would have to wait for a meeting of EU foreign ministers in July before Ms Kallas presents a range of options Europe could take. In a statement, Tánaiste Simon Harris welcomed the findings of the review. "Ireland has always been clear that any such review can only reach one conclusion – there is clear evidence that Israel is in breach of its obligations under Article 2 of the Agreement. We now expect the EU and its Member States to take concrete actions in follow up to the review." External events could also derail any consensus building. Diplomats stressed the need to keep the Article 2 issue separate from the Israel-Iran war raging in the background. "It's part of Israel's strategy to divert attention from what is happening in Gaza and in Palestine," says one diplomat. "That's precisely what we don't want. The situation in Gaza and Palestine is absolutely critical, and we need to keep a very strong focus on it." "On the Iran-Israel issue," says another diplomat, "some foreign ministers will make the point that given what's happening, perhaps we should hold off on the review, hold off on making this an issue in our conversation with Israel. I think we can walk and chew gum at the same time." There is also growing frustration - shared in Dublin - at those EU capitals which have emphasised quiet diplomacy with Israel. One source suggested that "whispering to the Israelis" had yet to deliver any meaningful response in 18 months of the Gaza war. Pressure is building elsewhere. This week, Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prevot spearheaded a joint letter - co-signed by Tánaiste Simon Harris, as well as the foreign ministers of Finland, Luxembourg, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, and Sweden - calling on Ms Kallas to ensure that the EU is compliant with last summer's ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories. The advisory opinion held that Israel's occupation was illegal, and that countries were obliged to ensure they did not support the occupation through trade. The Belgian initiative chimes with the Irish government's view that the ICJ ruling is binding on EU member states and that a ban on products from illegal settlements is effectively a legal obligation (ie, the legal impetus for the Occupied Territories Bill). Belgium expects other countries to join the call. A senior diplomat from one member state said his government was in favour of the Belgian initiative, but preferred not to sign the letter given that its recommendation - banning settlement products - was one of the "options" that could put pressure on fragile EU unity. The private view within the European Commission is that the EU is broadly in line with the ICJ ruling. However, the Commission has sent a number of legal opinions to the member state working group on international judicial affairs (COJUR). "The issue has been back and forth without any consensus," says a senior EU official. "It's never reached the political level, but it's been discussed by diplomats." The Belgian letter essentially calls for Ms Kallas - who represents both the Commission and member states - to speed the process up. It urges the Commission to bring forward measures to ensure that member states are in compliance, given that the "European Union is founded on the values as stated in the UN Charter, such as the respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and human rights…[and that] all EU Member States are parties to the Statute of the International Court of Justice." Whether the Commission will introduce new legislation to reflect the growing clamour - as reflected in the Occupied Territories Bill - for a ban on goods coming from illegal Israeli settlements remains to be seen. One source suggests that the Commission could provide for individual member states to make their own national arrangements. The fact that the review of Israel's conduct, for so long a disregarded Irish-Spanish gambit, has finally happened and does not pull any punches is, relative to the EU's tortuous policy on Gaza, an achievement. However, the length of time it has taken to hold Israel to account, and the fact that even now a punitive response could take several months, will further call into question the EU's moral backbone, with the death toll in Gaza standing at over 56,000, according to Palestinian authorities. The fact that the EU's role in foreign policy necessarily gives each member states a veto (foreign policy is normally a fundamental expression of national sovereignty) is of meagre comfort to those who believe Europe should have done more and done it quicker. Diplomats are increasingly frustrated that in the generational challenges of our time - Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and Israel's response to the Hamas October 7 attacks - the EU's voice has been blunted by division and national vetoes. In the event that Ms Kallas does provide a menu of responses to foreign ministers in July, it is by no means clear what happens next. The EU has never taken action against a trade partner for such a breach of a trade agreement. A full suspension of the Association Agreement would require unanimity, with a Hungarian, German and Czech veto almost certain. There has been speculation that suspending elements of EU Israel trade would only require a so-called Qualified Majority Vote (QMV). On the basis of the 19 countries which supported a review, that qualified majority could be reached. However, one EU official questioned whether even this would be possible. "Even suspending some trade could be seen as a sanctions measure, and that would therefore require unanimity," said the official. "We've also discussed a complete ban on trade with Israel, and that would be against our WTO obligations - so that is a non starter." For any measure to be taken it would require a proposal from the European Commission, meaning the issue runs - once again - straight into national divisions. On only two occasions in the history of the EU has an issue gone to a vote among the College of 27 commissioners (each from a member state) since the body strives for consensus. There is no doubt that attitudes to Israel have hardened, even among its traditional allies. Last month, the German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said in a TV interview: "What the Israeli army is doing in the Gaza Strip, I no longer understand the goal. To harm the civilian population in such a way … can no longer be justified as a fight against terrorism." Whether this pressure, which should be amplified by the publication of the review, makes any difference to Israel's conduct remains an open question.
Irish Times
3 hours ago
- Irish Times
Ireland needs to ditch empty promises and economic fairy tales and start confronting reality
The next six weeks or so are going to go a long way to defining the Government's term in office. The printers are going to be busy. We are due an updated housing plan, a new strategy on competitiveness and productivity, the Summer Economic Statement and a new medium-term budget strategy along with a revised National Development Plan outlining state investment plans. Then, in the middle of all this, there is the deadline for the US/EU tariff talks on July 9th. The Government needs to use this crucial period to set some kind of coherent economic narrative for its term. So far it has been firing blanks. For example, bits of its housing plan are drip-feeding out in an often-disorganised fashion. Perhaps this is meant to give the impression of busyness, but all it does is confuse people. READ MORE At the heart of all this is credibility. A believable strategy must have some hope of delivery. And here the State – in the widest sense of the Government and the public service – is struggling. It is not just that things are happening late – like the National Children's Hospital. Or that there are signs of waste and carelessness with public money – step forward the Leinster House bike shed. It is that a lot of vital stuff is simply not happening at all. It is a stretch to believe that the Metro will ever get built. Or the giant project to bring water from Shannon across the State. Or the offshore wind infrastructure that is meant to be at the heart of our energy transition , where the Draghi report on EU competitiveness showed Ireland has one of the most long-drawn out consent mechanisms in Europe. In this context, government targets take on an air of fantasy. Less than six months into the Coalition's term, Minister for Housing James Browne told us this week that the target of building 41,000 homes this year is not going to happen. So why should we believe the target for 2026 or the 300,000 plus homes promised during the Coalition's term? The Departments of Finance and of Public Expenditure will publish a budget strategy over the summer, based, we must assume, on tighter control of day-to-day spending. But key spending targets have ended up being roundly ignored in recent years. Central Bank researchers estimated this week that permanent Government spending has risen by 37 per cent since 2021. Had the annual spending limits of 5 per cent set by the previous administration been adhered to, the increase would have been 16 per cent. That is a €16 billion difference. Official documents and targets seem to exist in some kind of parallel universe where no one really expects them to happen. They are more fairy stories than strategy. And the risk with the plans coming in the weeks ahead is that these are more endless checklists of stuff that is happening already and stuff that might or might not happen at all. Some central themes and directions are urgently needed. And some convincing messages of actual action to get things done. Investment is built on certainty, yet in key areas such as climate change and housing this is simply missing. The current drift has a cost. The stalling of investment across the economy is in part due to threats of tariffs from Donald Trump . There isn't much the Government can do about that. But it can start to get its own story straight. Lack of clarity about housing policy is causing parts of the construction industry to sit on its hands. With talk of more incentives and tax breaks on the way, and uncertainty on state commitment in areas of social housing, builders wait to see what emerges. House building volumes slipped by 4.3 per cent in the first quarter of this year, compared to the previous three months. Meanwhile, big foreign investors – and their international headquarters – are starting to realise that promises to deliver better energy and water infrastructure are simply not being met. Investment plans, on hold to see how the US/EU talks work out, will restart at some stage. Ireland is at risk of not being in the frame. The first real alarm bell for this was when Intel ditched Oranmore in Co Galway as a possible site for a big new plant in 2021 because the State could not guarantee how long planning would take on vital supporting infrastructure. This followed the seemingly endless planning saga for the Apple data centre in Athenry , also Co Galway. A convincing economic narrative needs a few central points that everyone has signed up to. Read the Central Bank research out this week for a convincing case on how state investment remains low here, despite tripling over the past decade. This is because the economy and population have grown so fast and the economy was already hobbled by years of underinvestment after the financial crash. To allow space for investment to continue to grow – and provide a buffer if the public finances tighten – other parts of the budget need to be under control. This means keeping the budget in surplus and continuing to put away excess corporate taxes in the funds for the future. This needs to be a central part of a coherent strategy. To be credible, the whole Government – including Micheál Martin and Simon Harris – need to explicitly sign up to this. If it is just a creature of the budget departments, then it will be there to be negotiated away during the budget process. It goes without saying that the second leg of any strategy needs to focus on prioritisation and delivery. Many thousands of words have been written about this. And the challenges are significant. But Ireland, for now anyway, is in a uniquely privileged position with a flush Exchequer and room for manoeuvre. The resources are there. Spending them well is the challenge. Ireland can consider how to respond as the Trump story plays out. The odds are that it will continue to do so long after the July 9th talks deadline. But the Government needs a convincing narrative of how it is going to manage what is under its control and use what may prove to be transitory budgetary riches. There are dangers ahead. But we are starting from a good position, with full employment and flush coffers that are the envy of many other countries. The Government needs to start telling a better story – not just to the public and investors, but also to itself.
