16 Maoists surrender in Chhattisgarh's Sukma district
RAIPUR: Sixteen Maoist cadres, including two active members of Peoples' Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) company, surrendered in Sukma district, about 450 km south of Raipur on Monday.
According to the police, six of the surrendered rebels were carrying a collective reward of Rs 25 lakh. With this, as many as 571 Maoists have surrendered so far in 2025 in Chhattisgarh's Bastar.
Interestingly, nine out of the 16 cadres belonging to Kerlapenda village panchayat falling under the Chintalnar police station limits. Police sources said these villagers were notably influenced by the Chhattisgarh government's latest initiative that incentivises Maoist-free panchayats. Under the scheme, if any panchayat in the Naxal-affected area becomes Maoist-free, it will become entitled to get Rs 1 crore grant for local development works.
According to the Sukma district police chief, all 16 cadres, including a woman cadre, surrendered before senior police and CRPF officials expressing their frustration with the 'hollow and anti-people' ideology of the left-wing extremists.
Among the notable names was Rita alias Dodi Sukki, an active member of the Central Regional Committee's PLGA company no. 2, and Rahul Punem, a party member in PLGA battalion no. 1. Both carried a reward of Rs 8 lakh each, the SP said.
The district police chief further noted that many of the surrendered rebels were inspired by the state's Niyad Nellanar (Your Own Good Village) campaign, which not only promotes development in remote and conflict-hit areas but also strengthens the state's broader surrender and rehabilitation policy.
While part of the state's formal Maoist Surrender and Rehabilitation Policy-2025, the Niyad Nellanar scheme has introduced a more targeted approach, leveraging local aspirations and infrastructure support to win over disillusioned Maoists. In several instances, the Chhattisgarh Police and central paramilitary forces have collaborated to engage with cadres and even senior Maoist leaders, urging them to abandon violence and rejoin mainstream society.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hans India
10 minutes ago
- Hans India
NDA's first year in office presents a mixed bag in AP
The adage 'a mirror never lies' holds true, and the recent survey by People's Pulse Research Organisation clearly reflects that the coalition government in Andhra Pradesh has little to boast about after its first year in power. The promises made during elections remain largely unfulfilled, and public expectations remain unmet. The NDA coalition partners—Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Jana Sena, and BJP—find themselves in an unenviable position: the majority of the state's populace is waiting, burdened by problems yet hopeful for solutions. The prevailing public sentiment is not about revenge against opponents or factional gains, but a desire for welfare and development. Despite the central government's cooperation, economic progress is modest, at best. Caste equations are tilting towards reconfiguration. The TDP's internal discord has become a challenge to coalition unity, while Jana Sena's leadership struggles to maintain party survival. The BJP appears to lack a clear vision for growth in Andhra Pradesh. Meanwhile, the YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) has failed to renew hope among the people, who see no change in its leadership. This broadly sums up the political, economic, and social landscape after one year of governance in Andhra Pradesh. A closer look reveals that the government's claims of being 'good' are not shared by the people. The People's Pulse survey, conducted across districts from Ichchapuram to Kuppam and Machilipatnam to Madakasira, engaging diverse age groups and communities, brings to light the fact that public opinion is largely skeptical. There is a cautious wait-and-see attitude—some promises have been partially fulfilled, but people are uncertain if the rest will be honoured. Officials' performance is viewed as unsatisfactory, and the ruling coalition's 'Red Book' culture (a term denoting vendetta politics) is widely resented. National parties are weakening while regional forces are growing stronger. Coordination among coalition partners seems lacking. The opposition YSRCP, despite being in opposition, fails to offer a credible alternative, with public scrutiny focusing on its leadership style and party conduct. The media and political parties remain polarized, often disconnected from genuine public issues and aspirations. The electorate believes that the ruling coalition need not offer anything new to justify itself; it should at least fulfill the promises made during elections. While pensions have been increased and distributed properly, other cash-based election promises remain unfulfilled, causing public dissatisfaction. The recent rollout of the 'Talliki Vandana' scheme (replacing Amma Vodi) has generated some positive feedback on the ground. However, people want welfare and development to proceed in a coordinated manner. Unfulfilled promises such as the 'Super Six' employment guarantees, unemployment benefits, farmer welfare schemes, monthly financial aid of Rs 1500 for those aged 18-69 years, and free bus services remain a concern. Locals acknowledge improvements in peace and security, road repairs, and sand mining regulations. Progress on the capital city Amaravati and Polavaram projects has accelerated, which is a source of satisfaction. However, criticism persists that ministers, MPs, and MLAs have been involved in nepotism and family patronage from early on, a practice that was less pronounced during the YSRCP government's initial years. Employment promises remain unmet, and people demand the implementation of the 'Prajagalam' scheme. The government's delay in delivering on its commitments raises questions among the public. Neither the ruling coalition nor the opposition has conducted a thorough review of why they won or lost. The ruling coalition maintains a confident stance, asserting that it is delivering governance according to the people's wishes and dismissing the opposition as ineffective. Conversely, the YSRCP claims the coalition government has failed in all areas and that the electorate will realize this and return YSRCP to power in four years. Both sides remain entrenched in echo chambers, unwilling to acknowledge realities. Despite the current political scenario, indications from the public suggest that by 2029, the one-party dominance of 2024 will no longer prevail. The public perceives that while Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu remains the central figure, others in the government have not performed well. Ordinary citizens accept Pawan Kalyan, the Deputy Chief Minister, but there is no widespread support for the Chief Minister's son Nara Lokesh as a future leader. The people are not ready for Chandrababu's radical experiments or his futuristic visions such as the 2047 concept or P-4 ideology, which remain obscure and unconvincing. Although projects are progressing faster with central assistance, the response to Amaravati's development is mixed, with concerns about regional disparities and inequality. There is a growing perception that the interests of Uttarandhra and Rayalaseema regions are being neglected. Land pooling controversies in the capital region persist, with doubts among original farmers. There is a call to extend tenant farmers' leases and pensions for another decade. The Polavaram project has restarted, but the displaced persons' issues remain complex. While law and order are not as dire as alleged by the YSRCP, revenge attacks and factional conflicts in Palnadu and some Seema areas continue to trouble the people. Citizens question the ongoing 'Red Book' vendetta politics and factionalism, asking what has changed since the previous government's failure. The average public opinion is a plea for coordinated welfare and development as promised. The coalition's policies and actions are seen as exacerbating regional and caste divisions. Influential Reddys are drifting back towards YSRCP, while communities such as Kamma, Kapu, Kshatriya, Vaishya, BC, and Madiga largely support the coalition. Conversely, Reddys, Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and other groups are strengthening the YSRCP's base. This social realignment signals new political reconfigurations ahead. Despite suffering a severe electoral defeat—dropping from 151 to 11 seats—the YSRCP retains about 40 per cent vote share and remains a strong political force in the state. There is a general expectation that its chief Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy will modify his style and approach as an effective means to reconnect with the people and address their problems. Until such changes occur, the party's political fortunes are unlikely to improve. The public rejects the notion that the people will automatically re-elect YSRCP in the next elections. One major obstacle is the still-active 'coterie' around Jagan, which continues to act as a barrier between him, his party, and the public. The perception that 'Jagan is fighting for us' has yet to take root widely. Within the coalition, the TDP, expected to play the leading role, has been embroiled in internal strife since government formation. Possibly due to dependence on the central government, the TDP leadership appears to accept BJP's dominant role in the coalition. The public perceives that the BJP is negligible politically in the state. Jana Sena facesa similar predicament. In constituencies represented by Jana Sena, the TDP dominance is evident. The lack of close rapport between party chief Pawan Kalyan and his MLAs, and organisational weaknesses, have left the party in a precarious position. Only the young and loyal cadres seem responsive to Pawan's initiatives. The general public feels that Pawan Kalyan must uphold coalition principles, maintain Jana Sena's identity, and act decisively and straightforwardly as elections approach. Both the ruling coalition and opposition have achieved little in the past year; time has only passed without substantial progress. (The writer is a Political Analyst, People's Pulse Research Organisation)
Time of India
14 minutes ago
- Time of India
Hyderabad heist: Rs 46 lakh stolen from godown; ex-employee held in Adilabad, cash recovered
HYDERABAD: A day after the owner of a company lodged a police complaint reporting a burglary of Rs 46 lakh at his office godown in Patigadda, Begumpet police on Sunday arrested the accused in Adilabad and recovered the stolen cash. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Police said that the accused, identified as Giridhari Singh, was a former employee of the complainant. The accused was terminated from his job after working for three years. Police said Giridhari conspired fully knowing that the complainant would keep cash at his godown and committed the offence. The accused was arrested based on CCTV footage and call data records (CDR).
Hans India
25 minutes ago
- Hans India
In Modi's words, KLIP was ATM for KCR family: Bandi Sanjay
Hyderabad: Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Bandi Sanjay Kumar has criticised what he termed as false claims being spread regarding the Kaleshwaram project, and firmly reiterated the BJP's stance. He dismissed malicious propaganda suggesting a shift in the BJP's position on Kaleshwaram or a collusion with the BRS. 'The BJP's position on this matter is very straightforward,' he asserted. 'Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated that the Kaleshwaram project has become a source of wealth for the KCR family. Along with him, Amit Shah and J P Nadda have also spoken on this issue. The BJP's policy is to conduct a CBI investigation into the corruption surrounding this project.' Sanjay Kumar further stated, 'The BJP is not a party that alters its policies like a chameleon. Would you suggest that our esteemed leader, Modi, after being Prime Minister for 11 years and providing transparent governance, would make baseless claims about the KCR family? No, he would not. Use your judgment.' He questioned, 'Why was phone tapping conducted while he was BJP state president? Now, as a Union Minister, will my stance change? The BJP's stance is my stance. If any of our party leaders express views that differ from the BJP's position on Kaleshwaram – then – it is incorrect, and the high command will address those concerns.' 'We demand a CBI inquiry into the project; there is no room for any other approach,' he clarified. He challenged what happened to Rahul Gandhi's claims during the last election, where he labelled the Kaleshwaram project as corrupt and called for a CBI inquiry. Sanjay Kumar alleged that the KCR family inflated the project's budget from Rs 38,000 crore to Rs 1.2 lakh crore, effectively 'looting thousands of crores.' He branded the Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation Project (KLIP) as a 'completely corrupt project.' He stated that it is 'undeniably true that KCR inflated the project's estimated cost.' He added, 'If the officials who worked on the Kaleshwaram project profited by hundreds of crores, you can gauge the extent of the corruption committed by the KCR family.' He deemed it unwise for the Congress government to sacrifice certain officials while leaving the KCR family untouched. Sanjay Kumar recalled that Congress MP Rahul Gandhi had earlier called for a CBI inquiry into the Kaleshwaram project during the last elections. He questioned why, now that the Congress is in power, that inquiry is not happening. 'We demand transparency, as we do not trust the Congress government's investigation into Kaleshwaram,' he stated. The Karimnagar MP alleged that the Congress and BRS parties are working together to manage the government, effectively acting as 'two sides of the same coin.' He claimed that Revanth Reddy has become a 'protector of KCR,' defending him against multiple corruption allegations. He asserted that the public is aware of their alliance, which is why they are shifting their support to the BJP. The Union Minister pointed out that claims of Kaleshwaram's design changing due to lack of water at Tummidihatti are false, stating that the Central Water Commission has indicated sufficient water availability there. He argued that if the project had been built at Tummidihatti, it would have cost only Rs 38,000 crore; however, changes made for KCR's benefit inflated it to Rs 1,20,000 crore. 'If the BRS claims that the project was executed with cabinet consent, they need to provide evidence,' he challenged. 'What has Kaleshwaram truly achieved besides misappropriating public funds? It is misleading to assert that the canals are full when crop yields are at record levels, despite the insufficient water in Kaleshwaram. BRS leaders continue to make excuses, attributing the benefits of rainfall to the project.' He also clarified that the BJP is unequivocally against 'family parties.' He questioned why anyone would think they would form an alliance with BRS, stating, 'A corrupt and family party like BRS cannot even come close to the doorstep of the BJP.'
