
Did Trump's strike pay off? New images show Iran's nuclear ambitions in ruins
US strikes on Iran may have set the country's nuclear programme back by several years, according to preliminary expert analysis.
Donald Trump's claims that Iran's nuclear sites had been 'completely and totally obliterated' were likely to be an overstatement, serving and former US military officials said – but it is probable that all three facilities targeted suffered extensive damage.
Under best-case assessments, Iran's capacity to enrich uranium has been severely degraded, if not destroyed. However, the country's existing stockpiles of uranium enriched to near weapons grade – enough to fuel 10 nuclear bombs – is thought to have survived.
Understanding the extent to which the US has damaged Iran's nuclear programme is a vital in determining whether the strikes were a one-off or merely the opening salvo of a wider conflict
US B-2 stealth bombers and cruise missiles struck Iran's three most important nuclear sites: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan. If the strikes succeeded in destroying centrifuge halls at the facilities, they would prevent Iran from further enriching its uranium stockpiles to a purity of 90 per cent – something it has not done so far, according to UN inspectors.
Satellite images of convoys leaving all three sites in recent days support Iran's claims that it moved its 400-kg stockpile – much of it previously held at Isfahan – to a secret underground location shortly before the strikes.
Even if that were the case, however, the damage inflicted elsewhere would still make it difficult to turn the uranium into a bomb.
Even if Iran had retained its fissile material, it would be 'like having fuel without a car,' said Ronen Solomon, an Israeli intelligence analyst. 'They have the uranium – but they can't do a lot with it, unless they have built something we don't know about on a small scale.'
That is not beyond the realm of possibility. Iran succeeded in keeping its Fordow facility a secret for seven years before it was dramatically exposed, by Barack Obama, Gordon Brown and Nicolas Sarkozy – then the leaders of the US, UK and France – at a joint press conference in 2009, following a joint intelligence operation.
Fordow
Of the three sites attacked, Fordow was by far the most important.
The last-known site developed by the Iranians was deliberately designed to withstand aerial attack.
An 'engineering marvel', in the words of one Western official, its main centrifuge halls lie buried up to half a mile inside a mountain.
Not only does a layer of solid rock act as a natural shield impervious to most bombs, but additional artificial layers of reinforcement are also believed to have been added.
The GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator bunker-busting bomb – 12 of which the US dropped on Fordow – is capable of penetrating 60 metres of standard concrete before exploding.
But Iran is believed to have reinforced the centrifuge halls at Fordow with ultra-high performance concrete (UHPC), which can withstand six times the amount of pressure of normal concrete – up to 30,000-lb per square inch. If Iran used the best quality UHPC, Fordow would have been significantly harder to destroy.
Given that the site is underground, it remains difficult to assess the scale of the damage yet, with both Iranian and US officials saying they are still conducting evaluations.
Natanz
Above-ground facilities at Natanz, Iran's largest enrichment site, had already been damaged by extensive Israeli strikes, as shown by satellite imagery.
The destruction of the site's electric substation may have knocked out power, potentially damaging centrifuges by causing them to spin out of control, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency, the UN's nuclear watchdog.
Natanz also housed an underground centrifuge hall thought to have been the target of two US bunker-busters. The site was additionally struck by cruise missiles fired by a US submarine in the Arabian Sea.
Isfahan
Much of Iran's mostly highly enriched uranium is thought to have been stored at the nuclear research and production centre near the city of Isfahan, the ancient capital of Safavid Persia.
International inspectors verified the fuel was there a fortnight ago, but satellite imagery suggests Iran may have moved it in recent days.
Israel had previously struck laboratories and three other buildings at the facility. The US did not use bunker-busters on Isfahan – which is thought to be mostly above ground – and instead attacked with cruise missiles.
The strikes are thought to have damaged six additional buildings, including a fuel rod production facility.
Overall assessment
A fuller picture of overall damage may emerge in the coming days, with experts urging caution about attaching too much credibility to the US president's more optimistic pronouncements or to Iran's defiant claims that its nuclear capacity remains largely intact.
Clionadh Raleigh, head of the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), a conflict-monitoring group, warned that although the strikes might alter the timeline of Iran's nuclear programme, they would do little to alter its ultimate trajectory.
'The regime's broader power and intentions are likely to remain intact,' said Ms Raleigh.
'Iran's military and intelligence systems are designed and built to survive. The structure is deeply layered and resistant to collapse. Even if key infrastructure is destroyed, the system adapts – and in some cases, becomes more dangerous in the process.
'There's no evidence that the strikes will permanently end Iran's pursuit of nuclear capabilities. What they may do is shift the timeline.'
Others were less cautious. Mick Mulroy, a former Pentagon official who served in the first Trump administration, told the New York Times that the US strikes will 'likely set back the Iranian nuclear programme two to five years' – an assessment shared by Jason Brodsky of United Against a Nuclear Iran, a US-based pressure group.
The setback stems not only from the strikes themselves. Repairing the damage will be far harder following the assassination of more than a dozen nuclear scientists in the past 10 days, Israeli officials said.
'Several of the eliminated scientists had spent decades advancing nuclear weapons, constituting a significant part of the Iranian regime's plans to annihilate the State of Israel,' one official said.
'These scientists had diverse professional expertise and extensive experience.'
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Reuters
27 minutes ago
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Oil hits five-month high after US hits key Iranian nuclear sites
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Times
34 minutes ago
- Times
Can Iran still build nuclear weapons after the US bombing?
The 14 GBU-57 'bunker-busters' dropped by the Pentagon's B2 stealth bombers on Iran's nuclear facilities will have done a lot of damage, with about 200 tons of heavy munitions. They may not have 'fully obliterated' all three sites at Natanz, Isfahan and Fordow as President Trump claimed, but they probably did cause 'severe damage' in the more modest assessment of the Pentagon. That does not mean, however, that Iran's nuclear programme is dead and buried. Apart from anything else, somewhere in Iran is probably a deadly cargo of canisters in secure storage. They contain just over 400kg of uranium enriched to 60 per cent purity — enough, with some extra enrichment, for about nine nuclear warheads. That level of enrichment means the uranium is 60 per cent made up of the U235 isotope needed to make the kind of bomb dropped on Hiroshima in 1945. In the raw, uranium consists of 1 per cent U235 and 99 per cent U238 isotope. Weapons-grade uranium is 90 per cent U235. 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Satellite imagery of the Fordow site in the aftermath of the bombing seems to show some holes in the mountain above it, which may be consistent with damage. One possibility is that the bombs did not manage to break into the chamber but collapsed it enough to have the required effect. At Isfahan, the unit converting uranium to uranium hexafluoride, and the separate plant that converts the enriched gas back to metal to be turned into a warhead, are both believed to have been easier targets. • 'The key thing is that the enrichment facilities and metal conversion facilities are now non-operational and potentially destroyed,' said Ian Stewart, a former Ministry of Defence specialist and now director of the James Martin Centre for Nonproliferation Studies at the Middlebury Institute in the United States. 'It will take weeks or months to reconstitute those capabilities.' Are there hidden centrifuges? Secondly, there is the question of whether the Iranians have more centrifuges hidden away elsewhere, allowing them to restart the programme fairly quickly. 'We have to assume the Iranians are competent and put aside a spare set of equipment,' Stewart said. 'They may also have set up small numbers of machines in unknown locations. So for planning purposes you have to assume it will take weeks or months for Iran to reconstitute the enrichment capability, not years.' Iran has, of course, lost key members of its nuclear 'command and control'. Back in November 2020, Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, assassinated Brigadier-General Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, the Revolutionary Guards officer seen as the mastermind of the 'dual use' programme: one built overtly for civilian purposes, but compatible with a decision to build a bomb. He was ambushed and shot near his weekend villa outside Tehran by a robot-controlled machinegun on a pick-up truck. Since the Israeli bombing began on June 13, at least ten prominent nuclear scientists, including Fereydoon Abbasi, a former head of Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation (AEOI), and many of the leaders of the Guards have also been killed. However, the programme employs thousands of people, many of whom are experts in their fields. 'The Iranian nuclear programme is decades old and draws on extensive Iranian indigenous expertise,' Darya Dolzikova, a senior research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, said. 'The physical elimination of the programme's infrastructure — and even the assassination of Iranian scientists — will not be sufficient to destroy the latent knowledge that exists in the country.' Key to the future is the whereabouts of that 400kg of 60 per cent enriched uranium, which Stewart called 'the most valuable asset in Iran right now'. Iran could fashion it into a large but crude nuclear device that could be transported by lorry, or, with a few centrifuges it had saved, convert some of it into a smaller nuclear weapon. Will Iran risk all-out war? Iran may or may not choose to escalate militarily, to try to show that it still has the military teeth and, indeed, necessary level of defiance to risk an all-out confrontation with the United States. But in the medium term it has a huge question to answer that is both technical and political. Does it tell the International Atomic Energy Agency where those cylinders of enriched uranium are, as it is required to do under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) to which — unlike Israel — it is a signatory? If it does, it will no doubt fear that the information will make its way to Israel or the US. 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NBC News
38 minutes ago
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Presidents' ordering military action without Congress' approval has become routine. Here's why.
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The act requires that the notification include why the president took the action, the authority under which it was taken and 'the estimated scope and duration of the hostilities or involvement.' And the resolution also says any time a president uses the armed forces without notifying Congress beforehand, that use must be terminated within 60 days. Bellinger said any notification to Congress that Trump sends, which Bellinger told NBC News the Justice Department is likely to prepare, will probably rely on the authority granted to the president in Article II of the Constitution, which makes the president the commander in chief. President Joe Biden cited Article II in 2021 after he ordered strikes in Iraq and Syria that he said were targeting an 'Iranian-backed militia group responsible for recent attacks on U.S. personnel in Iraq.' Presidents testing limits Though Congress acted after the U.S. withdrew from Vietnam to restrain presidents in their use of military force, recent decades have seen presidents push against those restraints. On March 23, 1999, the Senate approved NATO airstrikes against what was then Yugoslavia to force a Serbian withdrawal from the province of Kosovo. But when the strikes began 24 hours later, the House had yet to approve the resolution, and a month later, in a tie vote, it rejected the Senate resolution amid increased concerns of greater U.S. military involvement in the area. In March 2011, a coalition of NATO forces, which included the United States, began a military campaign to intervene in the Libyan civil war to protect civilians. While President Barack Obama ordered it, he didn't seek advance approval from Congress. By June, the House had passed a resolution calling for a withdrawal of U.S. troops from the region and demanded that the Obama administration explain why it didn't ask Congress for permission first. In April 2017, during Trump's first term, he didn't seek congressional authorization before he ordered a missile strike in Syria in response to the Syrian government's use of chemical weapons. 'It is in this vital national security interest of the United States to prevent and deter the spread and use of deadly chemical weapons,' he said in televised remarks after the strikes. Bellinger, who helped draft Authorizations for Military Force under President George W. Bush, said it isn't always that way. On Jan. 12, 1991, the Senate voted in favor of a resolution authorizing the use of military force against Iraq in response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, after President George H.W. Bush asked it to do so. In September 2001 and again in October 2002, President George W. Bush asked Congress to authorize the use of armed force, first in response to the Sept. 11 attacks and then to target Saddam Hussein and his Iraqi government. 'To strike a country like Iran, I think this does go far beyond what other presidents have done,' Bellinger said. Congress, however, may not have the appetite to fight Trump over it. 'Given that a lot of people in Congress tend not to want to buck the president or obviously some of them agree with his actions anyway,' Curtis Bradley, a professor at University of Chicago Law School, said in an interview, 'it seems unlikely at the moment that Congress would, you know, use its statutory powers to try to end or restrict the conflict.' U.S. courts are also unlikely to get involved. The judicial branch has limited authority over a president when it comes to his decisions about military action and the use of force. 'The lower courts, when they get these cases, tend to say, sorry, this is very complicated,' Bradley said. 'They say it's really to be resolved by the political institutions and not the courts.' 'Even if it is unconstitutional, I don't see it's likely that courts will be the ones to police that,' he added. The U.N. International law, including the U.N. Charter, lays out very clearly what is and isn't justified when a country decides to use force. Article II of the U.N. Charter orders 'all members' to settle their international disputes 'by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.' While a separate section of the U.N. Charter allows for military action to be taken in self-defense, experts say, that argument will be harder for the Trump administration to make in this scenario. 'The idea that you could just ... attack because, in the long run, you think your strategic interests will be harmed does not fit with the charter under anybody's reasonable definition of self-defense,' Bradley said. But what does a violation of the U.N. Charter mean? Not much, experts say. 'It wouldn't be the first time, unfortunately, where the U.S. is doing something that probably violates the charter,' Bradley said. 'That ends up being more about diplomacy, rather than something that would directly stop a president from acting.' Bellinger believes that even without any direct domestic or international legal consequences, the implications of Trump's decisions are wide-ranging. 'It's going to be more of a political cost at home, and it's going to be more of a reputational cost for the United States around the world.'