Zelenskiy appoints new commander to tackle Ukraine's troop shortages

Ukrainian president
Volodymyr Zelenskiy
has named a new commander of the ground forces, as Kyiv seeks to overhaul its top brass and improve mobilisation to counter
Russia
's summer offensive.
Hennadii Shapovalov, who has experience in working with
Ukraine
's western allies, was appointed almost three weeks after his predecessor Mykhailo Drapatiy was transferred to another post and several other top officers were reassigned.
Mr Shapovalov will also be in charge of recruitment, which has been marred by issues despite persistent calls from Washington and other capitals to lower the age men are drafted into the army.
'Change is needed, it is clear,' Mr Zelenskiy said on Thursday night when announcing the appointment.
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Closing the manpower deficit has become more pressing in recent months as Russia has accelerated its attacks along the 1,000km frontline, and succeeded in capturing more territory in northern and eastern Ukraine.
But attempts to reform the Ukrainian mobilisation and training process have been sluggish at best. Reforms introduced in the past year have made it easier for disgruntled soldiers to request transfers to a different brigade. Kyiv has also sought to address the issue of desertion by waiving criminal liability if the soldier agrees to return to the military.
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Russian minister says country's economy is 'on the verge' of recession
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But attempts to reform the Ukrainian mobilisation and training process have been sluggish at best. Reforms introduced in the past year have made it easier for disgruntled soldiers to request transfers to a different brigade. Kyiv has also sought to address the issue of desertion by waiving criminal liability if the soldier agrees to return to the military.
But compulsory mobilisation has remained unpopular while Mr Zelenskiy has repeatedly refused to lower the minimum mobilisation age of 25, despite western pressure.
Kyiv launched a new military contract designed to attract men aged 18 to 25 in February. The new contract offers financial incentives including a €4,000 sign-up bonus and the possibility of leaving the military after one year.
But the programme has struggled to take off. It had attracted about 500 recruits in the weeks following its launch, presidential military adviser Pavlo Palisa admitted in April.
Mr Shapovalov's predecessor, Mr Drapatiy, voiced rare criticism of the ground forces on his departure, saying that when he took up his job at the headquarters in November he encountered 'an atmosphere of fear, lack of initiative, unwillingness to accept feedback, indifference to personnel issues, pretence of discipline and a profound gap between the headquarters and units'.
Mr Drapatiy, an experienced battlefield general and previous commander of the ground forces, was appointed to lead the joint forces, a command structure focused on frontline operations.
Mr Zelenskiy's reshuffle this month also included new appointments to lead Ukraine's air assault forces and its newly created unmanned systems branch, which focuses on drone warfare.
Ukraine's general staff said the new commander of Ukraine's ground forces would need to 'increase the combat capability of the army, improve the mobilisation system and training of military personnel'.
Mr Shapovalov previously served as Ukraine's representative to a Nato command in Wiesbaden, Germany, where he co-ordinated weapons deliveries and military assistance to Ukraine. He was also in charge of the operational command for military operations in the southern part of Ukraine from April 2024 to early 2025, including the frontline Kherson region.
The 47-year-old officer's experience in Wiesbaden 'must now be implemented within the ground forces of Ukraine', Mr Zelenskiy said. – Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2025

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Irish Times

17 hours ago

• Irish Times

Perfect Storm by Thane Gustafson: A thorough study of the use and abuse of sanctions on Russia, and what could happen next

Perfect Storm: Russia's Failed Economic opening, the Hurricane of War and Sanctions and the Uncertain Future Author : Thane Gustafson ISBN-13 : 9780197795682 Publisher : Oxford University Press Guideline Price : £22.99 The first time I saw Apple Pay in use was in 2016 in a cafe in Krasnoyarsk, where teenage Siberians were simply holding up their iPhones to pay for coffee and pastries. Very impressed, I downloaded the Apple Pay app when I returned to Dublin and went to use it in an upmarket Grafton Street store. 'I don't know what that is,' said the baffled assistant. It was some time before we in Ireland caught up on the tech-savvy young Russians. Then things went into reverse. After Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Apple Pay, Google Pay, PayPal, Zoom and other western online transaction and communication companies withdrew their services from Russia as a 'hurricane' of sanctions was imposed, mainly by the United States, the UK and the European Union. Cafe-goers and shoppers had to revert to credit cards and cash. No longer could Russian-issued Visa and Mastercard cards be used for international payments or at stores and ATMs outside Russia. The Russian financial system had been fully integrated into the world of global telecommunications and international money: now, because of the war, the rouble is no longer fully convertible in global markets and global financial services such as Swift, essential for international financial transactions, have been withdrawn. Hundreds of western companies that supplied Russia have pulled out, including McDonald's , which created a sensation when its first store opened in Moscow on January 1st, 1990, (I was in the queue) and Starbucks, Carlsberg, Danone, Unilever and Ikea. READ MORE Today, however, Russia is rolling out its own Bluetooth-based contactless payment system, and city stores are well stocked with Apple products, and are even taking orders for Apple's new Vision Pro goggles, which will not be launched in the UK or Ireland until later this year. Initial fears among Russian consumers – that being turned into a pariah nation would mean their favourite western products in the supermarkets would all disappear – have long since been dispelled. Hundreds of western companies have stayed, including Mars , which makes Snicker bars – so popular that the conversion of people to western tastes is sometimes referred to as the Sneakerisation of Russia. McDonald's restaurants are still everywhere, under new management and rebranded as Vkusno i tochka, 'Tasty and that's it'. As sanctions piled up, a documentary made in Iran by popular YouTube host Alexey Pivovarov went viral: it showed Tehran stores bustling with sanctioned products and locally made imitations. It assured Russians that western sanctions could be busted, despite being on a scale never attempted before against so large a country, and one so integrated into the world. From the start, sanctioned products have flowed into Russia. Consumer items are relabelled and rerouted through intermediary countries such as China, India, Turkey and Georgia. Traders in this grey market use shell companies and pay in cryptocurrencies to bypass financial controls. The EU's sanctions envoy, David O'Sullivan , described by the author as 'one of Ireland's most respected statesmen', spends much of his time travelling to the Middle East, Central Asia and East Asia to ensure as far as possible that sanctions are implemented. In December, O'Sullivan told Jack Power of The Irish Times how a sanctioned item 'goes from a factory in Europe to somewhere relatively innocent, then ends up [elsewhere] in our neighbourhood, and maybe the Gulf, then maybe Asia and finally maybe Russia.' Gustafson, a professor of government at Georgetown University, ventures that it is perhaps no coincidence to find 'a phalanx of Irish nationals' in FISMA, the EU's lead department for financial regulation, including Mairead McGuinness, who until last year was EU commissioner for financial stability, financial services and the capital markets union. He maintains this is partly because of the vigorous development of the financial industry in Ireland and the favourable tax regime of which Russian companies and banks took advantage before the invasion of Ukraine. Dublin had become a hub for borrowing by Russian entities through so-called 'special purpose vehicles'. After February 2022, the Russian banks and firms abruptly vanished, leaving the lenders with a raft of non-performing loans. Ireland-based aircraft leasing companies, which provide more than 60 per cent of the aircraft flying around the world, also suffered 'immediate and massive losses'. Sanctions required western lessors to terminate leases with Russian airlines, and by mid-2023 some $10 billion in leased aircraft was tied up in Russia. Some have since been bought out, but hundreds remain in limbo. The author, an expert on the geopolitics of energy, is particularly interesting on the impact of sanctions on the global oil industry. An oil embargo and price cap were imposed to curtail Russia's oil revenues, though without cutting the volume of exports, as this would squeeze world oil supply and set off a spiral of higher prices. Russia responded by acquiring a large fleet of second-hand tankers which sail under flags of convenience, and by giving mainstream tankers false flags. This scheme has several flaws, he points out: Russia's acquisition spree has caused the price of old, retired tankers to soar; many port authorities are reluctant to accept tankers without mainstream shipping insurance, which they cannot get; and flagging services are mostly outsourced to US companies. [ Is Russia's war-driven economy approaching its 1989 moment? Opens in new window ] But the combination of shadow tankers and attestation fraud has helped Russia maintain pre-war levels of exports. It has also moved its oil trading business from Switzerland to the United Arab Emirates, which does not sanction Russia, and which accepts Russian refined products for export to Europe, labelled as Emirati oil. The author's key proposition is that much of the sanctions regime is being circumvented, and the Russian economy is relatively stable, but if the sanctions are maintained and vigorously enforced, they will have increasingly severe long-term impacts on the Russian economy, causing its gradual degradation. This is because they have increased Russia's debt, reduced transparency and created new vulnerabilities. Russian banks are finding it harder to process foreign transactions and import-export settlements; Russian companies have lost access to western credit markets and can no longer use debt to finance investments; and half of Russia's foreign exchange reserves in foreign currencies have been blocked. [ Unfinished Empire: Russian Imperialism in Ukraine and the Near Abroad by Donnacha Ó Beacháin; and Putin's Sledgehammer by Candace Rondeaux Opens in new window ] Russian money-laundering through financial capitals such as London has also been severely curtailed, oligarchs' yachts have been seized or detained, and the assets of Russian banks, individuals and entities in the West have been frozen. In the words of Alexandra Prokopenko, a former adviser at the Russian Central Bank (not a former director as described in the book), 'Putin's military adventure in Ukraine and the sanctions have not made a breach in Russia's economic fortress, but they put a time bomb under its foundations'. Crucially, the reputation of Russia as a promising market, where foreign businesses were welcomed and risks could be managed, has been shattered. The seizure of assets of companies leaving Russia, such as Carlsberg, has only deepened the mistrust in Russia's market economy, which the author believes is already 'hobbled by a deeply corrupt state and leadership'. Gustafson writes from the perspective of 35 years studying and travelling in Russia and the former Soviet Union. He examines the impact of the perfect storm of war and sanctions in the context of Russia's three decades of opening to the world after the fall of communism in 1991. The first saw non-Russian-speaking consultants arrive to lecture Russians on how the market worked and the subsequent madness and mayhem of the Wild East; then, after the turn of the century, disposable incomes reaching unprecedented heights as oil prices soared and society stabilised; and the third was the start of sanctions after Russia's seizure of Crimea in 2014, which has culminated in the final failure of Russia's opening to the West. Once again Russia is isolated from the West, but unlike during the cold war, the enemy is no longer the Soviet Union but Putinism, 'a perverted blend of vengeful Russian imperialism, kleptocracy and a distorted reading of history'. Perfect Storm is a thorough, informed study of the use and abuse of a scattershot economic weapon that falls somewhere between jaw-jaw and war-war. The author ends on an upbeat note: there could be a second reopening of Russia to the West after Putin, even if it faces a wall of mistrust, and continues to remodel itself on China, as the United States turns in upon itself. Let's hope he is right. Conor O'Clery is former Moscow Correspondent of The Irish Times Further Reading Punishing Putin: Inside the global economic war to bring down Russia by Stephanie Baker (HarperCollins, 2024): A colourful account by a Bloomberg journalist of how the United States and its allies embarked on a world-changing financial experiment, from fixing oil prices to seizing superyachts, to thwart Putin's war of aggression. Economic War: Ukraine and the Global Conflict between Russia and the West (Hurst, 2025) by Maximilian Hess: A close look at Russia's response to western sanctions, and the ensuing skirmishes in London's courts, on Swiss trading desks and in boardrooms in New Delhi, as pipelines, mines, loans and crypto markets were weaponised. The Russia Sanctions by Christine Abely (Cambridge University Press, 2023): An expert on sanctions law examines how sanctions on Russia affect, in novel ways, global trading patterns, the world financial system and foreign policy. Makes the case that sanctions should be maintained, strengthened, and better enforced.

Irish Independent

19 hours ago

• Irish Independent

Letters: $200m wasted each day by Israel on missile attacks, all the while global poverty persists

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However, it is widely acknowledged, but often left unsaid, that Israel itself has a considerable stockpile of nuclear weapons. Estimates suggest it has more than 90 nuclear warheads. Who knows the actual number? The Israeli state has never signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Iran is controlled by a vicious, opp­ressive regime, but the suggestion from the US and others that Israel is on the side of the angels in this conflict is plainly ludicrous. Fintan Lane, Lucan, Co Dublin Here's hoping if Ayatollah Khamenei is overthrown a president will be elected Whether the Islamic Republic of Iran survives under the leadership of supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei or another clerical figure, Iran certainly doesn't need a return of the Pahlavi dynasty that ruled the nation between 1925 and 1979. Iran's last shah was a despot whose 1941 to 1979 rule was enforced by his notorious secret police, Savak, from 1953 until he was overthrown. Exiled crown prince Reza Pahlavi has no place on the Peacock Throne. If change does occur in Iran, hopefully a democratically elected president will be the choice of the people. Finally, it would be in the Middle East's best interests if Benjamin Netanyahu could submit himself to the International Criminal Court for alleged crimes against humanity committed against the innocent Palestinian people. Dominic Shelmerdine, London Starmer stoops too low for Trump as American ideals drift away from Europe Frank Coughlan rightly bristles at the image of Keir Starmer stooping to gather Donald Trump's dropped papers – a moment of awkward courtesy that risks becoming a metaphor for European diplomacy ('Europe should neither bow nor bend to bully boy Trump', June 20). But beneath the theatre lies a deeper truth: the post-World War II order where Europe leaned on American strength while lecturing it on restraint is in terminal decline. America's global leadership is no longer anchored in shared ideals, but in transactional nationalism. Trump embodies this shift, but it won't end with him. The next era of geopolitics will be defined not by Atlantic unity, but by cold, conditional alliances based on cost-benefit calculation. I suspect that by 2030 we'll see a Europe that either relearns strategic autonomy – investing in its own defence, industrial capacity and global leverage – or one that fragments into spheres of influence too dependent to push back, too divided to act. The choice will have been made not at summits, but in the small moments when leaders kneel instead of standing. Enda Cullen, Tullysaran Road, Armagh If the willpower is there, infrastructure logjams in the State can be cleared This week, senator Michael ­McDowell urged the Government to replicate a piece of legislation from 1925 that the fledgling Free State government enacted to build the massive Ardnacrusha electricity station on the Shannon. It covered the state financing of the project, the CPO-ing of land, construction of canals and so forth. This is the way, he suggested, to overcome the administrative sclerosis blocking the construction of the north Dublin sewage treatment plant, the piping of water from the Shannon to Dublin, talked about for nearly 30 years, the building of vitally needed onshore and offshore wind-energy farms, as well as key road and rail projects. Meanwhile, every government member, from the Taoiseach down, and the heads of the various state infrastructural agencies (EirGrid, ESB, Uisce Éireann, transport agencies) acknowledge the dire consequences of not resolving these logjams, and the fact that the existing permitting systems are not for purpose. Last month, the Government launched its new Accelerating Infrastructure Taskforce to underline this fact. But this will be little more than the latest episode of 'kicking the can down the road' unless the Government undertakes the kind of bold legislative initiative urged by Mr McDowell. So, could it happen? Well, this week the Government was able to draft, pass and have enacted a bill extending Rent Pressure Zones to the whole country. Where there's a will, there's a way. Stephen O'Byrnes, Dublin 4 Spare a thought – and some water – for wildlife during this hot weather It's hot out there, so please remember a dish of fresh water for the birds, and if you're lucky enough to have them, a dish of fresh water for the hedgehogs as well. Eve Parnell, Dublin 2 Be careful with your words as they can do harm and have dark consequences Our workplaces, schools and homes are filled with hurtful words. Words are powerful weapons and can be used in the most hurtful way to harm another person and trigger a journey on a downward spiral. We need to think before we speak. Let's use words to be kind to one another.

Irish Examiner

a day ago

• Irish Examiner

Emma Little-Pengelly accuses Leo Varadkar of reinventing himself after Irish unity comments

Northern Ireland's deputy first minister has accused former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar of 'reinventing himself' over comments he made about Irish unity. Emma Little-Pengelly took a swipe at the former Fine Gael leader after he said that Irish unity would become 'centre stage' if Reform leader Nigel Farage was elected British prime minister. Mr Varadkar said if Mr Farage became prime minister, it would 'change the pictures in terms of attitudes towards independence in Scotland', and change the views of some people in the middle ground in Northern Ireland. Former taoiseach Leo Varadkar in conversation with Rev Karen Sethuraman at St Mary's University College, Belfast (Liam McBurney/PA) Mr Varadkar said he believes planning for a united Ireland should be happening, but that a date should not be fixed as the numbers to win a vote are not in place. He added: 'I don't think a united Ireland is inevitable, I think it's something that we have to work towards. 'But I think there are a lot of factors that would suggest that we're on that trajectory. 'Demographic factors, polling, even the most recent numbers showing that a very clear majority of younger people in Northern Ireland want there to be a new united Ireland.' However, speaking in Armagh at the North South Ministerial Council (NSMC) on Friday, Ms Little-Pengelly said that Mr Varadkar is 'entitled to reinvent himself in whatever way that he so chooses'. 'But he is wrong in terms of the trajectory, I think, when you look at people in Northern Ireland voting for nationalist parties, that hasn't moved since 1998, still in and around the 40%, that hasn't increased,' she said. 'And while there's more complexity in terms of the voting beyond that, everyone else is either voting for a proactively Unionist party or parties who explicitly say that they do not want to be focused or agitate for constitutional change. 'There hasn't been any significant shift in that. There's nothing, in my view, to say that the trajectory is such that this inevitability. I don't accept that it is an inevitability, but for my part, I do believe that the focus should be on around uniting the people of Northern Ireland together. I've often said to Leo, don't always be obsessed with the opinion polls, because they give a different result 'That very much a focus on reconciliation, but a focus on actually serving their needs. 'While others are preoccupied by these big constitutional debates, for me, it should be about getting on and actually delivering the education system our people want. 'The tackling those big health waiting lists, tackling those big issues that face us here in Northern Ireland, because that's what's impacting on people's lives, day in and day out.' Taosieach Micheál Martin said his focus is on the 'reconciliation' between all traditions on the island, as well as Britain and Ireland's relationship. 'I'm very much focused on the hard ground, building relationships. I think what we're doing today is part of that agenda,' he said. 'I'm not going to anticipate what's going to happen in the British election in two or three years time. 'I've often said to Leo, don't always be obsessed with the opinion polls, because they give a different result. 'My own experience bears that out. Point is, I don't know what is going to happen in the British election.' Northern Ireland First Minister Michelle O'Neill said the 'prudent' thing to do is to plan for what is 'potentially' happening in years to come (Liam McBurney/PA) He added: 'Our agenda has to be to try and use the this moment to advance issues of common interest and to get things done. 'We have witnessed a significant change in the relationship between the United Kingdom government and the Irish Government on a number of fronts.' Tánaiste Simon Harris said that every Taoiseach aspires to see 'our country united'. He added: 'But we do have a huge amount of work to do, and I share the Taoiseach's view in relation to that body of work. 'At the moment, I think relations between the British and Irish governments are at the best they have been in a very long time. 'We have good and honourable interlocutors in London working with, I hope, what they find to be good and honourable interlocutors in Dublin and in Belfast. 'So whilst I certainly don't think Leo's comments are wrong, I think that's where the focus of the Irish Government is at in the here and now.' Northern Ireland first minister Michelle O'Neill said the 'prudent' thing to do is to plan for what is 'potentially' happening in years to come. She said it is possible to 'chew gum and walk at the same time'. 'I think we can have good relationships, build good relationships. That's always going to be a good thing,' the Sinn Féin MLA said. 'I think we can cooperate on our own mutual interest that we're talking about today here at the North South Ministerial Council. 'Equally, I think we have to plan for constitutional change and set out the argument so people can make mature, rational decisions about what world they see themselves. 'We all have a stake in the future, so let's now plan for it.' Read More Man charged with sexually assaulting woman and assaulting her teenage daughter in West Cork