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Democrats say they were left in dark about plans for US strikes on Iran

Democrats say they were left in dark about plans for US strikes on Iran

The Guardiana day ago

Senior Democrats have claimed they were left in the dark about operation Midnight Hammer, the US's highly coordinated strike on Saturday on Iran's nuclear enrichment program.
Neither the US senator Mark Warner of Virginia nor representative Jim Himes of Connecticut, both top Democrats on the Senate and House intelligence panels, were briefed before the attack, according to reports.
But that came amid claims that Republican counterparts were given advance notice of the operation, which involved 125 aircraft – including seven B-2 bombers carrying 14 bunker busters weighing three tons – and 75 Tomahawk missiles launched from US submarines. Axios reported that the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, had been informed shortly before the attacks began at 6.40pm eastern time.
Himes's committee staff received notification about the strike from the Pentagon only after Donald Trump made the announcement on social media soon before 8pm, according to the outlet.
The president's defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, told a press conference early on Sunday that the strikes 'took months and weeks of positioning and preparation so that we could be ready when the president called'.
'It took misdirection and the highest of operational security,' Hegseth said, in part alluding to the US's deployment of B-2 bombers to the Pacific island of Guam earlier on Saturday.
The US attack of Iran came as most Democrats had left Washington for the Juneteenth holiday – but the apparent lack of forewarning to lawmakers on intelligence committees is striking. Top lawmakers are typically informed of military operations in advance.
'Cost, duration, risk to our troops, strategy – the basics before we make a decision of this consequence,' Chris Coons, a senior Democratic member of the Senate foreign relations committee, said last week.
Senators are expected to receive a briefing next week. But the signs that an attack was imminent were there to see: additional US military assets had been moved into the region, and the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, had postponed a briefing with the Senate intelligence committee last week.
Moderate and progressive Democrats have been in conflict over the engagement of US forces in support of Israel. Trump's use of force could now deepen the ideological schism.
Senator Adam Schiff, a California Democrat, told CNN on Sunday that 'the destruction of these facilities is a positive in the sense that it will set back Iran's program'. But he warned that Iran could now 'sprint for a bomb'.
He added that the strikes were 'not constitutional' and Congress should be brought in 'on an action this substantial that could lead to a major outbreak of war'. But Schiff refused to be drawn in on whether the world was safer following the strike. 'We simply don't know,' he said.
Schiff maintained that in absence of a briefing 'this is an order that should not have been given'.
Prominent Democrats with 2028 presidential aspirations have been notably silent on the 10-day war between Israel and Iran. 'They are sort of hedging their bets,' said Joel Rubin, a former deputy assistant secretary of state during the Obama administration.
'The beasts of the Democratic party's constituencies right now are so hostile to Israel's war in Gaza that it's really difficult to come out looking like one would corroborate an unauthorized war that supports Israel without blowback.'
But some had spoken out. The California congressman Ro Khanna called the White House threats of an attack on Iran 'a defining moment for our party'. That came as progressive and isolationist lawmakers on the right found themselves uncomfortably aligned.
Khanna had introduced legislation with the Kentucky Republican US House member Thomas Massie that called on Trump to 'terminate' the use of US armed forces against Iran unless 'explicitly authorized' by a declaration of war from Congress.
Following the strike, Khanna posted on X: 'Trump struck Iran without any authorization of Congress. We need to immediately return to DC and vote on [Massie] and my War Powers Resolution to prevent America from being dragged into another endless Middle East war.'
Massie said in response to the strikes: 'This is not Constitutional.'
The independent US senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who caucuses with the Democrats, said supporting the Israeli prime minister Benjamin 'Netanyahu's war against Iran would be a catastrophic mistake'. He introduced legislation prohibiting the use of federal money for force against Iran.
The New York congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said on X that the decision to attack Iran's nuclear sites was 'disastrous'.
'The President's disastrous decision to bomb Iran without authorization is a grave violation of the Constitution and Congressional War Powers. He has impulsively risked launching a war that may ensnare us for generations. It is absolutely and clearly grounds for impeachment,' Ocasio-Cortez wrote.
On NBC's Meet the Press, Vice-President JD Vance maintained that it was untrue to say that Saturday's strikes in Iran exceeded Trump's presidential authority.
Schiff, meanwhile, declined to support calls for impeachment proceedings against Trump, saying the failure to brief Democrats ahead of the strike was 'another partisan exercise'.

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He said he'd take up to two weeks to decide if he'd deploy US bunker-busters against Iran – then did so after two days. Trump's administration let it be known that B-2 bombers were on their way across the Pacific – while the real strike force was heading for Iran over the Atlantic . US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth claimed Iran's nuclear bombmaking facilities had been 'obliterated'. Its top military man, General Dan 'Razin' Caine, was more cautious, saying initial estimates were that all three nuclear sites attacked – Natanz, Isfahan and Fordow – suffered 'sustained severe damage' but it would take time to establish a more complete picture. Trump wants Iran to restart talks to give up its nuclear capabilities . That's his preferred option. But he's equally clear that if Tehran refuses or, worse, retaliates for yesterday's strike, then he will authorise further assaults. He's certainly assembled the firepower in the region to deliver his threat – including two massive aircraft carrier groups. The real significance of what happened at the weekend is that, should the Iranian regime decide to escalate the conflict or continue to pursue its nuclear ambitions, it will face not just Israel, but the combined military might of Israel and the United States. That is a truly historic development – and should give Iran cause to pause. But nobody really knows who is running the show in Tehran now. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is 86, in very poor health, bereft of several of his closest advisers ( killed by Israel ), holed up in a bunker for his own safety and without an agreed heir apparent. His lifelong strategy – to arm Iran with nuclear weapons and establish it as the dominant power in the Middle East – lies in tatters. Iran is on its knees. The idea he or those around him are still capable of a coherent or rational response may be fanciful. In the aftermath of yesterday's attack, Iran's parliament voted to authorise the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which most Gulf oil and gas passes in massive tankers . But that decision can only be taken by Khamenei in cahoots with his national security council. It would certainly cause the global economy some short-term pain as energy prices spiked. But it would also be a body blow to the regime, which needs fossil-fuel revenues to sustain the military and pay the Revolutionary Guards and assorted thugs that are so vital to it keeping its grip on power. The risk is that hotheads gain the upper hand – as they have in the past – and go for a scorched earth policy, realising the game is up but determined to take whoever they can down with them. So, close the Strait of Hormuz, fire missiles at the oil and gas fields of the Gulf states and wreak revenge on US bases in the region. But any of that would bring the full might of American and Israeli air power down on the regime's head, leaving it not just without a nuclear capability but without a functioning economy – a likely precursor to the overthrow of a dictatorship that has long passed its sell-by date for most Iranians. Israel and the US deny regime change is the goal. But Washington and Jerusalem both know that the best guarantee of a non-nuclear Iran is a more reasonable, post-Islamist government in Tehran. It is, of course, for Iranians to determine their government. Nobody is talking about boots on the ground. Aerial bombing is a somewhat blunt and inexact way of creating conditions for a better government. But America and Israel are agreed that now is the time to keep up the pressure on a regime responsible for so much misery – an alliance buoyed by the better prospects its demise would bring for Israel, America, the Sunni Arabs in the Gulf and, above all, the Iranian people. It's certainly a more worthy goal than the usual hand-wringing, vacuous calls for 'de-escalation' and 'stability' from European leaders, including our own Keir Starmer, who clearly disapproved of the US strike yet welcomed the setback to Iran's nuclear ambitions – a classic case, if ever there was one, of willing the ends but not the means. No matter. Britain and Europe don't even have walk-on parts in the events unfolding in the Middle East. They are mere spectators who think they still count – but thankfully don't. America and Israel, with the tacit support of the Sunni Arabs, are showing that strength, properly deployed in a good cause, can make a difference. Britain and Europe barely have any strength these days – which explains why they disparage its use. The world should be grateful that neither is in the driving seat.

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